# taz.de -- Migration policy in Algeria: Penalties for everything | |
> Algeria is a role model of migration control: there are penalties for | |
> leaving the country and the nation takes back its deported expatriates. | |
> Yet its leadership is proving to be a difficult co-operation partner. | |
Bild: 2012: Syrian refugees camp in Algiers | |
Algeria is a classic emigration nation. “Legal“ migration, meaning that | |
which is officially accepted by the receiving countries, remains an | |
important source of income for the Algerian state. In June 2012, the number | |
of Algerian national citizens living abroad was indicated by authorities to | |
be 1.886 million. 1.718 million were in Europe, among them 1.491 million in | |
former colonial ruler France. | |
While Algeria borders on the Mediterranean Sea, it is relatively distant | |
from European shores, islands and territories. Direct pressure on Algeria | |
from the European Union to prevent migration movements is not as starkly | |
visible as in the cases of Morocco and Tunisia, or Libya. | |
There are two further factors limiting EU pressure for Algeria's | |
co-operation in migration control. Firstly, Algerian national leadership is | |
concerned with preserving national sovereignty. Secondly, as a key provider | |
of oil and natural gas, also to many EU countries, Algeria is not as | |
economically weak and susceptible to blackmail as some other nations on the | |
African continent. | |
## „Burn“ the borders | |
In any case, Algeria's diplomatic representatives abroad often do very | |
little on behalf of their national citizens living there illegally. The | |
consular representative in France, for example, demands proof of legal | |
residency status from all national citizens who come to the consulate with | |
applications or requests for help. | |
Attempting to leave the country illegally constitutes a criminal offence in | |
Algeria and, in accordance with a law effective as of 25 February 2009, | |
carries the threat of two to six months' imprisonment. As for refugee | |
smugglers, they face up to twenty years in prison. In practice, however, | |
suspended sentences are imposed on Algerians who undertake illegal | |
emigration attempts. | |
## Secure origins | |
Since the end of the civil war between the state powers and radical | |
Islamists (1991/92 to 1998/99), Algerian citizens’ chances of being granted | |
political asylum in any European nation have become very slim; the approval | |
quota throughout Europe is at approx. 6 percent. Up to 8,000 people apply | |
for asylum in the EU annually. | |
Around 2013 in France, Algerian citizens ranked twelfth among the various | |
nationalities applying for asylum, with 1,477 applications; in 2016 it was | |
in sixteenth place with 981 applications. The proportion of decisions | |
thereby leading to the granting of “protected status“ in France in 2015 was | |
at six percent overall; it was over four times higher for Algerian women | |
than for men. In Germany, the acceptance rate for Algerian asylum seekers | |
is less than one percent. | |
## Sluggish implementation | |
Between 1994 and 2007, Algerian authorities signed a total of six | |
readmission agreements with European states that obligated the country to | |
take back its citizens deported from EU nations, as well as citizens of | |
third states who had entered via Algeria. | |
On 3 June 2006, an agreement was signed with Switzerland that formally took | |
effect on 26 November 2007. Yet the Algerian side dragged out negotiations | |
over a technical “implementation protocol“ for years. | |
Greater expulsions (there were 700 in 2006) took place especially between | |
Spain and Algeria due to the relatively heavy migration between the Oran | |
region and Spain's southern coast. | |
On 8 December 2016, Belgian prime minister Charles Michel was in Algeria to | |
negotiate over the state's co-operation in identifying Algerians staying | |
“illegally“ in Belgium. So far, no comprehensive expulsion agreement as | |
such with the EU has been forthcoming. | |
## The European model | |
Yet Algeria is a country of immigration as well. On 25 June 2008, a law on | |
immigration was passed (Law on the conditions for entry, residence and | |
movement of foreigners) that, as stated by Algerian journalist Yassine | |
Temlali in an article published on 18 December 2012, is modelled to a great | |
extent on Fortress Europe's statutory regulations on the subject of | |
migration. | |
The numbers of immigrants are not so high. In 2011, foreigners officially | |
authorised for residency were counted at around 114,500. Among them were | |
about 41 percent Chinese workers, some eleven percent had come from Egypt | |
and seven percent were citizens of Turkey. Additionally, there were smaller | |
numbers of Moroccans, Italians, French and UK citizens (each at about three | |
percent or five for Italians), as well as people from neighbouring Mali | |
