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= Unconscious bias training =
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Introduction
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Unconscious (or implicit) biases are learned stereotypes that are
automatic, unintentional, deeply ingrained, universal, and able to
influence behavior. Unconscious bias training programs are designed to
expose people to their unconscious biases, provide tools to adjust
automatic patterns of thinking, and ultimately eliminate
discriminatory behaviors.
A critical component of unconscious bias training is creating
awareness for implicit bias. Since 1998, the online
Implicit-Association Test (IAT) has provided a platform for the
general public to assess their unconscious biases. Although the IAT
measure has come under severe scrutiny in terms of scientific
reliability and efficacy it has also sparked conversation about
unconscious bias in both popular media and the scientific community.
Many unconscious bias training programs have been created. Facebook
designed a webpage to make unconscious bias training videos widely
available, Google has put about 60,000 employees through a 90-minute
unconscious bias training program, and the United States Department of
Justice has trained 28,000 employees on techniques to combat implicit
bias.
Training techniques
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There are a wide variety of unconscious bias training programs, but
the programs tend to follow a basic three-step method:
# Participants take a pretest to assess baseline implicit bias levels
(typically with the IAT).
# They complete the unconscious bias training task.
# They take a posttest to re-evaluate bias levels after training.
Frequently follow-up tests of unconscious bias are administered days,
weeks, or months after the completion of training programs to examine
the long-term benefits of these programs. The efficacy of these
programs is still not clear-cut as researchers continue to test them.
Counterstereotype
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According to a metanalysis of 17 unconscious bias interventions,
counterstereotype training is the most effective way to reduce
unconscious bias. In the area of gender bias, techniques such as
imagining powerful women, hearing their stories, and writing essays
about them has been shown to reduce levels of unconscious gender bias
on the IAT. Dasgupta and Asagari (2004) found that real life
counterstereotypes, such as going to a women�s college or having
female professors, have the ability to decrease bias because the idea
that women are intelligent and hard-working is repeatedly reinforced.
In terms of racial bias, several studies have replicated the finding
that training participants to pair counterstereotypical traits such as
�successful� with images of black individuals is an effective tool for
reducing implicit racial bias.
Kawakami, Dovido, and van Kamp (2005) challenged the effectiveness of
counterstereotype training when they found that participants actually
showed an increase in gender bias after training. Rather than using
the IAT to assess levels of unconscious bias, the researchers asked
participants to read a resume and decide if the applicant was
qualified for a leadership job because, "when ambiguity exists in an
individual's qualifications or competence, evaluators will fill the
void with assumptions drawn from gender stereotypes". The participants
received one of four resumes describing equally qualified candidates.
The only difference between the four resumes was the name of the
applicant�two had female names and two had male names. When
participants were administered the job application task immediately
following counterstereotype training, they were more likely to pick
the male candidates over the female candidates, which made it appear
as though the counterstereotype training was ineffective. However,
when the researchers added a distractor task between the
counterstereotype training and the job application task, participants
selected male and female candidates at an equal rate. When
participants had to engage in a cognitive task while simultaneously
selecting a candidate, they were more likely to select the female
applicants.
The researchers did a follow up study with a slightly different
procedure to determine why bias was increased in some conditions and
decreased in others. They followed the same counterstereotype training
procedure, but divided the job application task into two distinct
parts. Participants were either asked to first pick the best candidate
for the job and then rank each candidate on sixteen traits (half were
female stereotypes and the other half were male stereotypes) or they
were asked to complete the tasks in the opposite order. Regardless of
the order, participants consistently were biased against women in the
first task, but not in the second task. The researchers hypothesized
that the participants were able to discern that the purpose of the
study was to reduce gender bias, so they showed an increase bias in
the first task to compensate for the researcher�s attempt to influence
their behaviors. Further research is necessary to determine why
participants showed decreased bias on the second task and if the
decreased has an enduring effect.
Hu and colleagues (2015) created a form of counterstereotype training
to unlearn implicit bias while sleeping. Participants completed the
typical counterstereotype training task of pairing images of people
with different genders and races with counterstereotypical traits.
However, their study differed from previous research because two
unique sounds played after each successful pairing of either a gender
or race counterstereotype. After the training task, participants were
asked to take a 90-minute nap, and their sleep patterns were monitored
with EEG. Once participants entered into slow-wave sleep, the
researchers played either the sound that followed correct gender
counterstereotypes or racial counterstereotypes in the training task.
After follow up assessments, the results showed that bias was
successfully reduced depending on the sound played during sleep,
meaning the people that listened to the sound associated with gender
counterstereotypes showed reduced gender bias, but not racial bias,
and vice versa. The specific reduced bias remained when the
participants returned to the lab a week after initial training and
testing.
Negation
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Negation training decreases implicit bias through actively rejecting
information that reinforces stereotypes, therefore breaking the habit
of stereotyping. Kawakami, Dovido, Moll, Hermsen, and Russin (2000)
conducted one of the first studies to test the effects of negation
training on reducing unconscious bias. In their study, participants
were presented with pictures of black and white individuals along with
a word that represented a stereotype. The participants were instructed
to press "NO" during stereotype-consistent trials (for example, a
black person and the word "lazy"), and "YES" during
stereotype-inconsistent trials (a black person paired with
"successful"). Participants showed significant decreases in automatic
bias from the pretest to posttest.
