| # taz.de -- Migration policy in Libya: Where hope is dying | |
| > The country is drowning into chaos, the traffickers use it to smuggle | |
| > migrants and refugees to Europe. No good climate for the EU to find | |
| > partners. | |
| Bild: Libyan Red Crescent members carry a deceased migrants body away from the … | |
| Each of the 241 passengers on the flight of Libyan Airways received a | |
| personal hygiene kit, underwear, a shirt, jogging suit and shoes. All | |
| sponsored by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The 241 | |
| refugees from Nigeria, who entered the Airbus A330 in August, were on their | |
| way home. They had abandoned their dream of Europe, had broken the Libyan | |
| reality and would rather return to the uncertainty of their homeland. | |
| Each of their fates is a reminder of how vulnerable migrants are in Libya: | |
| one was attacked, robbed and shot. A twenty-year-old was stopped on the | |
| sea, on his way to Europe, and thrown into jail. The newspaper Libya Herald | |
| said she „I never thought that Libya could be worse than at home. I am glad | |
| to be able to return again. „What they mean by this are the notorious | |
| detainment centers, prisons where migrants are imprisoned to extort money | |
| from them. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty or Human Rights Watch | |
| have gathered dozens of testimonies of torture or ill-treatment committed | |
| by Libyan guards to the inmates. | |
| In fact, anyone who has been illegally or illegally immigrated to Libya is | |
| regarded as a criminal who can be detained for deportation indefinitely, | |
| without judicial or legal assistance. Asylum law has not yet been anchored | |
| in Libyan law; deportations are carried out arbitrarily and without | |
| hearing. | |
| A total of 581 Nigerians have carried the IOM 2016 on these voluntary | |
| return flights to their homeland. 3,000 migrants from Niger and others from | |
| Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea-Conakry, Ghana, Sudan and the Gambia. A | |
| small fraction, compared to the 170,000 refugees who were sent to Italy by | |
| December 2016, while more than 3,000 people drowned on the same escape | |
| route. However, official repatriation agreements do not exist in Libya – | |
| after all, the country is in chaos: more than 300,000 internally displaced | |
| persons (IDP) are among the UN refugee aid UNHCR, most of them due to years | |
| of fighting around the cities of Bengazi and Sirte. | |
| ## Young Transit | |
| The absence of state control in Libya has meant that most refugees are | |
| opting for the risky crossing over the Mediterranean to Europe in the face | |
| of the EU-Turkey Agreement. The EU is therefore trying to implement various | |
| measures in Libya to close this route. But no one knows exactly how much | |
| refugees or migrants are waiting for the crossing. While the European | |
| border protection agency Frontex suspects one million volunteers, serious | |
| estimates go from half. But Libya has only recently changed to a transit | |
| country from a receiving country in which Bangladeshis, Filipinos and | |
| inhabitants of sub-Saharan Africa found work. In 2009, before the fall of | |
| the Libyan dictator Muammar al-Gaddafi, 2.5 million migrants lived there. | |
| Even in 2013, when the country had long since become unstable, it still | |
| accounted for about 1.7 million. | |
| The journey across the Mediterranean was not unusual for a long time. In | |
| the times of the Gaddafi regime, about 40,000 people traveled across the | |
| Mediterranean to Europe every year. The crucial difference: since the | |
| Syrian conflict has broken out, the crises in West Africa and the Horn of | |
| Africa have been added. | |
| For the refugees, two routes to Libya are crucial, which vary according to | |
| the political constellation. Migrants from West Africa, such as Nigeria or | |
| Niger, often travel through the desert town of Sebha in the south-west of | |
| Libya towards the coast. Migrants from Eritrea or Sudan themselves travel | |
| via Khartoum via the Goldgräbercamps around the city of Dongola to Libya. | |
| Once they have crossed the border, they are a game ball in local power | |
| struggles: in the south of Libya between the Tebu and Tuareg tribes. | |
| Whoever has entrusted himself to the wrong smugglers is captured by the | |
| tribes and only released for a high ransom. In the Libyan power vacuum, | |
| where every city and every quarter is its own government, the migrants are | |
| regarded as a welcome source of income. | |