and, at that time, about three percent from Syria. | |
The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), for | |
its part, indicated a figure of 242,000 foreigners living in Algeria in | |
2010. The UN authorities factored in not only foreigners registered to work | |
in the country, but also refugees and asylum seekers under the care of the | |
UN refugee aid organisation UNHCR. No legally established refugee status or | |
protection exists in Algeria. | |
The great majority of refugees view Algeria more as a transit country than | |
an immigration destination. Since Algeria's coasts are relatively far from | |
the European mainland, they generally attempt to travel further to Moroccan | |
state territory. However, many migrants remain stuck in Algeria. On 13 | |
January 2016 Paris evening newspaper Le Monde, accompanying a photo essay | |
on The invisible of Algeria, wrote that about 100,000 of them were staying | |
in the North African nation at that time. | |
## Problems with the local population | |
Even if Algeria more often serves as a transit point, the Algerian state | |
treats the entry of migrants as a problem to be controlled at all costs. | |
This is also related to the fact that Moroccan authorities in border | |
regions tend to deport refugees caught on their side back to Algeria. This | |
has resulted in a kind of ping-pong game played with refugees. In one | |
instance from October 2013 a group of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa was | |
blocked for a long period at the Moroccan-Algerian border near Maghnia and | |
was forced to camp out on the borderland. | |
On 7 August of the same year, the first state refugee camp was set up | |
outside the city of Oran as a “Centre for New Accommodation“ for people | |
from Niger. However, the refugees did not stay in the camp, which was | |
located far outside Oran, but returned over the following weeks to | |
Yaghmoracen. On 17 December 2012, the regional daily newspaper Le Quotidien | |
d'Oran reported that the local population feared outbreaks of epidemics and | |
accidents due to people from Niger begging in the streets. | |
## Impact of the terrors of Boko Haram | |
Since October 2012, a total of 219 refugees from sub-Saharan Africa have | |
been taken from Oran to the southern border of Algeria, two thousand | |
kilometres away, or brought to a detention centre near the desert town of | |
Adrar. After some of the migrants returned to Oran, on 8 April 2013 Le | |
Quotidien d'Oran called for their internment near Adrar. On 11 April of | |
that year, Algerian Minister of the Interior Dahou Ould Kablia stated that | |
his government was not constructing camps or deportation centres. Yet a | |
short time later, some 200 refugees were transported to Adrar. Le Quotidien | |
d'Oran described “cleared streets“ and residents sighing in relief. | |
The condition of refugees in Algeria is closely tied to the general | |
situation in Niger, one of the world's ten poorest countries. More | |
recently, however, particularly for the population's nomadic groups, the | |
borders with neighbouring Nigeria and Chad, which had traditionally been | |
open, have become impassable due to the terrors of the Boko Haram sect. | |
At end of 2014 the Algerian government carried out a large expulsion | |
operation of refugees from Niger, during which Algerian authorities claimed | |
to be responding to demands from the Nigerien government. | |
## Repeated mass deportations | |
On 24 December 2014 the local association of human rights coalition LADDH | |
in the city of Oran protested that the expulsion actions toward Nigerien | |
migrants were well on the way to openly becoming a collective deportation. | |
In total, about 3,000 people were sent back to Niger through this | |
operation. | |
At the beginning of December 2016, great numbers of migrants from | |
sub-Saharan Africa who were living in Algerian coastal towns, particularly | |
in the capital of Algiers, were arrested. By the account of the Algerian | |
League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADDH), 1,400 persons were arrested | |
and taken to the southern Algerian town of Tamanrasset, from where their | |
deportations began on 7 December. Those primarily impacted were citizens of | |
Mali and Cameroon. | |
During these events, especially noteworthy statements came from attorney | |
Faruk Ksentini, chairman of the Commission for the Protection and | |
Advancement of Human Rights, an organisation close to the government. In an | |
interview with the newspaper Es-Sawt El-Akher (“The Other Voice“) on 5 | |
December 2016, he described sub-Saharan Africans as carriers of disease, | |
placing them particularly in connection with AIDS, and called upon Algerian | |
authorities to deport them to get these “problems“ off the backs of | |
Algerians. These remarks caused some outraged reactions on social media. | |
12 Dec 2016 | |
## AUTOREN | |
Bernard Schmid | |
## TAGS | |
migControl | |
## ARTIKEL ZUM THEMA |