# taz.de -- Between Libya and South Africa: Hunting Gaddafi's Gold | |
> Where is the dictator's treasure? Two Germans are searching for it. They | |
> have connections to right-wing extremists. | |
Bild: Libya's ex-dictator Muammar al-Gaddafi | |
The treasure we are talking about was stolen from the Libyan people. | |
Muammar al-Gaddafi, longtime dictator, amassed a huge fortune fed by the | |
continuous sale of oil. Before his death, he had money shipped abroad on | |
planes – billions of dollars. | |
Gaddafi died in 2011. A good chunk of his wealth is still stored in bank | |
accounts outside Libya, some of it frozen due to international sanctions, | |
some of it not. Another part is housed in vaults all over the world. Gold | |
bars, diamonds, dollar bills. An enormous treasure. | |
Where there is treasure, there are treasure hunters. We get a tip-off: Two | |
men from Germany are said to be secretly working on tracking down Libyan | |
assets abroad and taking them out of the countries where they are currently | |
stored. The men have dubious connections: Swedish neo-Nazis who fought as | |
mercenaries in eastern Ukraine, far-right preppers in Germany, hardcore | |
libertarians who reject the nation state. And they have good connections to | |
Libya, a country now scarred by civil war. | |
One of the men is a former policeman from the German state of | |
Baden-Württemberg, who worked, among other things, for a SWAT team. | |
Allegedly he has established a relationship with the Gaddafi family. The | |
other is an IT entrepreneur and consultant from around Munich, a busy | |
networker who does not fear getting in contact with the far-right. | |
We want to find out how these men are hunting for Gaddafi’s treasures and | |
on whose behalf. Their search raises a question: Who will receive this | |
money in the end? The Libyan government? Gaddafi’s Children? Someone else | |
entirely? A treasure like this falling into the wrong hands could cause a | |
lot of damage – far beyond Northern Africa. | |
In one week, the Gaddafi clan could return to power in Libya. The | |
presidential election is scheduled for the 24th of December, Gaddafi’s son | |
Saif al-Islam is running. If elected, he could in the future have access to | |
the frozen billions abroad. But so far, he apparently chose another way to | |
track down the hidden gold: treasure hunters. | |
Our search leads us to Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, to Sweden, to Greece, | |
to Ukraine and to South Africa. We spoke to investigators and diplomats, to | |
people from the security industry and scientists. This story is a glimpse | |
into a shadow world worth billions. | |
## The Treasure | |
In the beginning of 2011, the Arab Spring reached Libya, an uprising and a | |
civil war followed. Many members of the Gaddafi family fled the country, | |
taking with them as many valuables as they could pack into their cars. | |
Finally, in October 2011, more than four decades of Gaddafi rule ended with | |
men from the revolutionary forces dragging the former dictator out of his | |
hiding place in a concrete pipe. He was shot dead. | |
The United Nations passed a resolution back in early 2011 stating that | |
foreign assets from Libya should be frozen worldwide. At the time, there | |
were talks of more than $60 billion – only a portion of the overall assets. | |
The transitional government that ruled over the country after overthrowing | |
Gaddafi, needed cash to rebuild the state. Some of the money can be | |
identified because it used to be an official state investment – it remains | |
however difficult to recover. Another part of Libya’s wealth must first be | |
tracked down, as assets are often disguised by complicated corporate | |
constructs and ostensible front men. | |
At this point, a process called asset recovery begins, to repatriate wealth | |
stolen by autocrats. Asset recovery is a very technical term. The idea | |
behind it: The recovered wealth of a country should benefit its citizens. | |
The obligation to repatriate stolen state assets is enshrined in the United | |
Nations Convention against Corruption. The World Bank conservatively | |
estimates that between 20 and 40 billion dollars are stolen each year | |
through corruption in countries of the global South and hidden abroad. But | |
only a fraction is eventually returned to its country of origin. | |
Switzerland, for example, has boasted about returning, since 1986, some 2 | |
billion dollars to the countries they were taken from. Only 2 billion, that | |
is. | |
While asset recovery sounds great in theory, it rarely becomes concrete. | |
The United Nations Security Council has its own body that deals with Libyan | |
assets abroad: the Panel of Experts. Their job, among others: to track down | |
funds so they can be frozen. The repatriation itself is not a part of it. | |
Interpol, the international police organization, also has an asset recovery | |
unit, that does not hold investigative authority. The country concerned | |
