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= Matrix of domination =
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Introduction
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The matrix of domination or matrix of oppression is a sociological
paradigm that explains issues of oppression that deal with race,
class, and gender, which, though recognized as different social
classifications, are all interconnected. Other forms of
classification, such as sexual orientation, religion, or age, apply to
this theory as well. Patricia Hill Collins is credited with
introducing the theory in her work entitled 'Black Feminist Thought:
Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment'.
As the term implies, there are many different ways one might
experience domination, facing many different challenges in which one
obstacle, such as race, may overlap with other sociological features.
Characteristics such as race, age, and sex, may affect an individual
in extremely different ways, in such simple cases as varying
geography, socioeconomic status, or simply throughout time. Other
scholars such as Kimberle Crenshaw's 'Mapping the Margins:
Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of
Color' are credited with expanding Collins' work. The matrix of
domination is a way for people to acknowledge their privileges in
society. How one is able to interact, what social groups one is in,
and the networks one establishes is all based on different
interconnected classifications.
Theory applied
======================================================================
Though Collins' main focus of the theory of the matrix of domination
was applied to African-American women, there are many other examples
that can be used to illustrate the theory. Other examples include Log
Cabin Republicans, female criminality, and African-American Muslim
Women. One of the key concepts of the matrix of domination is that the
different categories, like race and gender, are separate groups,
rather than a combination. This is a problem that can be seen in the
law as well when it comes to discrimination because the courts fail to
view discrimination as an overarching umbrella of intersectionality.
A way in which the matrix of domination works with regards to
privilege can be if two people all have the same classification,
except one person has an education and one does not have as high of an
education. Their gender, race, sexuality, educational attainment all
intersect to identify who they are. However, compared to other people
one classification can point out privilege and, in turn, open more
opportunities for one individual over the other.
One of the main aspects of the matrix of domination is the fact that
one may be privileged in one area, yet they can be oppressed in a
different aspect of their identity. Some people believe that racial
discrimination is on its way to being eradicated from the United
States when they look as people like Colin Powell, a very successful,
African-American, middle-aged man. Although Powell obtains the
characteristics of a person that may not face oppression (upper-class,
middle-aged, male), he is still discriminated against because of his
race. This shows one of the key components of the matrix of
domination; the idea that one cannot look at the individual facets of
someone's identity, but rather that they are all interconnected.
Historical background on the matrix of domination
===================================================
In Collins� 'Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the
Politics of Empowerment', she first describes the concept of matrix
thinking within the context of how black women in America encounter
institutional discrimination based upon their race and gender. A
prominent example of this in the 1990s was racial segregation,
especially as it related to housing, education, and employment. At the
time, there was very little encouraged interaction between whites and
blacks in these common sectors of society. Collins argues that this
demonstrates how being black and female in America continues to
perpetuate certain common experiences for African-American women. As
such, African-American women live in a different world than those who
are not black and female. Collins notes how this shared social
struggle can actually result in the formation of a group-based
collective effort, citing how the high concentration of
African-American women in the domestic labor sector in combination
with racial segregation in housing and schooling contributed directly
to the organization of the black feminist movement. The collective
wisdom shared by black women that held these specific experiences
constituted a distinct viewpoint for African-American women concerning
correlations between their race and gender and the resulting economic
consequences.
Moolman points out the main issue concerning matrix thinking is how
one accounts for the power dynamics between varying identifying
categories that are ingrained in both oppression and domination
instead of the traditional approach, reducing experiences to a single
identity. For instance, black women's experiences with society are
used to illustrate how even though white scholars have attempted to
use intersectionality in their research, they may still be inclined to
default towards single-identity thinking that often fails to address
all aspects of black women's experiences, thus ignoring the
organization the matrix objectively offers.
The matrix of domination in the colonial era and white society has
also been carefully examined. The societal hierarchy determined by
race and implemented under apartheid locates different racial
populations in regards to their privilege, with African Americans
usually at the bottom of the ladder. Dhamoon argues that on a global
scale, the spot occupied by African Americans in such context is
interchangeable with indigenous populations, as marginalized peoples
are systematically working both within and across a matrix of
interrelated axes of �penalty and privilege�. The interconnectivity of
different identities in regards to power in racial structures in
post-colonial era societies help illustrate what changes make a
difference. The framework setup of the matrix of domination connects
its origin theory and thought to existing struggles in the political
and social spheres of society. A closer look at both specific and
broader aspects of matrix thought will shed more light on the
inner-workings and mechanisms that determine how different
relationship dynamics influence matrix categorizations.