| Threatened by IS | |
| In the south, this has led to the migrants and their smugglers avoid the | |
| city of Kufra because of the fighting and prefer to travel around the | |
| world. In the north, on the other hand, the city of Ajdabiya was long | |
| considered the logistical center of the smugglers, in order to spread the | |
| migrants to the different sites on the coast. Even the policeman of the | |
| city was involved in the smuggling, as a refugee tells: „He is 50 or 60 | |
| years old. He is very cruel. „The fact that Ajdabiya has been abandoned as | |
| a center is representative of the dynamism of the conflict in Libya: the | |
| two great power poles of the country, the Haftar government in the East, | |
| and the unity government supported by the international community West | |
| fought the Islamic state, which had settled in Sirte and Bengasi. The | |
| latter, on the other hand, tried to expand towards the capital of Tripoli. | |
| Thus, the IS had direct access to the migrant routes. | |
| In fact, the Islamists captured hundreds of them and enslaved or murdered | |
| them. Meanwhile, Bani Walid, the oasis city in the west, is the new center | |
| of the smugglers, as the city is far from the front line between the | |
| government in the east and the west. And with the crucial difference that | |
| it takes only hours from here to bring the migrants to the depositories | |
| Subratha and Zawiyah on the coast.The few, still functioning state organs, | |
| which could act against the smugglers, are hopelessly overstrained. Anyone | |
| who visits Captain Ashraf, one of the senior officers of the Libyan coast | |
| guard in Tripoli, knows why he fails in the fight against a million-strong | |
| industry: he has only six inflatable boats available. And „We control only | |
| two coastal sections“ – of six. What happens in the others, he does not | |
| know, there are competing groups. | |
| ## Partner Italy | |
| Under Gaddafi's regime, it looked different: he sent immigrants from | |
| southern African countries to Libya – or looked beyond illegal border | |
| crossings. His followers deserved their transport, and the country's | |
| economy could use cheap labor. Libya was booming, many migrants wanted to | |
| find jobs there. At the same time, Gaddafi used the migrants to threaten | |
| Europe with them. „Should Europe be black?“ Was a phrase that he emitted | |
| gloomily to extort money.After a long period of isolation of Libya as a | |
| terrorist state, Gaddafi returned to the international political scene with | |
| these arguments. In 2000, he signed an anti-terrorist and anti-immigration | |
| agreement with his primary contact person Italy, and in 2008 even a | |
| friendship contract. This led to joint patrols on the Mediterranean, the | |
| establishment of electronic control instruments on Libya's southern border | |
| by Italian companies and Italian assistance in dialogue with the EU. From | |
| 2009, Libya even accepted the admission of refugees to the Libyan coast by | |
| pushing back Italian mariners. | |
| This policy, however, was stopped after violent international criticism | |
| because it violated the law. In the process „Hirsi vs. Italy „at the | |
| European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, there were about 200 people | |
| who had been deported to Libya and from there to their homelands – | |
| including Eritrean claimant Jamaa Hirsi. In 2012, the Court of First | |
| Instance came to the conclusion that Italy had thus infringed the European | |
| Agreement on Human Rights. But at that time the Court had already been | |
| overtaken by the story. Gaddafi was no longer in power, the country was | |
| sinking in chaos, tens of thousands of foreigners fled to Algeria – or even | |
| to Europe – for fear of pogroms. | |
| ## New Approaches | |
| Anyone who wants to pursue migration policy in Libya now no longer has to | |
| rely on a single actor like Gaddafi, who called for 120 million of the EU's | |
| role as EU border guards, but a barely manageable number of groups. | |
| Officially, the fight against smuggling is under the responsibility of the | |
| Department for the Control of Irregular Migration (DCIM), which is – again | |
| officially – under the Libyan Ministry of the Interior. In fact, the local | |
| militia are the ones who hunt migrants and lock into prisons to make money | |
| with them. The single government, which has been governed by Tripoli since | |
| March, under Prime Minister Fayez al-Serraj has so far failed to bring the | |