must do the investigation by itself, just like Libya. And that makes things | |
complicated. „It's a complete mess,“ says a UN representative. | |
After Gaddafi’s death, Libya's interim government took it upon itself to | |
recover Gaddafi’s stolen assets. An asset recovery authority was set up. | |
But soon, oversight on which minister ordered whom to search abroad for the | |
assets was lost. On the hunt are: law firms, large enterprises, two-man | |
companies, private detectives, and even journalists. They are promised a | |
commission for their success – usually 10 percent, which is why they have | |
been named “the tenpercenters“. | |
Some searches became public. But no major successes have been reported. | |
Criminal groups also posed as official Libyan representatives. Others | |
claimed to have identified funds, which then turned out to be a ploy to | |
extract money from other peoples’ pockets. Knowing for sure who was | |
actually in charge soon became impossible in the rising civil war. | |
It is unclear who exactly is allowed to claim these assets lying abroad. | |
Authorities in other countries are therefore reluctant to cooperate with | |
Libya, where at times there were several competing governments. It is | |
understandable that in this situation, states such as Germany do not allow | |
repatriation to Libya – if sanctions don’t outlaw this in the given case. | |
They do, however, not actively search for further hidden assets or initiate | |
proceedings themselves. | |
## The Hiding Place | |
In South Africa, in the spring of 2019, suddenly, there were rumors of | |
money, gold and diamonds. Gaddafi’s treasure. | |
30 million dollars in cash, [1][the Johannesburg based Sunday Times | |
reported], had first been stored in the residence of ex-President Jacob | |
Zuma in Nkandla, a favor to his old friend Gaddafi, who gave it to Zuma | |
before his death in 2011. But the former president, who is now facing a | |
prison sentence for corruption and money laundering, had probably grown | |
afraid that the South African secret service could become aware of the | |
Libyan millions in his basement. He quickly had it shipped out of the | |
country to Eswatini, in five separate tranches. Eswatini, formerly known as | |
Swaziland, is a small kingdom between South Africa and Mozambique, the last | |
absolute monarchy on the continent. The money was deposited in its central | |
bank, was supposed to be laundered, and then brought back to South Africa – | |
and at some point, to Libya. | |
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Zuma's successor since 2018, took | |
care of the matter personally. Accompanied by two ministers, he took a | |
flight to Eswatini in March 2019 and spoke with King Mswati III. The king | |
initially stated he knew nothing about the money. He then confirmed its | |
presence. Officially, nothing further happened after. | |
The fact that [2][a large share of Gaddafi’s assets have landed in southern | |
Africa] is no coincidence. The dictator had been close with Mandela, and | |
also invested in South Africa. When revolutionaries gained the upper hand | |
in Libya, Zuma made an offer to his friend: Exile in South Africa. He chose | |
not to accept. | |
The U.N. Panel of Experts noted that, according to authorities in South | |
Africa, Libyan assets have been identified in four banks and two | |
warehouses; valuables had also been deposited at Johannesburg's O.R. Tambo | |
Airport – cash, precious metals, and precious stones worth tens of billions | |
of dollars. | |
A letter from the South African Attorney General's Office, obtained by taz, | |
describes how the transport allegedly took place. According to the letter, | |
the operation began in January 2009. Large amounts of cash and gold were | |
brought to Zimbabwe in cargo planes, Boeing 747s. | |
Gaddafi, on the 18th of January 2009, traveled there in person to | |
coordinate the operation. He there met his confidant Zuma, the later | |
president. From Harare, the transport continued with cargo planes, painted | |
white, without a clear identification tag. 69 flights in total. | |
Taz also obtained a document from the South African Standard Bank, dated | |
May 2013, which states that Libyan assets amounting to 206 billion U.S. | |
dollars are being held, including the value of the stored gold, but | |
excluding diamonds and other precious stones. Allegedly, hundreds of tons | |
of gold and at least six million carats of diamonds were involved. The | |
document also contains an estimate of how much these assets are worth: at | |
least $1.38 trillion. 1,380,000,000,000. An incredible amount. | |
If this is true. Because time and time again, forged documents turn up. Or | |
real documents stating things that are to be doubted. In this text, many | |
things we found out during our research have not been included. Because | |
they cannot be proven. | |
A myth has long grown around this treasure. This is also helped by the fact | |
that what subsequently happened in South Africa sounds like a spy thriller, | |
