| # taz.de -- New Year’s Eve 2016 in Cologne: “It is a poisoned debate“ | |
| > Fantasies of the right seemed to have come true. Sociologist explains why | |
| > that very night leaves more of an impression than the terror attacks. | |
| Bild: A blick from the Dom to the Main Station: how will be New Year's Eve this… | |
| Mr. Nassehi, it has been one year since the Cologne new year's eve with its | |
| incidents. Since then there have been terrorist attacks in Würzburg, | |
| Ansbach and, most recently, Berlin. Does Cologne still stand out? | |
| Armin Nassehi: Yes. The terrorist attacks were carried out by individuals | |
| who were different from the refugee crowd after all. Cologne on the other | |
| hand looked like a mass phenomenon. | |
| What do you mean by that? | |
| An image, almost a cliché, had come to life. Strangers you’d usually meet | |
| around town suddenly become a collective thread. The perpetrators of | |
| Cologne often were described as an amorphous crowd of people that was all | |
| equally wild, equally dangerous. Even if you hadn’t seen it, you could | |
| vividly imagine it. | |
| Like a figment of the imagination of Pegida? | |
| Yes. By now we know that about half of these people were refugees. The | |
| other half were people of an migration background who have been in Germany | |
| for longer and come from partly problematic, ethnically segregated areas | |
| and hid behind a large number of refugees. These had been deviously hiding | |
| behind a large number of refugees. For the attacked women and, even more in | |
| the public debate, it looked like a homogeneous group. | |
| Was there a connection between these men? | |
| As a scientist I teach my students that talking about other cultures and | |
| large groups creates more identity than there actually is. Groups we | |
| identify from the outside as such are very heterogeneous themselves. During | |
| that New Year’s Eve, on the other hand, there had also been a culture | |
| clash. There were men who had experienced a more authoritarian upbringing | |
| than most people know in Germany. Men who come from societies where | |
| traditional domination plays an important role, especially in the home | |
| countries of most of the perpetrators. | |
| I can see that you feel uncomfortable when saying this. | |
| It is a dilemma: do I use a generalising and culturalising argument? Or do | |
| I, as a scientist, express adequately that it is no coincidence that these | |
| men originate from certain family structures where the concept of honour, | |
| the family bond, religion as a source of identity and orientation towards | |
| patriarchal peer groups play an important role? This dilemma already begins | |
| with the identification of such cultural obstinacy, because this does not | |
| serve as an explanation for everything, regardless of the fact that the | |
| social structure in gangs committing right-wing violence is very similar. | |
| In the end, the entire communication about these issues is poisoned because | |
| every exaggerated term describing a collective is as inadequate as the | |
| denial of the negative effects of migration and fleeing a country. In | |
| Cologne this dilemma reached a visible climax, even if it only affected a | |
| small part of the migrant population. | |
| By now some of the perpetrators were sentenced for theft and two for sexual | |
| harassment. Is an adequate appraisal of the events possible? | |
| Hardly. The night of Cologne almost has something mythical about it by now. | |
| People say “Cologne“ or “Domplatte“ (the local name for the cathedral) … | |
| everyone knowswhat is meant by that. At the same time we still don’t know | |
| what has really happened. It was difficult to gather evidence, the police | |
| could not handle the situation. The state can not give closure to the | |
| victims. It can only punish what can be proved. This is actually proof that | |
| the state functions according to the rule of law. But this must sound | |
| cynical to many of the affected women. | |
| The right immediately found a language to express themselves after this | |
| event. A lot of leftists found that difficult. Why? | |
| When communicating, there is an excessive fear of being racist by pointing | |
| out any differences at all. This is actually a sign of a certain dishonesty | |
| in the leftists’ argumentation that pays too much attention to origin and | |
| cultural affiliation. Now this slightly neurotic sensitivity clashes with | |
| the allegation of being sexist. Which issue is more serious? Some tried to | |
| escape this by putting it into perspective. Such things would happen at | |
| Oktoberfest as well. This has been perceived as a mockery of the victims. | |
| Why is it mocking to say: this kind of behaviour seems familiar –from | |
| festivities in Germany? | |
| It was perceived as mockery because the behaviour in Cologne was unique in | |
| its dynamic and its extent. The reaction seemed to prove that leftist and | |
| feminist groups are completely insensitive to negative effects of fleeing a | |
| country and migration, even if a mere fraction of the migrants are | |
| concerned. This is why that night could turn into a symbol of the failed | |
| multicultural society. Each statement relativising the events sounds like a | |
| wish to distort them, because you wish them to be different. It also shows | |
| that we in Germany have no experience of debating the negative effects of | |
| migration controversially. | |
| Aren’t we constantly discussing this? | |
| But we avoid uncomfortable questions. Look how it is often uncomfortable | |
| for leftists to talk about the origin of the men in Cologne. But one of the | |
| principles of leftist thinking is that specific circumstances define us. | |
| This includes cultural backgrounds. You simply have to take into acccount | |
| that some standards and experiences with public and private institutions of | |
