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1832. 1930s. Vance. 2016. 2025. Hit#%&*sque? [1]
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Date: 2025-02-12
It is important to understand our political opponents. The following provides a brief background of J.D. Vance before examining his political evolution from 2016 to today.
J.D. Vance has undergone significant personal and political changes throughout his life. Born James Donald Bowman, his name changed to James David Hamel after being adopted by his mother’s third husband at age six. Later, he adopted the surname of his maternal grandmother, becoming J.D. Vance, a name he carried into his professional and political career.
Vance’s education includes four years in the Marine Corps, a bachelor’s degree from Ohio State University, and a law degree from Yale. At Yale, he served on the Law Review. His role seems to have involved citation checking.
His career from 2014 to 2024 included:
1 A one-year federal clerkship in Mississippi.
2 Eight months at a law firm in Columbus, Ohio.
3 Work at two venture capital firms in San Francisco, associated with Peter Thiel for four years
4 Writing “Hillbilly Elegy” during this time.
5 Returning to Columbus to found a venture capital firm with Thiel’s support.
6 Running for Senate with $15 million in campaign funding from Thiel.
7 Serving two years in the Senate.
8 Becoming Vice President after aligning politically with Donald Trump.
Vance’s ideological shifts have been notable. In 2016, he was critical of Trump, calling him an “American Hitler.” However, under the influence of figures like Thiel, he transitioned from a more moderate stance to staunch conservatism, aligning closely with Trump’s political movement. His ideological transformation has led to questions about his consistency and principles. In all of the above, some wonder if he is a chameleon, changing constantly to align with external realities. And what of Usha Chilukuri Vance, his lovely, intelligent, brown-skinned, first-generation Indian-American, Harvard-trained lawyer, wife, and their two biracial children?
A key moment illustrating Vance’s stance on judicial power occurred on February 9, 2025, when he posted on X (formerly Twitter), “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power,” citing legal scholar Adrian Vermeule’s argument that judicial oversight of executive action can violate separation of powers. However, ignoring judicial oversight, as required by the concept of checks and balances, will violate the Constitution.
In 2021, Vance opined on a podcast saying, “And when the courts — because you will get taken to court — and when the courts stop you, stand before the country like Andrew Jackson did and say: ‘The chief justice has made his ruling. Now let him enforce it.’” (Source:
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/09/us/politics/vance-trump-federal-courts-executive-order.html)
But recalling the history of those words is important. The case was the 1832 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Worcester v. Georgia, which blocked the state of Georgia from forcibly relocating the Cherokee because they were a sovereign nation. This blocked the 1830 Indian Removal Act. In 1838, under President Van Buren, the U.S. military, with the help of state militias, removed 16,000 Cherokee from their ancestral lands in Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, and North Carolina. They were first rounded up and held in stockades, i.e., detention camps. (Sound familiar?) They were then forced to walk over 1,000 miles to “Indian Territory” (present-day Oklahoma). The journey took four to six months, and 25% of the Cherokee, 4,000, died along the way from exposure, illness, and malnutrition. The event is called “The Trail of Tears.” Fortunately, the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 restricted the use of the U.S. military for domestic law enforcement. Unfortunately, it did not apply to Native Americans. This historical precedent reminds us about the potentially devastating consequences of ignoring judicial authority.
The dangers of undermining judicial independence are stark. In the 1930s, Nazi Germany dismantled its judiciary, replacing independent courts with a legal system that served the regime’s interests. The People’s Court (Volksgerichtshof) became a tool for suppressing political dissent, and legal principles were subordinated to the will of the state. While the U.S. has strong, though slow, legal safeguards, Trump’s ignoring of judicial authority could set a dangerous precedent. Judicial authority will be tested as one lawsuit after another is filed, an avalanche of legal opposition to actions by Trump, Musk, Bove, Bondi, Hegseth, Vought, et al., and quite likely actions by Patel, RFK, Jr., McMahon, and Gabbard. However, lawsuits are already being filed at the FBI, HHS, and the Department of Education.
Trump and Musk have bristled at all of the lawsuits, including Musk suggesting one judge needs to be impeached. In response, Liz Cheney wrote, “If you believe any of the multiple federal courts that have ruled against you so far are exceeding their statutory or constitutional authority, your recourse is to appeal. You don’t get to rage-quit the Republic just because you are losing. That’s tyranny.” (Source:
https://www.thetimes.com/us/american-politics/article/donald-trump-lashes-out-truth-social-elon-musk-083qpsld8)
When just asked if he would abide by court rulings, Trump said, “The answer is I always abide by the courts, always abide by them. And we’ll appeal,” He added. “But appeals take a long time.” (Source:
https://www.news10.com/hill-politics/trump-says-hell-abide-by-court-orders-that-block-parts-of-his-agenda/0) Notably, as above, this is not Vance’s position. He expects Trump to disobey the courts, even the Supreme Court.
We look to the courts to save us, but there are several problems.
First, the courts are incredibly slow, which allows for the destruction of agencies like USAID and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. With the Department of Education potentially next in line, it seems that Trump may continue his actions before the courts can intervene.
Second, if Trump or others like Musk ignore judicial rulings, serious concerns about the rule of law will be raised. Chief Justice John Roberts and the Supreme Court may soon face a test of their authority if Trump says, “John Roberts has made his decision; now let him enforce it.” How Roberts responds could have profound implications for the future of constitutional governance. However, much like Chief Justice John Marshall in 1832, it may ultimately not matter.
Third—and more likely, though just as devastating—the Roberts Court may side with Trump in numerous areas as it affirms the concept of the unitary presidency (aka dictator?). In this case, the only remedy might be left to Congress, which, under Republican leadership, will not act.
Given these stakes, it may now be necessary for Americans to take action — “When in the Course of human events” — by contacting elected officials, organizing protests, and utilizing peaceful methods like strikes, sickouts, slowdowns, and boycotts. Defending our Democracy requires a collective effort to ensure our Constitution and country remain intact.
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