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# 2021-11-12 - The Freedom to Read | |
The freedom to read is essential to our democracy. It is | |
continuously under attack. Private groups and public authorities in | |
various parts of the country are working to remove or limit access to | |
reading materials, to censor content in schools, to label | |
"controversial" views, to distribute lists of "objectionable" books | |
or authors, and to purge libraries. These actions apparently rise | |
from a view that our national tradition of free expression is no | |
longer valid; that censorship and suppression are needed to counter | |
threats to safety or national security, as well as to avoid the | |
subversion of politics and the corruption of morals. We, as | |
individuals devoted to reading and as librarians and publishers | |
responsible for disseminating ideas, wish to assert the public | |
interest in the preservation of the freedom to read. | |
Most attempts at suppression rest on a denial of the fundamental | |
premise of democracy: that the ordinary individual, by exercising | |
critical judgment, will select the good and reject the bad. We trust | |
Americans to recognize propaganda and misinformation, and to make | |
their own decisions about what they read and believe. We do not | |
believe they are prepared to sacrifice their heritage of a free press | |
in order to be "protected" against what others think may be bad for | |
them. We believe they still favor free enterprise in ideas and | |
expression. | |
These efforts at suppression are related to a larger pattern of | |
pressures being brought against education, the press, art and images, | |
films, broadcast media, and the Internet. The problem is not only | |
one of actual censorship. The shadow of fear cast by these pressures | |
leads, we suspect, to an even larger voluntary curtailment of | |
expression by those who seek to avoid controversy or unwelcome | |
scrutiny by government officials. | |
Such pressure toward conformity is perhaps natural to a time of | |
accelerated change. And yet suppression is never more dangerous than | |
in such a time of social tension. Freedom has given the United | |
States the elasticity to endure strain. Freedom keeps open the path | |
of novel and creative solutions, and enables change to come by | |
choice. Every silencing of a heresy, every enforcement of an | |
orthodoxy, diminishes the toughness and resilience of our society and | |
leaves it the less able to deal with controversy and difference. | |
Now as always in our history, reading is among our greatest freedoms. | |
The freedom to read and write is almost the only means for making | |
generally available ideas or manners of expression that can initially | |
command only a small audience. The written word is the natural | |
medium for the new idea and the untried voice from which come the | |
original contributions to social growth. It is essential to the | |
extended discussion that serious thought requires, and to the | |
accumulation of knowledge and ideas into organized collections. | |
We believe that free communication is essential to the preservation | |
of a free society and a creative culture. We believe that these | |
pressures toward conformity present the danger of limiting the range | |
and variety of inquiry and expression on which our democracy and our | |
culture depend. We believe that every American community must | |
jealously guard the freedom to publish and to circulate, in order to | |
preserve its own freedom to read. We believe that publishers and | |
librarians have a profound responsibility to give validity to that | |
freedom to read by making it possible for the readers to choose | |
freely from a variety of offerings. | |
The freedom to read is guaranteed by the Constitution. Those with | |
faith in free people will stand firm on these constitutional | |
guarantees of essential rights and will exercise the responsibilities | |
that accompany these rights. | |
We therefore affirm these propositions: | |
# 1) It is in the public interest for publishers and librarians to | |
# make available the widest diversity of views and expressions, | |
# including those that are unorthodox, unpopular, or considered | |
# dangerous by the majority. | |
Creative thought is by definition new, and what is new is different. | |
The bearer of every new thought is a rebel until that idea is refined | |
and tested. Totalitarian systems attempt to maintain themselves in | |
power by the ruthless suppression of any concept that challenges the | |
established orthodoxy. The power of a democratic system to adapt to | |
change is vastly strengthened by the freedom of its citizens to | |
choose widely from among conflicting opinions offered freely to them. | |
To stifle every nonconformist idea at birth would mark the end of | |
the democratic process. Furthermore, only through the constant | |
activity of weighing and selecting can the democratic mind attain the | |
strength demanded by times like these. We need to know not only what | |
we believe but why we believe it. | |
# 2) Publishers, librarians, and booksellers do not need to endorse | |
# every idea or presentation they make available. It would conflict | |
# with the public interest for them to establish their own political, | |
# moral, or aesthetic views as a standard for determining what should | |
# be published or circulated. | |
Publishers and librarians serve the educational process by helping to | |
make available knowledge and ideas required for the growth of the | |
mind and the increase of learning. They do not foster education by | |
imposing as mentors the patterns of their own thought. The people | |
should have the freedom to read and consider a broader range of ideas | |
than those that may be held by any single librarian or publisher or | |
government or church. It is wrong that what one can read should be | |
confined to what another thinks proper. | |