May cites that an important implication that matrix thinking inspires
is that it directly goes against what is often described as the
socially inclusive �add and stir� approach. This is often used when
describing the addition of one or more identity group to existing
epistemological approaches, political strategies or research
methodologies. This accounts for the proper weighing of power dynamics
and their impact on different groups of people. Intersectionality
centers power in a multi-pronged way as shifting across different
sites and scales at the same time. Therefore, it is not neutral but
evolved out of histories of struggle that pursue multidimensional
forms of justice.
Historical background on intersectionality
============================================
Kimberlé Crenshaw, the founder of the term intersectionality, brought
national and scholarly credential to the term through the paper
'Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist
Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and
Antiracist Politics' in The University of Chicago Legal Forum. In the
paper, she uses intersectionality to reveal how feminist movements and
antiracist movements exclude women of color. Focusing on the
experiences of Black women, she dissects several court cases,
influential pieces of literature, personal experiences, and doctrinal
manifestations as evidence for the way Black women are oppressed
through many different experiences, systems and groups.
Though the specifics differ, the basic argument is the same: Black
women are oppressed in a multitude of situations because people are
unable to see how their identities intersect and influence each other.
Feminism has been crafted for white middle class women, only
considering problems that affect this group of people. Unfortunately,
this only captures a small facet of the oppression women face. By
catering to the most privileged women and addressing only the problems
they face, feminism alienates women of color and lower class women by
refusing to accept the way other forms of oppression feed into the
sexism they face. Not only does feminism completely disregard the
experiences of women of color, it also solidifies the connection
between womanhood and whiteness when feminists speak for �all women�.
(Crenshaw:154) Oppression cannot be detangled or separated easily in
the same way identities cannot be separated easily. It is impossible
to address the problem of sexism without addressing racism, as many
women experience both racism and sexism. This theory can also be
applied to the antiracist movement, which rarely addresses the problem
of sexism, even though it is thoroughly intertwined with the problem
of racism. Feminism remains white, and antiracism remains male. In
essence, any theory that tries to measure the extent and manner of
oppression Black women face will be wholly incorrect without using
intersectionality.
Patricia Hill Collins wrote a book entitled 'Black Feminist Thought:
Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment', which
articulated "Black Feminist Thought" in relation to intersectionality
with a focus on the plight of Black women in face of the world, the
white feminist movement, and the male antiracism movement. Collins
references Crenshaw's concept of intersectionality and relates it to
the matrix of domination, "The term matrix of domination describes
this overall social organization within which intersecting oppressions
originate, develop, and are contained.".
Intersectionality and the matrix of domination
================================================
Both intersectionality and the matrix of domination help sociologists
understand power relationships and systems of oppression in society.
The matrix of domination looks at the overall organization of power in
society while intersectionality is used to understand a specific
social location of an identity using mutually constructing features of
oppression.
The concept of intersectionality today is used to move away from one
dimensional thinking in the matrix of domination approach by allowing
for different power dynamics of different identity categories at the
same time. Researchers in public health are using
Intersectionality-Based Policy Analysis (IBPA) Framework to show how
social categories intersect to identify health disparities that evolve
from factors beyond an individual's personal health. Ferlatte applied
an IBPA framework and used structural interviews to identify barriers
to the allocation of HIV prevention funding for gay men. He
highlighted policy more likely to cause harm than reduce the epidemic
stemming from policy makers missing the �intersections of oppression,
sex panic, and medicalization�.
Intersectionality can also be used to correct for the over-attribution
of traits to groups and be used to emphasize unique experiences within
a group. As a result, the field of social work is introducing
intersectional approaches in their research and client interactions.
At the University of Arkansas, the curriculum for a Master of Social
Work (MSW) is being amended to include the Multi-Systems Life Course
(MSLC) approach. Christy and Valandra apply an MSLC approach to
intimate partner violence and economic abuse against poor women of
color to explain that symbols of safety (such as police) in one
population can be symbols of oppression in another. By teaching this
approach to future social workers, the default recommendation for
these women to file a police report is amended and an intervention
rooted in the individual case can emerge.
