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AntiCapitalist MeetUp: enclosure, exclusion, and inclusion are part of macro-modeling [1]
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Date: 2025-05-25
21st Century accumulation by dispossession has redefined how analog and digital territory is defined by four practices: privatization, financialization, management and manipulation of crises, and state redistributions.
Enclosure is one means by which accumulation practices can be interpreted within a regional terrain model, noting that enclosing also implies exclusion. The concept of exclosure as a means of protecting capital from predation could be a more widely applied concept.
Enclosure under feudalism continued under capitalism as fencing off property and monumentalizing territory affirmed by government, local, region or federal.
Enclosure or inclosure[a] is a term, used in English landownership, that refers to the appropriation of "waste"[b] or "common land"[c], enclosing it, and by doing so depriving commoners of their traditional rights of access and usage. Agreements to enclose land could be either through a formal or informal process.[4] The process could normally be accomplished in three ways. First there was the creation of "closes",[d] taken out of larger common fields by their owners.[e] Secondly, there was enclosure by proprietors, owners who acted together, usually small farmers or squires, leading to the enclosure of whole parishes. Finally there were enclosures by acts of Parliament.[6] annihilation of the commons Racial composition of Chicago area (2010 Census) Exclusionary zoning is the use of zoning ordinances to exclude certain types of land uses from a given community, especially to regulate racial and economic diversity.[1] In the United States, exclusionary zoning ordinances are standard in almost all communities. Exclusionary zoning was introduced in the early 1900s, typically to prevent racial and ethnic minorities from moving into middle- and upper-class neighborhoods.
Enclosure is both abstract and concrete because it is always sublated and defined by a system of demarcation. It defines not simply perimeters but also parameters.
Enclosure can be ‘capitalized’ no different than a money commodity and as an asset.
Similarly, what constitutes national boundaries were created from historical knowledge constructed from centuries of conflict often with indeterminate resolution. As current politics has revealed, theft and violence remain as primitive or ‘original’ as always in enforcing its inexorable logic of accumulation.
The rise of cryptocurrency and NFTs has transformed the nature of enclosure as capital and turned settler colonialism into more insidious digital enclosures that have ever increasing environmental/social costs while accumulating (fictitious) capital.
What drives such digital commodities is the dynamic nature of rent as the sign of capital accumulation. Are there dimensional models that can measure these intersections of rents and their social costs.
The necessary location of carbon capture technology, whether active of passive should also be measured by its regional rent impact beyond environmental impact.
For example AI suggests that affordability like ‘abundance’ is the measure of such meaning, as if rent was only about price within the context of budgeting. Rather it is more about the subsequent value derived from exchange that emphasize the creation of surplus and its implied valorization. In that sense, the polarities are more about …capital gain/loss rather than affordable/expensive prices.
A two-dimensional map of meaning can also signify a contestable terrain for surplus value. Layering a cultural model atop the natural terrain model can now be realized with advanced technology as carbon production moves at the macro level no different than weather patterns. Carbon thus resembles capital and hence forms ways to assess valorization.
en.wikipedia.org/... The Greimas square can be used to analyze the concept of rent by establishing opposing elements such as "affordable rent" (S1) and "expensive rent" (S2), along with their contradictions and complements, like "not affordable" (~S1) and "not expensive" (~S2). This framework helps to explore the relationships and implications of different rental prices within a given context. (A.I.’s take) ----------------------------- The semiotic square, derived from Aristotle's logical square of opposition, was developed by Algirdas J. Greimas, a Lithuanian-French linguist and semiotician, who considered the semiotic square to be the elementary structure of meaning. The semiotic square, developed by Greimas and Rastier, is a tool used in oppositional analyses. It allows us to refine an analysis by increasing the number of analytical classes stemming from a given opposition from two (e.g., life/death) to four – (1) life, (2) death, (3) life and death (the living dead), (4) neither life nor death (angels) – to eight or even ten.
Increasing analytic classes advances research beyond the two dimensional space defined by the square. It is more about a multilayered system of categorical planes/surfaces with points and networks of values. As useful as a schematic modelling device, two dimensional models cannot account for the complex system dynamics of multidimensional economic activity.
Colonial-neocolonial land/labor/capital surfaces represented in multiple layers better signify the modeling of uneven development that mirrors the presence/absence of settler colonial activity. Imagine multiple layers of networks where the differences among boundaries create gaps where catastrophic ‘shadows’ occur. For example redlining cannot accurately demarcate urban racial discrimination, but dispossession as accumulation could be modeled by more than property ownership changes, for example in terms of ‘value’.