composed by a screenwriter who lost control over his storyline. | |
For example, a brief glimpse: Starting in 2012, dozens of treasure hunters | |
arrived in Johannesburg. [3][Two companies got into an actual race]. Both | |
claimed to be the only ones with an official mandate to secure Libyan | |
assets. People close to President Zuma played a role in these deals, | |
including the head of security for South Africa's ruling party ANC. An | |
intermediary who claimed to have personally unloaded packages of banknotes | |
from an airplane was shot dead in Belgrade. The head of one search firm was | |
kidnapped, his competitor fell under suspicion. He claimed it had been a | |
regular arrest. In 2015, the UN Panel of Experts determined that these | |
companies were in part operating with forged documents, and that the Libyan | |
authority who had allegedly commissioned their search did not even exist. | |
Their investigation did not go any further. | |
## The Hunter | |
In January 2013, [4][German police officer Thomas B.] traveled to Tripoli, | |
Libya. It was not his first visit. His destination: a trade fair called | |
„Military, Defence & Security“. Thomas B. first worked for the SEK in | |
Baden-Württemberg, as the squad leader of a precision rifle unit. He then | |
became head of a riot police unit in Böblingen. | |
Thomas B. is a medium-tall guy with short brown hair, a fleshy nose and a | |
square chin. He tries very hard to not have any photos of him on the | |
internet. However, he can be found in an older reality TV series about | |
police operations. In one episode he jumps out of a helicopter wearing a | |
camouflage suit and a sniper rifle. On his Linkedin profile, he states his | |
motto: „Going where others won't“. | |
Between 2005 and 2007, Thomas B. and other German elite police officers and | |
soldiers traveled to Tripoli several times, to train Gaddafi’s security | |
forces on behalf of a northern German company. They however had no | |
permission from their superiors, which makes their travels illegal by | |
German law. | |
In total, at least 30 active or former German officers, including some from | |
special units, SEK and GSG9, made their way to Tripoli. Some stayed for | |
weeks, some for months. Officially, they were on sick leave or on vacation. | |
In reality, they trained Gaddafi’s forces in shooting and urban warfare. | |
In 2008, their travels became public. The media called this scandal “the | |
Libya affair“. | |
A disciplinary ruling stated that Thomas B. had „irreversibly lost the | |
trust of his employer and the general public as a result of the serious | |
misconduct he committed.“ The Libya affair was never really resolved. It | |
was never established whether Thomas B. or other German trainers had shared | |
secret knowledge that they possessed as members of the special forces. | |
For Thomas B., the affair did not mean the end of his involvement with | |
Libya. On the contrary. With some others, he founded a consortium, a merger | |
of companies, to engage in business with Libya. Their proposition: | |
„complete solutions for our customers' needs in security, aviation, rescue | |
and equipment“, the website states to this day. | |
When Thomas B., in early 2013, after Gaddafi’s death, traveled to Tripoli | |
for the Military and Security fair, he was officially still a police | |
officer. His trip is confirmed by several of his business partners from | |
that period. At the time, many businessmen in the security industry saw | |
Libya as a new market that needed to be occupied quickly. „It was a | |
gold-rush atmosphere back then,“ says one of B.'s business partners. | |
Another man who was present states that Thomas B. had been very busy those | |
days, rushing from appointment to appointment. He also says that, at the | |
fair, someone showed him a photograph. Depicted: a truck parked in a | |
warehouse. A truck full of dollar bills. | |
It is uncertain whether Thomas B. got the idea of tracking down Gaddafi’s | |
money and gold at the trade fair in Tripoli. But at some point during this | |
time his new business idea comes to him: hunting for Gaddafi’s treasure. | |
Thomas B. later became co-managing director of Sotcon, a small security | |
company based in Stuttgart, Southern Germany. He is also the director of a | |
foundation, at least that's what is stated on an archived version of the | |
“United Recovery Foundation for Libya“’s website. It shows a city view of | |
Tripoli in the background, Thomas B.'s cell phone number is listed. The | |
purpose of the foundation is stated: “to receive hidden, stolen and frozen | |
assets and return the assets to the people of Libya (…)“. To do this, | |
according to the website, they have a mandate from the Libyan House of | |
Representatives. | |
But: Of all the experts and insiders we have spoken to, no one has heard | |
ever of this foundation. | |
A call to the US, to the man named as CEO. His business: To help others | |
quickly set up an NGO or foundation. A foundation can make even the | |