| 24 country-wide prisons under their control. The EU estimates that a total | |
| of 7 per cent of all migrants are held there. | |
| The EU is slowly coming to the conclusion that its previous policy on Libya | |
| has failed. In the Communication to Parliament and other bodies on a new | |
| partnership framework with third countries, the European Commission | |
| formulates five pillars: financial support of € 100 million for projects; | |
| Protection of refugees already in Libya; GNA Government aid to government | |
| and administration; Technical assistance and security sector reform for | |
| police, criminal justice and border management. The EU is focusing on the | |
| following: EUBAM, the Libyan Border Security Mission, which has existed | |
| since 2013. | |
| Within the framework of the EU's Common Security and Defense Policy, this | |
| mission should work together with Libyan authorities to improve border | |
| management. This included the establishment of inter-ministerial working | |
| groups, the training of coastal units and technical equipment. | |
| Unfortunately, due to the unstable situation, the mission had to move to | |
| Tunisia as early as 2014 – in so great a hurry that, according to the UN | |
| sanctions committee, weapons were left in Tripoli. „They wanted to train us | |
| on much too complicated technical equipment,“ grumbled a border guards, who | |
| checked at the airport Tripoli entrants. Only the most handy training units | |
| for the Libyan coast guard, organized by the 17 remaining EUBAM members, he | |
| praises. The learned boat knot and fuse sweatboxes had been top. „The only | |
| ones who had it, they were themselves. They earned good money,“ he accuses | |
| EUBAM. | |
| In fact, the financial package for the mission is pleasantly padded. EUBAM | |
| Libya has just been relaunched by the EU, with a total budget of 17 million | |
| euros, which must last until August 2017. They are to support Libyan | |
| institutions in the fields of criminal justice, migration, border security | |
| and counter-terrorism. The Coast Guard, Captain Ashraf, said: „The | |
| Europeans have been promising us financial support since October 2015“. He | |
| has never seen any. Obviously the EU has a problem with the unstable | |
| situation in the country, it only wants to support state institutions. But | |
| they are blurred in the chaos of the Libyan power games. | |
| ## Military in the Mediterranean | |
| Nevertheless, the European border protection agency Frontex seems to have | |
| built up a stand in Libya: the agency is cooperating with Libyan border | |
| guards in the multilateral working group AFIC (Africa-Frontex Intelligence | |
| Community) and collecting information there. Just as in 2007, when she was | |
| on a mission to Libya with Gaddafi's border guards because of common | |
| defense against the migrants. | |
| One thing is certain: Europe's security policymakers have enough plans for | |
| Libya in the drawer. From a training mission for Libyan soldiers to the | |
| deployment of the EUROGENDFOR EU policing group, which could be used as a | |
| stabilizing instrument such as in Bosnia or Afghanistan. The most effective | |
| instrument, however, seems to be the EU in the naval operation „EUNavfor | |
| Med Sophia“, in which a European military shipping association is supposed | |
| to prevent the sluicing of people across the Mediterranean. In January 2016 | |
| Enrico Credendino, Commander of the Operation, told the EU Commission that | |
| he had scared the smugglers with his 16 ships and airplanes, and had been | |
| able to arrest 46 smugglers and to destroy 67 boats. How many millions that | |
| had cost him, he did not say. | |
| The EU, in mid-2016, told Operation Sophia to do more: to train the Libyan | |
| coast guard and to prevent the illegal transport of weapons. This could | |
| contribute to a more stable Libya, according to the officially formulated | |
| hope. Until then, the Libyan coast guard has to deal with life buoys, | |
| rescue buoys, torches and other equipment, which was handed over by the | |
| German and the Dutch ambassadors for Libya at the end of November. The 650 | |
| refugees in the Tariq al-Matar prison also received something: clothes and | |
| hygiene kits. A drop on the rocks – nevertheless, the Libyan government is | |
| resisting the demands of the EU countries Austria and Hungary to return | |
| refugees to Libya or even to build up new refugee camps in the country. | |
| 12 Dec 2016 | |
| ## AUTOREN | |
| Alexander Bühler | |
| ## TAGS | |
| migControl | |
| ## ARTIKEL ZUM THEMA |