| many countries of origin are not compatible with those in Europe. This is | |
| not an argument in favour of culturalization. To turn a blind eye to it | |
| plays down the dimension of some of the events. And it is not helpful that | |
| incompatible groups like this, for example potentially violent far-right | |
| peer groups, exist in Europe as well. The number of attacks on refugees | |
| from the far-right speaks for itself. At the same time, from the | |
| sociological point of view it must be made clear that terms such as “the | |
| North Africans“, “the blacks“, and “the women“ are not defensable in | |
| empirical terms, because there are big differences within these groups. | |
| Nevertheless, there are cultural differences, and cultural conflicts. Even | |
| if it is uncomfortable, those who mean well in particular have to seriously | |
| consider these issues. We cannot leave the debate to those who say: we have | |
| always known it. | |
| After the Berlin attack the perpetrator’s possible country of origin was | |
| quickly mentioned. Has the debate been more measured than the one after | |
| Cologne? | |
| You can identify two stages. During the first one everyone, including me, | |
| hoped that it wouldn’t be a refugee. I was afraid that after that a | |
| reasonable debate about the effects of migration and escape from danger | |
| wouldn’t be possible anymore. Others were hoping that it would be a | |
| refugee, because they can use it to underline their politics. During the | |
| second stage the perpetrator was discussed in a more differentiated way, as | |
| was the strategy of the 'Islamic State’. | |
| Do you think it matters for many Germans whether the perpetrator was a | |
| refugee or a migrant? | |
| For many it probably doesn’t. But the tone of the debate was moderate. The | |
| AfD (Alternative for Germany) and the Identitarian movement couldn’t | |
| mobilise a lot of people for their demonstrations after the attacks. But we | |
| could see many Muslims on the street protesting against violence and | |
| showing their grief. It was impressive. | |
| Is this the beginning of a new “Us“ that stands against the fear strategy | |
| of AfD and IS? | |
| Some would like it to be. But I don’t believe so, especially as such | |
| beliefs in an “Us“ are rather trite. There is something beguiling about the | |
| atmosphere after an attack: everyone stands together, encourages each | |
| other, demonstrates that life goes on. It resembles mourning rituals we | |
| know from religions. But this beguilement doesn’t last long. Also this | |
| beguiling 'Us’ isn’t maintainable. It satisfies the need for strong | |
| statements and moral support, but it is politically insignificant. | |
| Do you fear that this “Us“could be exploited by politicians? | |
| That might then be called “Leitkultur“ (leading culture). In modern, | |
| liberal societies there should simply be as little “Us“ as possible, since | |
| integration – of all population groups – is not a problem of commitment but | |
| a question of practice. Integration means putting up with each other and | |
| having the decency not to pester each other. The question is under which | |
| circumstances this is possible. Strongly segregated, patriarchal migrant | |
| communities conflict with that just as much as the petit bourgeois general | |
| suspicion against everything that is different. | |
| Currently, public discourse seems obscene. Leftists celebrate in social | |
| networks because the man who kicked a woman down the stairs in Berlin is a | |
| Christian Bulgarian and not a Syrian. The teenagers who tried to set a | |
| homeless man on fire in Berlin are refugees, which makes rightists cheer. | |
| Many people feel that these times are confusing, both leftists and | |
| rightists. Something like a fundamental law of perception applies here: If | |
| things get complicated, we hold on to visible things. Nothing generates | |
| more attention and order than: origin, skin-colour, religion, language. Of | |
| course, these features mean something, but just not everything. What all | |
| these differences have in common is that it’s about strongly male-dominated | |
| peer groups, where the violation of rules is not considered deviant | |
| behaviour but the consistent condition for belonging to the group. | |
| A left-wing club in Leipzig has recently written in an open letter that | |
| there have been problems with sexual assaults by guests who were refugees. | |
| I am a learned pedagogue and one of the experiences one acquires in this | |
| job is that the people you support can indeed be arseholes. Those people in | |
| Leipzig were smart enough not to steal away nor to simply change sides, but | |
| to admit that they are caught in a dilemma. | |
| Some leftists thought that it would have been better to sort that out | |
| internally. | |
| Luckily they haven’t done that. We should be happy about everyone who can | |
| admit that they are caught in a dilemma. Our political discourse suffers | |
| from the fact that only few people have the courage to do that. That does | |
| not only apply to leftists. | |
| To speak out on dilemmas is unattractive. Saying that the world is | |
| complicated doesn’t make politicians seem particularly strong. | |
| That’s true, currently, elections are rather won with simplifications. But | |
| where credible decisions are concerned, simplification quickly reaches a | |
| dead end. If Merkel’s “We can do it“ had at least hinted at the related | |
| dilemmas, the hateful campaigns against refugee politics might have had | |
| more difficulties. | |
| Someone who admits a dilemma must expect to be applauded by the wrong side… | |
| …otherwise it wouldn’t be a dilemma. This fear of reaction is | |
| characteristic of the tribal culture we live in. We feel that we belong to | |
| our own tribe and, if possible, should not do anything which could appeal | |
| to other tribes. In a speech, I once praised the CSU’s operative | |