shadiest character seem pristine. | |
## A Camouflage Organization? | |
About the United Recovery Foundation for Libya, he states that they have a | |
very prestigious board of directors. He can’t name any of them for security | |
reasons, he says. And that they enjoy high-level support from both sides in | |
Libya. Among them: members of the Gaddafi family. Everything else: strictly | |
confidential. | |
But then he says: The initiative for the establishment of the foundation | |
came from the German company Sotcon, Thomas B.'s company. It was also | |
Sotcon, who had the mandate for the repatriation, and corresponding | |
contracts with „several sides“. And he says that Sotcon had identified | |
Libyan assets abroad. | |
It is quite possible that Sotcon has a letter from the Libyan House of | |
Representatives. Which is not too meaningful, because in the tangle of | |
responsibilities, no one knows exactly who has been putting stamps on | |
papers in the name of the parliament in eastern Libya, which hasn't been | |
elected since 2014. That, of all possible options, this dubious foundation, | |
has managed to acquire the support of all the opposing sides in Libya's | |
civil war is considered highly unlikely by experts. The House of | |
Representatives has not responded to several taz inquiries. According to | |
the UN, such mandates are not in their field of competence anyways. | |
Is the United Recovery Foundation for Libya just a front organization to | |
give Thomas B.'s treasure hunt a legitimate appearance? Who is Thomas B. | |
actually working for? | |
## The Partner | |
In the summer of 2019, another German turns up looking for Gaddafi’s | |
treasure. And he states that he is working together with Thomas B. | |
His name is Sandro L., a Bavarian in his late thirties. He has previously | |
worked as a real estate agent and as a band manager, then founded various | |
small companies, some in the IT sector. Thomas B. and Sandro L. then went | |
on a joint search for Gaddafi’s gold. An ex-police officer and a | |
businessman. | |
Sandro L. is well-connected. He asked Josef H., a former member of the | |
German Bundestag for the conservative CSU party, to help him establish some | |
contacts. The ex-deputy was a door opener, he facilitated appointments, for | |
example with companies from the security industry. The plans Sandro L. laid | |
out at these meetings are adventurous. We find sources that describe to us | |
what Sandro L. said. | |
L. talked about tracking down money in southern Africa and getting it out | |
of the country, first by land, then by air. They have the official order | |
from Libya, he supposedly said, and now they’re in need of equipment and | |
armed personnel. Sandro L. is also said to have mentioned [5][the Uniter | |
association] in this context. Uniter was founded by a former soldier of the | |
KSK, the German army special forces military command, and prepper | |
[6][“Hannibal“]. Today it is monitored by the Federal Office for the | |
Protection of the Constitution as a [7][suspected right-wing extremist | |
case]. An investigation by taz had revealed that Uniter wanted to set up an | |
armed unit, a kind of mercenary force. | |
Ex-CSU deputy Josef H., who is said to have helped L., says he knows Sandro | |
L. from private parties. And he claims that he has never engaged in any | |
business dealings with him. | |
It is not easy to find out what exactly Sandro L. is doing today and where | |
he lives. He is listed on the website of a law firm in Kiev, responsible | |
for „Business Development'‘. The law firm is located in an expensive area | |
of the city center. Sandro L. hasn't been to the office for a long time, | |
says the secretary in the reception room. We get no answer to e-mails. | |
More revealing are the traces Sandro L. has left behind on the internet. In | |
2017, he registered a company in London for projects in the financial | |
services sector. It also offers security solutions to profit in „emerging | |
markets“ and analysis of geopolitical risks. According to information on | |
the website, the company has cooperated with a training center for private | |
security and military companies in Kiev. | |
In search of Sandro L., we drive to a small town in Upper Bavaria, not far | |
from Munich. A family home in a quiet side street. No name on the door, | |
mailbox, doorbell. There are two cars in the driveway. One is a silver | |
Mercedes, a somewhat older model. There is a man in the passenger seat, | |
wearing jeans and sneakers, cleaning the car. We approach him. | |
„Hello Mr. L.“ | |
„Who are you looking for?“ | |
„Sandro L.“ | |
„You're in the wrong place.“ | |
But the man looks exactly like Sandro L. in photos. It is him. This is how | |
the conversation will go on for the two hours that we stand and talk in | |
front of his house on this late afternoon in autumn. Sandro L. denies | |
everything, then admits a little bit. And in the process, gets entangled in | |
contradictions. | |
First Sandro L. claims that he had heard about the Libya project but had | |