Implications of the matrix of domination
======================================================================
Many approaches have been used that consider the concepts of identity,
societal structures, and representation to be mutually exclusive, but
the introduction of Patricia Hill Collins� matrix of domination
addresses the interlocking patterns of privilege and marginalization
along the lines of race, class, gender, and class inside social
institutions as well as at the community level. With this work has
come greater recognition of the various effects that each identity
holds in different societal contexts, in both the micro- and
macro-level structures within the systems of oppression that exist.
In female criminality
=======================
In April Bernard's article, �The Intersectional Alternative:
Explaining Female Criminality�, Bernard applies Patricia Hill Collins�
work to the study of feminist criminology, as a means of explaining
the cumulative effects of identity in a system of oppression on
women's decisions to commit a crime. Bernard employs an intersectional
approach to dissect the complexities that act as determinant factors
in a woman's decision to partake in criminal activities, and more
specifically, the limiting pressures of a patriarchal society. In
particular, this article is framed in response to Robert Merton's
claims about deviance as a response to a lack of adequate resources to
achieve cultural goals, as Bernard employs an intersectional paradigm
model that explores female criminality as an expression of constraint
and circumscription, rather than a �strained reality�. With this
alternative framework, Bernard suggests that societal goals are not
unanimous, and are instead shaped by individuals� experiences in
economic, political, and social spaces; for marginalized women, access
to the means through which they build success are impacted by micro-
and macro-level norms and histories that have created indicators of
class (e.g. racial, economic, political, sexual) and subjugated them
to limited networks. Thus, identity makes women with marginalized
identities more vulnerable in the legal system, subjugates to
oppressive states within multiple institutions, and creating a need
for policies that move toward creating an equitable reality for them.
In the welfare state
======================
In the United States, especially, the matrix of domination has
implications within the welfare state. Several sociological studies on
the welfare state take note of state-market relations while ignoring
the salient roles held by other identities such as gender, race,
class, language, and age, among others. Due to the nature of the
welfare state, there has not been much regard for exploring the
existence of multiple axes of oppression which has led to lineation of
categories of race, class, and gender. In �'Politics, Gender, and
Concepts'�, Gary Goertz and Amy Mazur assert that literature about the
welfare state should focus on the relationship between social
positions and social policies, as well as provide a framework for
investigations into the causal effects of class, gender, and race. As
such, using the idea of a matrix of domination in these kinds of
studies provides a basis for empirical research on the relationship
between social positions and policies, and also, for a comparison
between the outcomes of social policies on marginalized and privileged
women.
Benefits among class
======================
The benefits that upper-class citizens receive from their employer are
far different from that of working-class employees. This is due to the
upper class taking jobs that give them a higher status or position,
whereas the working class take jobs with lower status such as retail
and blue-collar jobs. The most obvious benefit that differs between
classes is the amount of money made. Upper-class workers receive
significantly more pay than the working class, and while the upper
class receive salaries, the lower class typically receive their pay
based off hourly wages. Moreover, the chance of getting a raise is
greater for the higher-ups. More benefits that the upper class enjoy
over the working class are vacation time, flexible hours, retirement
savings, and greater coverage of healthcare and insurance.
Benefits among gender
=======================
When it comes to workplace benefits such as health insurance coverage,
pensions, sick leave, and disability plans, there are gender
differences in whether or not these benefits are offered. Women are
less likely to be offered pensions, health coverage and disability
plans. In fact, high poverty rates among elderly women have been
linked to lack of pension coverage. Additionally, many female heads of
household remain on welfare because they cannot find jobs with
adequate health insurance coverage. When it comes to union contracts,
men are also twice as likely to be covered. This gender gap in
benefits coverage may be due to the fact that women tend to have
higher medical expenditures than males of the same age. As a result,
some of the observed gap in wages between males and females in the
United States could be the result of employers compensating for the
higher cost of employer-sponsored health insurance. This further
perpetuates gender discrimination because it means that firms who
offer ESI (Employer Sponsored Insurance) will prefer to hire males.
Another effect of women generally having greater healthcare expenses
than men is that they are likely to place a higher value on insurance
and be more inclined to pass up jobs for insurance-related reasons.
This lowers the probability of obtaining jobs that pay higher wages
directly and decrease a woman's bargaining power with her current
employer. Indeed, health insurance has a larger (negative) effect on
the job mobility of women, which they attribute to women's elevated
healthcare expenses.