In Capital, Karl Marx already identified the centrality of colonial and settler colonial regimes, alongside slavery, to the functioning of capitalism, through his critique of classical political economy’s approach to ‘so-called primitive accumulation’: The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalled the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief moments of primitive accumulation. On their heels treads the commercial war of the European nations, with the globe for a theatre. In fact, this focus on the continuous reliance of capitalism on theft and violence to integrate resources previously outside of its reach into the global market, which David Harvey has helpfully termed accumulation by dispossession, is a powerful tool to identify the specific ways in which settler colonial regimes are integrated into the global political economy. Glen Sean Coulthard and Robert Nichols, amongst others, have made important contributions to understanding what is particular about settler colonialism as well as how it fits into general capitalist processes, through this lens. developingeconomics.org/...
As with center-periphery models that demonstrate the difference between urban and rural development, the multiple layers of infrastructure, demographics, wealth, and resources are both abstract and concrete in the degrees of capital distribution that can be transferred among models of growth/decline. Accordingly there is a correspondence of indices of ‘rents’. All have their ‘layers’.
www.urbandemographics.org/... Marx saw what he described as the colonisation of the Irish soil as unfolding over two stages separated by the Great Famine. In the pre-Famine years, those working the land were usually cottiers who lived on small rented holdings. Commodity crops like grain were grown for sale in order to pay rent while, on what land remained, potatoes provided subsistence. Such workers had some interest in maintaining the fertility of the soil they worked using methods like animal manuring. However, the precarious nature of their tenure and the level of exploitation they were under meant that such measures as they could implement were at best temporary. Often their position was at the bottom of a chain of landlords and middlemen. The compound effect of this was staggeringly high rents which usually forced the renter, on top of an already gruelling existence, into providing extra labour for landowners as a means of subsidy. Marx described this process as “rack-renting”, likening it to a medieval torture device. What is worse, the profits extracted from such rental schemes were rarely put back into the land but were invested overseas. mronline.org/...
Similarly, carbon ‘footprints’ can be modeled as such layers along with their dynamic areal production including network corridors for such production. identifying the carbon footprint for industrial production only is an overlay on more dynamic networks including air and water pollution.
Similarly, enclosures of concrete/abstract areas can be modeled whether as evidence of environmental racism, redlining, air/water/soil quality, or financialization. The valorization of waste as a commodity form is likely spatialized and transported as commodities providing a materials value map.
Global North/South has fluid boundaries when BRICS nations’ carbon includes major urban areas that offset the carbon sinks within their borders, and the trade networks defining the supply chains move pollution globally against atmospheric jet streams.
The world’s richest top ten percent are responsible for 25 to 43 percent of consumption-based CO2, while the world’s poorest ten percent are responsible for only three to five percent. Even though emissions are effectively decoupled from GDP growth in certain rich countries, this hides the fact that rich countries are effectively exporting their consumption emissions to poorer countries. Rich countries consistently have higher consumption emissions, the emissions associated with each country’s consumption, than poorer countries. Often, rich countries use these “offshored emissions” to shift the burden of climate change mitigation on the poorer countries, who rely upon manufactured exports for survival and need help from affluent countries to transition to clean energy. Despite being the ones who consume and emit the most, affluent countries suffer few consequences from their wasteful consumption compared to low-income countries. Affluent consumption generates an incredible amount of waste–most of which end up in the Global South. Roughly two billion tons of waste are traded annually. As rich countries ship their own waste, especially plastic waste, out of sight while poorer countries who import shiploads of waste receive the brunt of the toxic effects. Despite the Basel Convention banning the export of hazardous waste, they do not regulate plastics. The human and environmental effects are apparent. Developing countries often end up incinerating the plastic waste that they receive. This creates significant air pollution that harms the health of nearby communities. As more countries are starting to deny the mass export of waste and landfills in urban areas are overflowing, rich countries now have to figure out what to do with their own waste. developingeconomics.org/...
The latest version of the ‘technofeudal’ discourse.
x How Europe’s sheer stupidity combined with its ethical downfall to underwrite Israel’s genocide of Palestinians. Plus, more on Trump's economics and Technofeudalism – on the Middle East Eye's UNAPOLOGETIC www.yanisvaroufakis.eu/2025/05/20/h...
[image or embed] — Yanis Varoufakis (@yanisvaroufakis.bsky.social) May 20, 2025 at 1:15 PM
Capitalism, it’s already dead, Jim.
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