# 3) It is contrary to the public interest for publishers or | |
# librarians to bar access to writings on the basis of the personal | |
# history or political affiliations of the author. | |
No art or literature can flourish if it is to be measured by the | |
political views or private lives of its creators. No society of free | |
people can flourish that draws up lists of writers to whom it will | |
not listen, whatever they may have to say. | |
# 4) There is no place in our society for efforts to coerce the | |
# taste of others, to confine adults to the reading matter deemed | |
# suitable for adolescents, or to inhibit the efforts of writers to | |
# achieve artistic expression. | |
To some, much of modern expression is shocking. But is not much of | |
life itself shocking? We cut off literature at the source if we | |
prevent writers from dealing with the stuff of life. Parents and | |
teachers have a responsibility to prepare the young to meet the | |
diversity of experiences in life to which they will be exposed, as | |
they have a responsibility to help them learn to think critically for | |
themselves. These are affirmative responsibilities, not to be | |
discharged simply by preventing them from reading works for which | |
they are not yet prepared. In these matters values differ, and | |
values cannot be legislated; nor can machinery be devised that will | |
suit the demands of one group without limiting the freedom of others. | |
# 5) It is not in the public interest to force a reader to accept | |
# the prejudgment of a label characterizing any expression or its | |
# author as subversive or dangerous. | |
The ideal of labeling presupposes the existence of individuals or | |
groups with wisdom to determine by authority what is good or bad for | |
others. It presupposes that individuals must be directed in making | |
up their minds about the ideas they examine. But Americans do not | |
need others to do their thinking for them. | |
# 6) It is the responsibility of publishers and librarians, as | |
# guardians of the people's freedom to read, to contest encroachments | |
# upon that freedom by individuals or groups seeking to impose their | |
# own standards or tastes upon the community at large; and by the | |
# government whenever it seeks to reduce or deny public access to | |
# public information. | |
It is inevitable in the give and take of the democratic process that | |
the political, the moral, or the aesthetic concepts of an individual | |
or group will occasionally collide with those of another individual | |
or group. In a free society individuals are free to determine for | |
themselves what they wish to read, and each group is free to | |
determine what it will recommend to its freely associated members. | |
But no group has the right to take the law into its own hands, and to | |
impose its own concept of politics or morality upon other members of | |
a democratic society. Freedom is no freedom if it is accorded only | |
to the accepted and the inoffensive. Further, democratic societies | |
are more safe, free, and creative when the free flow of public | |
information is not restricted by governmental prerogative or | |
self-censorship. | |
# 7) It is the responsibility of publishers and librarians to give | |
# full meaning to the freedom to read by providing books that enrich | |
# the quality and diversity of thought and expression. By the | |
# exercise of this affirmative responsibility, they can demonstrate | |
# that the answer to a "bad" book is a good one, the answer to a | |
# "bad" idea is a good one. | |
The freedom to read is of little consequence when the reader cannot | |
obtain matter fit for that reader's purpose. What is needed is not | |
only the absence of restraint, but the positive provision of | |
opportunity for the people to read the best that has been thought and | |
said. Books are the major channel by which the intellectual | |
inheritance is handed down, and the principal means of its testing | |
and growth. The defense of the freedom to read requires of all | |
publishers and librarians the utmost of their faculties, and deserves | |
of all Americans the fullest of their support. | |
We state these propositions neither lightly nor as easy | |
generalizations. We here stake out a lofty claim for the value of | |
the written word. We do so because we believe that it is possessed | |
of enormous variety and usefulness, worthy of cherishing and keeping | |
free. We realize that the application of these propositions may mean | |
the dissemination of ideas and manners of expression that are | |
repugnant to many persons. We do not state these propositions in the | |
comfortable belief that what people read is unimportant. We believe | |
rather that what people read is deeply important; that ideas can be | |
dangerous; but that the suppression of ideas is fatal to a democratic | |
society. Freedom itself is a dangerous way of life, but it is ours. | |
* * * | |
This statement was originally issued in May of 1953 by the | |
Westchester Conference of the American Library Association and the | |
American Book Publishers Council, which in 1970 consolidated with the | |
American Educational Publishers Institute to become the Association | |
of American Publishers. | |
Adopted June 25, 1953, by the ALA Council and the AAP Freedom to Read | |
Committee; amended January 28, 1972; January 16, 1991; July 12, 2000; | |
June 30, 2004. | |
A Joint Statement by: | |
* American Library Association | |
* Association of American Publishers | |
Subsequently endorsed by: | |
* American Booksellers for Free Expression | |
* The Association of American University Presses | |
* The Children's Book Council | |
* Freedom to Read Foundation | |
* National Association of College Stores | |
* National Coalition Against Censorship | |
* National Council of Teachers of English | |
* The Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression | |
From: https://www.ala.org/advocacy/intfreedom/freedomreadstatement | |
tags: article,freedom,philosophy | |
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article | |
freedom | |
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