Thoughts on
Title: Israel's War Within
Author: Bernard Avishai
Issue: Harper's Magazine February 2024
Written: 2024/01/31

Avishai writes about the Culture War in Israel between two factions that
he calls Global Israel and Greater  Israel. Global Israel comes from the
secular,  liberal,  left-leaning  tradition of  the  original  Zionists.
Think  kibbutzes. Today,  it's adherents  are more  focused on  economic
development,  democracy,  etc. At  least  anecdotally,  these types  are
thought to be prosperous white collar  workers, Air Force types. True or
not,  this characterization  leads  to some  resentment. Greater  Israel
refers  to a  position that  is  more religious  and favors  settlements
and  territorial expansion.  Religion  and territory  are combined  with
proponents viewing the taking and holding of all of the ancient lands as
fulfilling a god-given prophecy.

Avishai is clearly in the camp of Global Israel. This secular version if
Judaism matches his upbrining in  Montreal and probably matches the view
of Israel  held by many  North Americal Jews.  In the article  he writes
about the  history of the secular  tradition in Israel and  how the more
religious, conservative view took power.

Before and during Israel's founding the  religious Jews were not seen as
a threat. They were backwards and surely exposure to rapid modernization
would be enough to transform them towards the secular, modern tradition.
Avishai  admits  that this  matches  his  own attitude  towards  Judaism
growing  up: it  is  a pragmatic  religion  that bends  in  the face  of
modernity. It's well  known that many of the early  Zionists were not at
all religious. Avishai  describes how Ben Furio did not  keep kosher and
worked on Yom  Kippur. He talks about  when he arrived in  the 70s, pork
was widely  available. His host  on the farm  where he worked  had never
been to synagogue.

The interesting division  between Jews early on in the  20th century was
between the secular Zionists that were  moving to Israel and the secular
assimilationists moving to America. Two million went to America compared
to seventy thousand  in Palestine. The choice between Israel  and the US
was  not between  secularism and  religiosity, it  was a  choice between
national identity and assimilation.

It's no suprise to me that Israel  was a nationalist project, but I have
never really considered it in opposition to assimilation. Judging by the
numbers, moving to the US was a kind of default. Moving to Palestine was
an active choice  and Avishai describes those who went  as attempting to
build  a modern  state for  Jews.  They wanted  to live  a secular  life
without being  absorbed by a  majority into obscurity.  They resurrected
Hebrew to more thoroughly distinguish themselves.

This raises some interesting questions.

1.  How does  secular Zionism  compare to  assimilation?  I'm  generally
skeptical  of any  emphasis on  nationality or  culture.  National  food
and  dance  are  great,  but  typically we  see  culture  wielded as  as
justification  for  not progressing.  The idea that  culture is  a fixed
thing is  ahistorical  and unfortunate in  my view. That said,  what are
the  arguments of  these original Zionists, what was the  debate like at
the time

2. How  did it play out for each  group?  The  first  question  is about
principles, but  this question  is about  fact. Did the secular Zionists
get the nation that they  wanted? Are American Jews  better  off or  did
they lose  something  precious.

3. Is secular Israel viable anymore? As Avishai desribes in the article,
the state is  largely in the  control  of the  Greater  Israel  faction.
How marginal  are  the progressive forces in Israel?

Overall, Avishai  provides an  interesting glimpse of  Israel's internal
political divisions.  His description of  the early Zionists and  of his
North  American  Jewish upbringing  provide  a  context that  should  be
familiar to many  American Jews, but the way he  describes the divisions
between  these two  groups was  new to  me. Furthermore,  the hold  that
conservatives have  over the Israeli  government is not  surprising, but
the strength and history of that hold is.

It's  clear from  Avishai's  description that  the conservative  Greater
Israel  faction  is  responsible  for the  continuing  violence  against
Palestinians and that  they are a formidable roadblock  to a resolution.
It's not  obvious to me that  Global Israel can  do or wants to  do much
better.  That leaves  us  with  a fourth  question:  Can secular  Israel
provide  a just  resolution  to  the Palestinians  or  is the  situation
fundamentally too  far gone for  a mere  change in domestic  politics to
resolve it?