nothing to do with it. He says Thomas B. had told him about it and said | |
that it was about „billions and billions“. He had also shown him an | |
official document. The money was to be returned to the Libyan people, which | |
was a good thing, says Sandro L. Then, after asking several times, he | |
admits to asking around a little, at Thomas B.'s request, checking for | |
contacts who would be able to help. | |
„How many people did you ask?“ | |
„Not even ten, this is a sensitive topic, you have to be careful.“ | |
Sandro L. during our conversation denies that he searched for help with | |
equipment and personnel for the transport. First of all, he says, their | |
plan had only gone so far as finding the treasure, and didn’t even get to | |
bringing it out of the country. Uniter, he says, he has only read about. | |
Sandro L. coquettes, he makes jokes, offers cigarettes. And at crucial | |
points he always says: I don't really remember. | |
## The Witness | |
His former business partner doesn’t suffer from memory loss, as does Sandro | |
L. His name is Mikael S. and is as a known neo-Nazi. He hails from Sweden | |
and has been active in various right-wing extremist organizations since his | |
teenage years. Mikael S. served in the army for seven years, then, like | |
other foreigners, was drawn to Ukraine. He joined the far-right Azov | |
regiment and fought against Russian-backed separatists in the east of the | |
country. Today, he's taking it a little easier. He’s now on the road as a | |
security consultant, often in Africa. | |
Mikael S. is now in his mid-40s. We talk to him on Zoom. Behind him pass | |
the streets of Kiev, lined with high-rises, as he explains that the joint | |
company was about working in gray areas, private investigations, for | |
example. | |
Mikael S. confirms: Sandro L. and Thomas B. had planned to track down and | |
secure hidden money in Africa – for a success commission. Mikael S. was to | |
become a middleman. He is the right person for this job: He has combat | |
experience, knows people who can handle weapons. And he regularly traveled | |
to different African countries. | |
There was a contract, Mikael S. says, Thomas B. had once shown him a | |
document. And he says something else: Thomas B. is acting on behalf of the | |
Gaddafi family, not for the benefit of the Libyan people. | |
If this is true, Thomas B. could also have committed a criminal offense | |
under German law. A violation of financial sanctions is punishable by up to | |
five years in prison or a fine. Other offenses such as money laundering | |
might also apply. However, according to our research, there is no | |
indication that the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany are | |
interested in the fact that some of their citizens are searching for Libyan | |
assets abroad. | |
Thomas B. has built up good relations with the family, according to sources | |
close to him. He’s particularly familiar with one of Gaddafi’s sons. He had | |
even helped family members to get across the border and flee Libya after | |
the fall of the regime, so he told others. It is quite possible that Thomas | |
B. is also working on behalf of the Gaddafi clan now. According to Mikael | |
S., this is what he heard too. | |
That the Gaddafi family is interested in the assets in South Africa, is | |
known. „They want to use the assets in order to support pro-Gaddafi | |
candidates in future elections“, says James Shaw, asset recovery consultant | |
at the UN Institute for Interregional Crime and Justice Research in | |
Brussels. Government circles in South Africa say that the second eldest | |
son, Saif al-Islam, wants to access the assets believed to be there. If | |
South Africa were to grant this, it would be a clear violation of UN | |
sanctions. | |
## Contact with Uniter | |
He doesn't know what happened to the treasure hunt, Mikael S says, as he | |
didn't want anything to do with it. | |
Former policeman and treasure hunter Thomas B. does not answer his phone. | |
He neither replies to several text messages nor e-mails. It therefore | |
remains unclear how far he has come and who really hired him. | |
It is also open whether this is just a job for Thomas B. or whether there | |
is an ideological component. | |
It is interesting to see where Sandro L. and Thomas B. stand politically. | |
Sandro L. moves in circles of libertarian anarcho-capitalists. Apparently, | |
this is where the two treasure hunters got to know each other. At least | |
that's what Mikael S. says. Libertarians are people who consider taxation | |
to be theft and the right to property to be the holy grail. | |
The idea of a private mercenary troop that moves through foreign countries | |
and searches for treasures fits perfectly into the worldview of radical | |
libertarians. Because in this world, the state is supposed to be passive | |
and private actors are allowed to do as they please. Uniter, to which | |
certainly Thomas B. and apparently also Sandro L. had contact, has tried | |