| integration policy. If you ignore mainstream nonsense and populist semantic | |
| excesses, this policy in Bavaria really is going in the right direction. | |
| For saying that, I have had to take harsh criticism. And for writing that | |
| young, underemployed men can produce problems in public space, six weeks | |
| before Cologne. | |
| Why? Crime statistics show that young men are a dangerous group. I grew up | |
| in East Germany and had to learn to avoid such groups. | |
| Many well-meaning persons would have no problem with saying that about | |
| extreme right-wing male peer groups who are prone to violence in East | |
| Germany, but when it comes to refugees, they fear being considered racist. | |
| That’s how simple semantic cultures are sometimes. Good and bad, black and | |
| white, instead of empirically looking more closely. | |
| Much surround the refugee debates is reminiscent of discussions in | |
| countries where war is raging. In Ukraine, for example, people with a | |
| different opinion are often accused of helping the enemy. | |
| There is a similarity. What we have been experiencing for several years now | |
| is an increasingly fierce culture war for who has the narrative authority | |
| to decide what can be said and what is deemed “normal“. It is not a | |
| coincidence that issues such as family politics, gender roles, sexual | |
| orientation and the migration question are the decisive triggers of this | |
| culture war. | |
| Are they the marginalised and left-behind who are talked about so much? | |
| Without a doubt, there is a problem with the increasing economic | |
| precariousness of some population groups, but this does not explain the | |
| success of right-wing populist, xenophobic and reactionary thinking. This | |
| purely economic thesis sometimes sounds like the left-wing equivalent to | |
| the oversimplified AfD-story of overwhelming immigration as an explanation | |
| for almost everything. There is precarity in the well-to-do classes. They | |
| are the losers of modernisation in the sense that they have lost the | |
| authority to consistently say what is the right way of life. | |
| But this has been developing for a while. | |
| Indeed. For three decades, sociologists have been continuously diagnosing | |
| new complexities – and thereby underestimate the force of inertia of | |
| well-established institutions and forms of life. Therefore, a culture war | |
| arises between winners and losers in the fight for the power of definition | |
| and over what can be said. A previously excluded third party is now | |
| entering this battlefield: refugees. One party can show solidarity with | |
| them, the other can’t. For those who feel dependant on their power to | |
| define, the refugees are proof that everything here is going wrong. | |
| A lot of this sounds like what the CDU used to say in the past. | |
| At least until the 1970s, yes. The change is most visible in the CDU/CSU. | |
| How fundamental is the change of power among the people who have a say in | |
| deciding what is considered as normal? As fundamental as the change from | |
| nobility to the bourgeoisie as the leading class? | |
| I would not call it a real change of era. Quite the contrary: it is almost | |
| as if what had always been promised by the Enlightenment is now coming to | |
| pass. It is always about establishing new speakers: the lower classes, | |
| people who have a different denomination, women, people who are culturally | |
| and ethnically different, homosexuals. There are increasingly fewer groups | |
| who can clearly assert themselves over others. Until recently, that was a | |
| privilege for well-educated, native, heterosexual men with careers… | |
| …that is, for old, white men. | |
| This is what they are disrespectfully called – it’s culturally symbolic, | |
| standing for these new rights. At some points, there have certainly been | |
| semantic exaggerations, in academic environments, for example. But all of | |
| that is just a symbol for the fact that the issue of the power of | |
| definition of what is valid, has become more confusing. In any case, these | |
| rights don’t make the world simpler, instead they reorganise power options. | |
| Right-wing populism all over Europe has, at any rate, shifted the focus | |
| from questions of distribution to questions of cultural definitions. | |
| What is the AfD’s utopia? | |
| The 1950s. That’s why they jump at everything that was different back then. | |
| Why are people interested in gender roles today? Why are they interested in | |
| sexuality? Why do people talk about migration? Because it was the time of | |
| the self-sufficient, homogeneous nation-state, where the foreigner really | |
| was a stranger. Back then, even the Frenchman was a stranger. But today, | |
| not even the AfD could say that without sounding ridiculous. The utopia is | |
| a less complex society. | |
| And what is the alternative utopia, more complexity? That doesn’t sound | |
| very appealing. | |
| The question is how we can become more resistant to deviations in a | |
| volatile world, how we can better tolerate what is different. Since this is | |
| difficult at the moment, many people are content with very simple | |
| explanations. This applies to the whole arsenal of right-wing cultural | |
| criticism, to the left-wing illusion that everything is just a problem of | |
| distribution. Maybe we need a completely new understanding of what makes up | |
| modern conditions of life, which we possibly still envisage far too much in | |
| terms of the categories of the classical industrial society’s institutions. | |
| Original in German/auf Deutsch: [1][„Die Diskussion ist vergiftet“] | |
| 8 Feb 2018 | |
| ## LINKS | |
| [1] /Soziologe-ueber-Silvester-vor-einem-Jahr/!5369637 | |
| ## AUTOREN | |
| Daniel Schulz | |
| ## TAGS | |
| taz international | |
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| ## ARTIKEL ZUM THEMA | |
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