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How Democrats Can Win in 2028 [1]
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Date: 2025-04-17
Let’s get straight to the point: Democrats can win in 2028—but only if they stop alienating a huge portion of the American electorate. That includes people of faith, especially Christians. Dismissing or mocking religious beliefs doesn’t just violate Democratic ideals of inclusion and empathy—it’s also bad political strategy.
A growing number of Americans, including many Christians, align with the Democratic Party on core issues like poverty, racial justice, healthcare, environmental protection, and human rights. Pew Research Center data from 2024 shows that about 50% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents identify as Christian. That’s not a fringe group—it’s half the base. And yet, they’re often treated with skepticism or scorn in progressive spaces.
To be clear, criticizing far-right politics, Trumpism, and the hypocrisy of some religious leaders is fair game. But blanket disdain for Christianity or religion more broadly plays straight into the GOP’s hands. It allows bad-faith actors to paint the left as anti-religion, anti-family, and disconnected from American values. Worse, it pushes moderate and independent Christian voters toward the right—not because they agree with Republican policies, but because they feel unwelcome elsewhere.
Take the derisive term “Orange Messiah” or snide comments about “sky gods.” They’re not clever—they’re counterproductive. That language doesn’t challenge Christian Nationalism; it confirms the false narrative that Democrats hate Christians. Many people of faith—people who could be natural Democratic allies—hear those jokes and walk away.
This isn’t about pandering. It’s about building coalitions rooted in mutual respect and shared values. It's about recognizing that mockery is not a message, and that shaming people for their faith won’t win elections. Want to sway independent voters? Don’t start by insulting what they believe.
This brings us to a crucial distinction: Christian Nationalism is not Christianity. It's a political ideology that weaponizes religion in service of authoritarianism and exclusion. Its adherents cherry-pick scripture to advance a hyper-conservative agenda, but it has no basis in authentic spiritual or moral values.
A dangerous example is Project 2025—a far-right blueprint masquerading as a religious movement. It proposes sweeping “reforms” that blur the line between church and state, undermining democracy in the name of faith. But make no mistake: this is not religion. It is extremism wrapped in scripture.
Efforts like Project 2025 are not just theocratic—they are profoundly un-American. The real irony? While claiming to uphold Christianity, they distort its teachings beyond recognition. The foundational principle of separating church and state is not a secular talking point; it’s supported by scripture and upheld by the founders of this country. And yet, extremists continue to misuse religion for political gain.
Public figures like Paula White-Cain only make it worse. Promoting Prosperity Gospel scams or promising divine rewards in exchange for cash donations is spiritual exploitation, not spiritual leadership. But if Democrats allow figures like her to define Christianity in the public imagination—without drawing distinctions—they miss the opportunity to engage with the millions of people who are just as appalled by these abuses.
This isn’t just a political problem. It’s a communications problem.
So what can Democrats do differently?
1. Stop painting with a broad brush.
Criticizing Christian Nationalism is necessary. Mocking all Christians is lazy. Democrats must reject the false equivalence that all religious people are regressive or aligned with the far right. Many Christians are progressive, and many share core Democratic values—compassion, justice, humility, equality. Elevate those commonalities instead of amplifying the divides.
2. Make space for faith without compromising principles.
There should be room in the Democratic coalition for people who come to progressive politics through their faith. This doesn’t mean shifting policies. It means creating a culture where people don’t feel they have to hide or apologize for being religious to belong.
3. Focus on shared values, not theological differences.
Justice, environmental stewardship, caring for the poor, welcoming the stranger—these aren’t just Democratic ideals. They’re shared moral imperatives across many faiths. Rally around those goals, and the coalition gets bigger, not smaller.
4. Name the threat of Christian Nationalism clearly—but don’t confuse it with religion itself.
The danger isn’t Christianity—it’s the political hijacking of Christianity. Condemn that loudly. But also distinguish it clearly, so that people of faith feel invited to join the fight rather than treated as part of the problem.
If Democrats want to reclaim the House in 2026 and take the White House in 2028, they’ll need every vote—including from independents and moderate religious voters who feel politically homeless. That means recognizing that ideological purity isn’t as powerful as building real, inclusive alliances.
The Democratic Party thrives when it lives up to its own values: empathy, inclusion, and justice. That must include space for people of faith who are ready to stand against extremism. In the battle against Christian Nationalism, Democrats don’t need to choose between conviction and coalition—they just need to communicate better, listen more, and resist the urge to mock people of faith.
This is how you build a winning strategy. This is how you grow a movement. And this is how you win.
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