Wage gap among class
======================
In the United States there is an unequal distribution of income
between social classes for multiple reasons. Level of education has a
great influence on average salaries. The higher the socioeconomic
status (SES) of an individual the more likely they are to graduate
from high school and potentially obtain a college degree, which in
return increases their chances of a larger salary. The average salary
of an individual with a high school diploma is about $35,000, but
increases to about $60,000 by obtaining a bachelor's degree after. The
gap in salary increases with each additional level of education
received. Those in the lower class face more obstacles and have less
opportunities to pursue additional education due to their lack of
resources. The wage gap is even larger for individuals affected by
poverty and racial barriers. Whites have a median income of about
$71,000 while blacks have a median income of about $43,000. Statistics
show that blacks make up 16% of public high school graduates, 14% of
those enrolling in college, and only 9% of those receiving a
bachelor's degree. At the same time, whites make up 59%, 58%, and 69%,
respectively. That is a 61% difference between blacks not obtaining a
bachelor's degree and whites graduating with one. Individuals in
poverty already face a disadvantage in obtaining the same level of
income as their upper class coworkers, but when also affected by
racial barriers the chances of reaching the same income are even
fewer.
Wage gap among gender
=======================
There is definitely intersectionality and inequality with women and
men when it comes to wage gaps. Careers that pay well are often male
dominated, and do not tolerate women and their personal needs. There
has been a stable �pay gap� between men and women which has remained
between 10-20% difference in their average earnings. (Women, careers
and work life preferences). When discussing wage gaps between
genders, scientists takes into account two questions, the first being
�is there differential access jobs on the basis of gender?� and the
second being, � is women�s work perceived to have less value than
comparable work done by men?�. When women begin to increase their
numbers in certain job positions the status or value of the job
decreases. Conceptualizing intersectionality through class, gender and
race then identifying the barriers that create inequality in Work
organizations is found in the idea of �inequality regimes�. Workplaces
are prominent locations to analyze the continuous efforts of
inequalities because many societal inequality issues stem in such
areas. In the works of Inequality Regimes: Gender, Class, and Race in
Organizations, inequality in gender, race, class are examined through
intersectionality in organizations. Joane Acker discussed Inequality
Regimes: Gender, Class, and Race in Organizations in Sociologists for
Women in Society Feminists Lecture through studies conducted using
Swedish Bank. Studies have shown in the 1980s depict that wage gaps
were increasing between genders. Men were being rewarded the higher
paying positions such as local managers, and believed fair wages for
men should be higher than fair wages for women.
Representation among class
============================
Social class plays a large role on people's everyday life, yet their
representation is not always fair. In television and popular culture,
those who fall into the lower class are often portrayed differently
based on if they are a woman or a man. If they are a woman, they often
are portrayed as being more intelligent and responsible than their
husbands, almost acting as their mothers. The male head of the
household is typically portrayed as being less intelligent, with some
redeeming qualities, but typically is not respected. Together they can
be shown in a light that makes them seem lazy or dishonest. The upper
class however, does not face these same issues with representation in
the media. The man of the household takes on stereotypical male
qualities, while the woman takes on stereotypical female qualities.
The children in this upper class scenario are what provides
entertainment value, rather than focusing on the unintelligent and
unorganized adults as in the lower class model. Overall, in the
upper-class family unit, they are portrayed as organized and put
together, while the lower class model are portrayed as lazy and
unorganized.
Representation among gender
=============================
In American society and many other societies around the world, being a
largely represented group in a position of power means that one has
succeeded in life. Whether one is a manager of a fast food restaurant
or the CEO of a Fortune 500 company, authority is power and power is
advantage. But just like the widespread power struggle, there is a
widespread equality struggle. One of the largest workplace and
societal inequalities is the inequality between genders. A prime
example of this is the wage gap. Women in 2016 earned, on average, 82
cents to a man's dollar. This unequal pay is part of the reason that
many women are the ones to leave the workforce when it is determined
that a stay-at-home parent is required; if women are contributing less
to the household income, it will make less of an impact if they quit
their jobs. Women are also not granted the same opportunities for
employment as men. A clear example is the U.S. military. Women were
banned from all combat roles until recently. In 2011, only 14 percent
of the armed forces were female, and only 14 percent of officers were
female. Another example is the U.S. congress. In 2015, 80 percent of
the Senate was male, and only 20 was female. This numbers were similar
for the House, at 80.6 percent male and 19.4 percent female. The
gender composition of the military and the government, along with the
wage gap, shines a lights on the gender inequality experienced right
here at home, but this inequality is more greatly felt abroad. Some
countries place strict limitations on women, not allowing them to vote
or work or even drive a car. While the U.S. is seen as a country of
dreams and opportunity, is far easier to see this when compared to an
even more unequal country. The United States has been trending toward
gender equality in recent years, but it has a while to go.
