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The poverty of mainstream universalism and exclusive identity politics
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Date: None

As a result, most critics are hardly capable of identifying the major problems of identity politics: firstly, its widespread disregard for the importance of intersectionality, knowledge and expertise (that is independent of the respective identity) and secondly, the lack of a critique of capitalist structures and socio-economic inequalities (beyond specific identities), which, in turn, prevents a comprehensive understanding of discrimination, oppression, exploitation and emancipation.

It is no surprise that in the past several years, more and more white male public intellectuals, journalists, politicians, activists and ‘concerned citizens’ (besorgte Bürger) have come to the fore complaining about cancel culture, precisely because the critique of (old) white men has never been as vibrant in Germany (and in the world) as today. In fact, a large portion of men, white elites and the majority society are doing their best not to lose further ground when it comes to the prerogatives of definition, discourse, and interpretation. Moreover, many are afraid of having to share jobs, resources and power.

Missing the point

In recent months, several public persons have rightly pointed out that (self-)censorship jeopardizes productive discussion; that universal values and principles are more inclusive and emancipatory than cultural relativism and special interests and that the right to speak is, and should not be coupled with racial, gender, class, religious, political, etc. identities.

Nonetheless, a number of recent commentators often forget to contextualize and historicize their critique. Indeed, only a few critical observers have captured an important dimension of postmodern, postcolonial, anti-racist, and feminist critiques of the mainstream discourse; that is, questions of asymmetrical power relations, coercion, the importance of positionality, the lack of recognition, representation, and opportunities of participation for underprivileged people in society and politics.

Just to give a few examples, it is well known that in Germany, women earn about 20% less than men and it is widely accepted that gender-neutral language is intended to counter discrimination. The critique of sexism, misogyny, patriarchy and gender inequality is undoubtedly an integral part of the struggle for emancipation. In the realm of institutions, gender relations have been continuously improving as a result of the struggles of feminist and LGBTQ+ activists and progressive social movements. Although much more needs to be done, we now see an increasing number of women in leading positions and the advancement of women’s rights in the realm of jurisdiction. By comparison, institutional racism in the job and housing markets, for example, have scarcely improved at all, not to mention the global reserve army of non-citizens who probably represent the single most discriminated and disenfranchised group of humans within the ‘developed world’.

On a personal note, while a large percentage of the employees of my former university consisted of women, I was the only person of color among the faculty members of my department. And there are a lot of social and human science departments in Germany and other European countries where this is equally the case. Job advertisements often indicate that women and people with disabilities will be preferred when possessing appropriate professional aptitude. Needless to say, this is absolutely necessary, given the long-lasting discrimination and subjugation women and other disinherited people have faced in centuries past. But POC and socially disadvantaged persons are hardly ever mentioned in employment ads – at least in German history departments. And that is a great deficiency.

[1] Url: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/poverty-mainstream-universalism-and-exclusive-identity-politics/