exactly that. It had begun to build up a paramilitary unit. | |
## The Curse | |
It was a mistake, says diplomat Martin Kobler, that he and his colleagues | |
in Libya at the time did not look more closely at the assets that had been | |
set aside. They should have paid much more attention to financial flows | |
that did not go through official channels, he says. | |
Kobler is a career diplomat, having represented Germany around the world, | |
in Cairo, New Delhi and Baghdad. From 2015 to 2017, he was the UN special | |
envoy to Libya. He has invited us to his Berlin apartment, where he is | |
moving books from one room to another. On the wall are maps and souvenirs | |
from various countries, wooden masks, a curved dagger. He is now retired | |
and can speak more freely. | |
In Libya, Martin Kobler says, the main goal had been to bring the state | |
back together, to stabilize its political institutions. At the time, they | |
had not been concerned with asset recovery. Money had never been a problem | |
as long as oil kept flowing. „Libya is the most oil-rich country in Africa, | |
so in theory it is very wealthy.“ | |
Martin Kobler says, „We didn't look close enough there. I would do that | |
differently today.“ He says it is a fundamental mistake not to look at a | |
country's wealth, often the most important cause of conflict. | |
Since March of this year, Libya has a new transitional government, | |
supported by the United Nations, a national unity government – no one knows | |
how much power it really holds. Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbaiba has taken | |
charge of the funds hidden abroad. The responsible authority in Tripoli now | |
directly reports to him. They have again officially commissioned private | |
investigation firms to search for the assets. | |
## Elections in Libya | |
Elections are to be held in Libya on December 24, but they are likely to be | |
postponed again. There's a vague hope for political stability, but also | |
disruptive factors. Saif al-Islam is back, 49 years old, Gaddafi’s second | |
oldest son. An arrest warrant against him has been issued by the | |
International Criminal Court. And there have long been rumors that he has | |
political ambitions. He has now laid claim to power and wants to become | |
president of Libya. He needs money to do so. The election commission | |
initially did not approve him as a candidate, but a court later ruled: He | |
may run. | |
In southern Africa, Gaddafi’s treasure, or at least part of it, apparently | |
still lies in Eswatini. The U.S. flagged these dollar notes more than a | |
year ago. The US is capable of doing that because the treasure consists | |
mainly of U.S. banknotes. Flagged means: Hands off. Three South African | |
government officials entrusted with the matter confirmed this. Any attempt | |
to bring the money into the regular financial system would get one in | |
trouble with the U.S. authorities, they say. Those in charge in South | |
Africa have agreed to let the matter rest for now. Until there is stability | |
in Libya. | |
Even in Libya itself, senior government officials have expressed concern | |
that this wealth will only wreak havoc once it returns to the country and | |
is redistributed. Some of it could be siphoned off – or might have already | |
– into dark channels en route. A 10 percent commission alone would be an | |
enormous sum if it fell into the wrong hands. | |
The hunt for Gaddafi’s treasure is not over yet. But it might be for the | |
better if it is never uncovered. | |
Qaanitah Hunter contributed reporting. | |
Translated from German by Lisa Schneider. | |
10 Dec 2021 | |
## LINKS | |
[1] https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-times/news/2019-04-07-jacob-zuma-hid-mua… | |
[2] https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m000st2l | |
[3] https://www.arte.tv/de/videos/088469-000-A/die-jagd-nach-gaddafis-milliarde… | |
[4] /taz-Recherche-zu-rechtem-Netzwerk/!5577832 | |
[5] /Uniter/!t5549503 | |
[6] /taz-Recherche-auf-Englisch/!5558072 | |
[7] /Uniter-und-der-Verfassungsschutz/!5697547 | |
## AUTOREN | |
Sebastian Erb | |
Luisa Kuhn | |
Daniel Schulz | |
## TAGS | |
Schwerpunkt Libyenkrieg | |
Muammar al-Gaddafi | |
Libyen | |
Südafrika | |
Jacob Zuma | |
Uniter | |
IG | |
GNS | |
Gaddafi | |
Südafrika | |
Schwerpunkt Hannibals Schattennetzwerk | |
## ARTIKEL ZUM THEMA | |
Jagd nach Gaddafi-Vermögen: Schatzjäger mit rechtsextremem Netz | |
taz-Recherchen zeigen: Deutsche mit rechtsextremen Verbindungen suchen den | |
Milliardenschatz des einstigen libyschen Diktators. | |
Südafrikas Ex-Präsident verurteilt: Jacob Zuma muss ins Gefängnis | |
Jacob Zuma, Ex-Chef der Befreiungsbewegung ANC, schaffte es, das Image | |
Südafrikas umzudrehen. Sein Name steht für Machtmissbrauch und Korruption. | |
Franco A. und seine Verbindungen: Tief in Hannibals Netz | |
Der rechtsextreme Soldat Franco A. steht vor Gericht. Nach langen | |
Recherchen zum Netzwerk, zu dem er gehört: Ein Überblick in 300 | |
Verknüpfungen. |