Research contributions
========================
An article found in the November 1998 issue of 'Social Problems'
details the conflict involving racial domination by identifying the
complexity African-Americans face. In many cases, sociologists and
laypersons alike are often limited in their approach to the problem.
Michelle Byng, in "Mediating Discrimination: Oppression among
African-American Muslim Women"�the 1998 article�brings to focus new
approaches to understanding discrimination, but also, she writes to
illustrate the many overlooked opportunities in which the
discriminated are able to empower themselves in certain situations.
Intersectionality in court cases
======================================================================
There are countless numbers of court cases that examine
intersectionality within the workforce that did not allow individuals
to have equal opportunities because of their race, gender, and social
class.
The case, 'DeGraffenreid vs. General Motors', provides an example when
the law does an injustice to those that face discrimination. Five
black female production workers were laid off, and took it to court
claiming that the company was violating Title VII of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 because, "it perpetrated past discriminatory practices of
not hiring Black females." The court looked at each of the categories,
race and gender, separately therefore they missed the discrimination
of a person being both African-American and female. "It was argued,
black women can expect little protection as long as approaches, such
as that in DeGraffenreid, which completely obscure problems of
intersectionality prevail.�
Another case, 'Maivan Lam v. University of Hawai'i', where
intersectionality was the core reason behind the problem that emerged.
Maivan Lam was not offered a job twice when she applied to be the
Director of the Law School's Pacific Asian Legal Studies Program. Two
times, the university was looking for a director and when the final
offer came around, and she was the best candidate available, the
university simply cancelled their search. In the first search,
Professor Lam made it to the final round, but was not offered the job
before the whole search was simply shut down. The second time, the
position was offered to another candidate and the other candidate
refused to accept, the search was simply cancelled without it being
offered to Professor Lam. When Lam brought this situation up to the
Dean, he suggested reopening the search so that male candidates who
had not applied on time could submit their applications. It is stated,
"Early in the 1989-90 academic year, the new appointments committee
reviewed applications for a commercial law position. At one meeting, a
male committee member stated that the Law School should not have two
women teaching commercial law. This comment was reported to the Dean,
who said that he recognized that the professor had difficulty dealing
with women but took no action to remove him from the committee or
otherwise to remedy the problem.". There was clear intersectionality
as Professor Lam was not only arguing regards to race but also how her
gender affected her position.
In the case, 'Jefferies v. Harris County Community Action
Association', April 21, 1980, Dafro M. Jefferies claimed that her
former employer failed to promote her to a higher position because of
her race and sex. In 1967 she was employed by Harris County Community
Action Association as a Secretary to the Director of Programs. She was
later promoted to Personal Interviewer in 1970. Everything seemed to
be moving in a positive direction for her. However, between 1971 and
April 1974, Jefferies applied for promotions in various positions and
departments without any luck. She realized that her employer was
discriminating against her when two Field Representative positions
opened. Jefferies immediately applied. However, the positions were
already staffed by a white female and black male the same day that she
was told about the vacant position. The company had purposefully told
her about the open positions knowing that they were already filled by
other staff members. After several complaints to the company, on April
23, 1974 Jefferies was placed on probation. In June 1974, she was
terminated from the job because she had called the company out for
discriminating against her because of her race and sex. There was
clear evidence of intersectionality in this case, she argued; She was
not promoted to a higher position because she was both black and a
female. However, the court ultimately disagreed with her, insofar as
there existed zero concrete evidence to support her case.
See also
======================================================================
*Black feminism
*Intersectionality
*Triple oppression
Further reading
======================================================================
* Collins, Patricia Hill. (2000) 'Black Feminist Thought: knowledge,
consciousness, and the politics of empowerment'. New York, Routledge.
* Byng, Michelle D. (1998) Mediating Discrimination: Resisting
Oppression among African-American Muslim Women. 'Social Problems'
45(4), 473-487.
External links
======================================================================
*[
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/252.html Patricia Hill
Collins, Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of Domination]
*[
https://archive.is/20020512062408/http://coss.stcloudstate.edu/psamuel/Matrix.
htm
The Matrix of Domination, Prof Pat's World of Women's Studies]
*[
https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/F3/40/1551/507676/#fn8]
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=========
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matrix_of_domination