However, Gawronski, Deutsch, Mbirkou, Seibt, and Strack(2006)
hypothesized that negation training was not only ineffective, but
could actually strengthen unconscious biases. They stated that
Kawakami and colleagues only produced positive results because when
the participants responded, "YES" to stereotype-inconsistent
word-picture pairings, they were using counterstereotyping rather than
negation. To test these claims, the researchers created separate
counterstereotype and negation conditions. The counterstereotype
condition was instructed to press "YES" for stereotype-inconsistent
information, while the negation condition was told to press "NO" for
stereotype-consistent information. The results showed that the
counterstereotype condition decreased implicit bias, but the negation
condition increased bias. A possible explanation for the increase in
bias with negation training is the level of control required during
memory retrieval. During negation training, the memory of a previously
held stereotype is activated and then you have to purposefully reject
the meaning of the memory. The participants were repeatedly activating
the memory of the stereotype, which made it stronger, and they were
not able to replace the stereotype with a positive counterstereotype.
Alternatively, in counterstereotyping, you do not have to exhibit
control to reject a memory because a new and separate memory for
stereotype-inconsistent information is formed.
Recently, Johnson, Kopp, and Petty (2018) attempted to reconcile the
discrepant results of the previous research. They argued the negation
was not meaningful and participants were not adequately motivated to
get rid of their unconscious biases. The researchers introduced a
condition in which participants were told to think, "That's wrong!" in
response to stereotype-consistent information. Other participants were
told, instead, to continue to use the typical form of negation and
simply responded "No" to stereotype-consistent information. The
researchers hypothesized that "No" is an ambiguous and weak response
to stereotypes, but "That's wrong!" is a specific and morally tied
response that is hard to ignore. When participants were told to think,
"that's wrong!" in response stereotype-consistent information, there
was a decrease in unconscious bias that was not observed in the
condition that simply thought "no". Additionally, the researchers
discovered that motivation plays a role in the effectiveness of
unconscious bias training programs. After the negation training tasks,
participants took the Motivation to Control for Prejudiced Reactions
Scale (MCPR) to measure the participants' drive to change their
unconscious biases. People who scored particularly high on the MCPR
showed a reduction in bias regardless of the condition. Therefore, if
people feel determined to reduce their unconscious biases and think
"that's wrong" rather than "no", negation training shows promising
results for decreasing implicit racial bias.
Perspective-taking
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Perspective-taking creates a sense of empathy for a stereotyped group,
which has been shown to improve attitudes towards individuals as well
as their group as a whole. Typically, perspective-taking studies
follow a three-step procedure. First, participants are exposed to the
target minority group through watching a video that displays examples
of racial discrimination or through viewing a photograph of an
individual from the target minority group. Then participants are told
to reflect on that person�s life and their emotions or imagine
themselves as the main character. A separate control group watches the
same movie or views the same photograph, but they are not given any
additional instructions involving perspective-taking. Lastly,
participants� biases are reassessed through answering questionnaires,
retaking IAT, or engaging in specific tasks. This prototypical form of
perspective-taking has been shown to effectively reduce racial bias.
Dovidio and colleagues (2004) found that a diverse group of strangers
can come together as a unified group if they believe they share a
common threat. Stimulating a perceived common threat can reduce bias,
because people are less likely to be biased against members of their
own group. Todd, Bodenhausen, Richenson, and Galinksy (2011) showed
participants an image of a black man, had them write an essay about a
day in his life, and then watched the participants interact with a
black researcher. The face-to-face interactions were more successful
and natural with the participants in the perspective-taking condition
compared to the control group.
Another example of perspective-taking was tested by Shih, Stotzer, and
Guitérrez (2009). They had participants watch a clip of a movie that
showed an Asian American being discriminated against and were told to
read a college admissions folder and decide if the student should be
admitted. The admission profiles were exactly the same, except one
version checked White for ethnicity while the other checked Asian
American. The participants in the perspective-taking condition
demonstrated greater empathy towards the Asian profile and were more
likely to accept him than the control condition. In 2013, they
conducted an additional study in which they added a task where they
flashed the pronouns "us" or "them" before showing an adjective with a
good or bad connotation. They found that participants that were in the
control group quickly associated good adjectives with "us" and bad
adjective with "them", while the perspective-taking group did not show
a significant time difference between the two categories. The
researchers concluded that empathy and perspective taking could reduce
prejudice towards discriminated groups.
Kaatz and colleagues (2017) had participants play a video game where
they are the character Jamal, a black graduate student working towards
a degree in science. Throughout the game, players had to complete
tasks such as selecting an advisor, attending conferences, and
publishing papers. During each task, the players experienced hardships
due to racial discrimination and learn about implicit bias. In order
to successfully complete the game, players had to be able to learn how
to recognize, label, and talk about bias. After completing the game,
participants filled out surveys about their experiences. Most
participants agreed that it was an effective strategy for reducing
unconscious bias. Further research is necessary to objectively measure
the effectiveness of the game.
