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Are sticky fingers responsible for delays at Georgian customs checkpoints? [1]
['Irakli Machaidze']
Date: 2025-07
Fuel and freight trucks at the Kazbegi-Upper Lars checkpoint on the Georgian-Russian border, a crucial hub for Armenia’s trade and transportation. Some observers have alleged that Tbilisi is working with the Kremlin to exert economic pressure on Yerevan by hindering the flow of goods between Armenia and Russia. (Photo: gov.ru)
Armenians are experiencing an inflationary surge, and many are blaming Georgia for intentionally creating trade bottlenecks causing shortages.
A spike in the price of liquid petroleum gas (LPG) of about 40 percent in Armenia has become the latest flashpoint of bilateral tension, following on the heels of accusations in the spring that Georgia was hindering Armenian food and alcoholic beverage exports to Russia.
Some observers have alleged that Tbilisi is working with Russia to exert economic pressure on Yerevan, aiming to upend Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s efforts to move Armenia into a Western geopolitical orbit. Others believe the delays are connected to a rise in petty corruption amid Georgia’s about-face away from the European Union, back towards Russia.
LPG is the most widely used and affordable fuel for transportation in Armenia, making the price surge deeply felt across a broad spectrum of Armenian society. Since early July, around 500 Armenian gas trucks, each carrying dozens of tons of Russian LPG, have been held up at the Georgian border, some for over a week.
Georgian officials steadfastly deny any serious delays at customs checkpoints, while Armenian drivers report a different story: long queues, murky inspections, and claims that bribes are being solicited to speed things up.
Armenia’s Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan has been closely tracking the situation, posting almost daily updates on how many trucks are crossing into Armenia. At the same time, there has not been meaningful diplomatic engagement on trade issues.
It is unclear whether a recent uptick in gas deliveries, published by Armenia’s economy minister, signals real progress in troubleshooting the bottleneck, or just that transport companies have started paying up. Either way, the situation evokes memories of Georgia’s post-Soviet “Gaishniki” era, when petty corruption among traffic cops was rampant.
Frustration is boiling over among Armenian drivers, especially after Minister Papoyan announced he would forward the bribery claims to Armenia’s Anti-Corruption Bureau. “This is important, because if there really is a bribe, then this too should be exposed and communicated to the Georgian colleagues,” Papoyan wrote.
Many see that as a hollow gesture. “They’re trying to fix this blindfolded. It’s impossible the minister doesn’t know what’s going on. Drivers are handing over money,” one driver told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
On the Georgian side, officials are not offering explanations, and insist everything is operating normally, much like they did during the Armenian cognac transit dispute. On July 16, the Georgian Revenue Service, an agency overseeing customs operations, dismissed talk of a cargo blockade as “a complete lie, aimed at misleading the public, discrediting the agency, and politicizing the issue.”
The agency accused media outlets of spreading “unchecked” information and claimed that at the Kazbegi-Upper Lars checkpoint on the Georgian-Russian border, “there was a minor disruption to trucks for a short time, which has been completely resolved.”
At the same time, agency officials make no mention of mounting driver testimonies describing a clear new system for bypassing lengthy Georgian border inspections, starting at around $1,200 per truck in bribes, according to various media reports.
Some in the Armenian opposition see the standoff as a symptom of worsening ties between Yerevan and Tbilisi. MP Garnik Danielyan blamed both the “deterioration of Armenian-Georgian relations” and the “inaction of Armenian authorities.”
On the other side, Georgian opposition figures are also sounding an alarm, including over concerns that Georgia’s border is being used as an instrument of regional coercion serving the interests of “outside” forces, a code term for Russia. Prominent opposition figure Salome Zourabichvili condemned the delay of Armenian cargo as a betrayal of “centuries-old Georgian-Armenian friendship,” warning that Georgia “must stand as a true partner — not a channel for pressure.”
Armenia relies heavily on Georgia to act as a trade conduit, with over 57,500 Armenia trucks passing through Georgian territory so far this year. Until recently, this corridor ran smoothly. But friction is becoming the new normal. In June, after weeks of unclear delays, Tbilisi and Yerevan reportedly reached an understanding over stalled cognac exports. But now, it remains uncertain when LPG deliveries will stabilize, leading to a drop in prices.
Meanwhile, Gazprom-Armenia CJSC announced July 24 that natural gas supplies to Armenia from Russia would be suspended for two days to enable repairs to a Georgian section of the North Caucasus-Transcaucasia main gas pipeline. The company said there was sufficient reserve capacity on hand so that customers would not experience any disruption during the planned two-day repair period.
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https://eurasianet.org/are-sticky-fingers-responsible-for-delays-at-georgian-customs-checkpoints
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