Meditation
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Meditation has become integrated into a variety of Western therapeutic
practices due to its benefits of enhanced well-being, reduced
depression and anxiety, and overall mood improvement. In 2008,
meditation was incorporated into unconscious bias training using
Lovingkindness meditation (LKM), which "aims to self-regulate an
affective state of unconditional kindness towards the self and
others". Meditation studies follow the format of a pretest IAT,
participation in a LKM program, and a posttest IAT. Hutcherson,
Seppala, and Gross (2008) showed that a few minutes of LMK could
create a sense of empathy and compassion for a neutral target, which
inspired the idea to use meditation as an unconscious bias training
technique. Stell and Farsides (2016) found that after only seven
minutes of LMK, unconscious racial bias for a targeted group was
reduced. Kang, Gray, and Dovido (2014) found that participants who
attend a seven-week meditation course showed a significant decrease
unconscious bias towards African Americans and homeless people.
Notably, participants who participated in a discussion based on the
Lovingkindness philosophy for seven weeks but did not practice
meditation did not show a reduction in bias after the seven weeks.
Implicit bias workshops
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Implicit bias workshops typically use a combination of strategies to
reduce unconscious bias. Devine, Forscher, Austin, and Cox (2012)
created a workshop that uses five different techniques to combat bias;
stereotype replacement, counterstereotype training, individualism,
perspective taking, and increased opportunities for contact with
minority races. In stereotype replacement, participants try to
recognize their stereotypes, reflect on why they have those
stereotypes, consider how they could avoid those stereotypes in the
future, and come up with an unbiased response to replace their
stereotypes. The counterstereotype training involves picturing
examples of counterstereotypes. For example, if the counterstereotype
is intelligence, participants are asked to picture an intelligent
black individual such as President Obama or a family friend. During
the individualism portion of the workshop, participants receive
specific information about members of a stereotyped group so they can
remember each person as an individual rather than seeing the group as
a singular unit. Perspective-taking involves imagining yourself as a
member of a stereotyped group. Lastly, participants are provided with
opportunities to have positive interactions with members of minority
groups. Studies show that four and eight weeks after completing the
workshop, and unconscious bias (as measured by the IAT) was reduced.
Moss-Racusin and colleagues (2016) created a 120-minute workshop
called "Scientific Diversity" that was aimed at reducing gender bias.
During the workshop, instructors present empirical evidence on
implicit bias, encourage active group discussion, and help
participants practice techniques for creating an accepting
environment. To assess bias, participants took pretest and posttest
questionnaires. The posttest questionnaires revealed that participants
experienced increased diversity awareness and decreased subtle gender
bias.
According to Gonzales, Kim, and Marantz (2014), the recognition of
bias cannot be taught in a single session, so researchers have created
workshops or class curriculums that span days, semesters, or even
years. Hannah and Carpenter-Song (2013) created a semester-long course
that focuses on introspection. Students are encouraged to look within
themselves to examine their own bias, values, and most importantly,
blind spots. During each class, students discuss articles about
various forms of bias and participate in interactive exercises that
are designed to promote perspective-taking and empathy. Tests of the
course showed that students who have an active interest in learning
about issues of implicit bias were able to successfully reduce their
levels of bias. However, a subset of the students did not reduce bias
or even showed an increased bias after the course because the program
was mandatory and they were not incentivized to change their thoughts
and behaviors.
Van Ryn and colleagues (2015) started a course for medical school
students that studies disparities in minority health care. The
researchers were able to implement various forms of the class in
forty-nine medical schools and collected data from 3,547 students.
During class, students read articles about unconscious bias, hold
group discussions, and gain experience with interacting with racial
minorities. Participants took the IAT during their first and last
semesters of medical school to assess the effectiveness of the
program. Though most reductions in implicit bias were small, the
reductions were significant and affected behaviors. Students reported
feeling more comfortable when working with minorities and kept in mind
implicit biases when treating minorities.
Stone, Moskowitz, and Zestcott (2015) conducted a workshop for medical
students that used self-reflection techniques to motivate health care
providers to address their implicit biases. First, participants took
an IAT (but did not receive feedback) and read an article about
implicit bias in medicine. A week later, the participants attended a
lecture about implicit bias and had a classroom demonstration of an
IAT. Two days later, participants discussed strategies for reducing
bias, seeking common-identities, and taking the perspective of
patients in small groups. When participants retook the IAT three to
seven days after the workshop, there was a significant decrease in
implicit bias.
Criticisms
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Kulik 'et al.' found that, in a sample of 2,000, unconscious bias
training increasd the bias against older candidates.
Noon says unconscious bias training initiatives are still in their
infancy and require further research.
Social psychology research has indicated that individuating
information (any information about an individual group
member other than category information) may eliminate the effects of
unconscious bias.
See also
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* Implicit-association test
* Implicit bias
* Stereotype
* Implicit cognition
* Implicit attitude
* Stereotype threat
License
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All content on Gopherpedia comes from Wikipedia, and is licensed under CC-BY-SA
License URL:
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/
Original Article:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unconscious_bias_training
