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Caribbean Matters: Death toll in Haiti rises as outside intervention put on hold for now [1]
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Date: 2023-10-18
The ongoing death and destruction in Israel and Gaza currently dominate global news coverage, as does the continuing battle of Ukraine defending against Russia. But here at home in our hemisphere, the death toll continues to rise in Haiti due to gang control, violence, limited food and water supplies, and the impact of multiple natural disasters.
There are numerous “solutions” being proposed by the United Nations, CARICOM, Haitian organizations and activists, and global humanitarian agencies. None of these solutions are new, and I’m afraid that none of them, if they ever go into effect, will solve a situation that has been part of the Haiti story for many, many decades. Many Haitians believe strongly that Haiti and Haitians are still being punished for “daring to be free” as the first nation in the Americas to throw off Black enslavement. (Not to mention the damage to its economy by being forced to pay reparations to the enslavers for that very freedom.) It’s been a year since we addressed this issue, and the situation remains unresolved and continues to deteriorate.
RELATED STORY: Caribbean Matters: Intervention or no intervention? That is the Haiti question
Caribbean Matters is a weekly series from Daily Kos. If you are unfamiliar with the region, check out Caribbean Matters: Getting to know the countries of the Caribbean.
I happened to notice this post from Patrick Stephenson, one of the people I follow on X (formerly known as Twitter) which points to the loss of life and displacement in Haiti as compared to the Middle East crisis.
Haiti’s loss of life, though very high, will not garner the same type of global attention as open warfare. What has been making headlines, however, is the idea of sending yet another policing force into Haiti, this time from Africa—specifically Kenya, as if somehow, the blackness of Kenyans would mitigate the critiques of past use of foreign troops like those from Nepal or the U.S.
There have been multiple foreign military interventions in the country led by the U.S. and the U.N. since the 1900s. Let’s do a quick review from this AP explainer written by Caribbean correspondent Dánica Coto in 2022:
The U.N. launched a peacekeeping mission in 1993, followed by the arrival of U.S. troops in 1994. Another intervention occurred in 2004. The first of those was to restore President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. The second followed a rebellion that removed him again. Seven Haitian presidents were ousted or killed from 1911 to 1915, prompting U.S. President Woodrow Wilson to send U.S marines to Haiti in 1914. The U.S. removed half a million dollars from the Haitian National Bank for alleged safekeeping in New York. A formal U.S. occupation began in July 1915 and lasted until August 1934. In September 1994, the U.S. sent more than 20,000 troops and two aircraft carriers to Haiti as part of an operation dubbed “Restore Democracy” under President Bill Clinton. The aim was to restore to power Aristide, who had been ousted in a 1991 military coup. Aristide had become Haiti’s first democratically elected president the year before. A smaller contingent of U.S. troops remained in Haiti until early 2000, often under U.N. auspices. ... Aristide was overthrown again in February 2004 in a rebellion originally launched by a street gang. The U.S., which had pushed him to resign, flew Aristide out of the country and sent troops — as did Canada, France and Chile. They were soon replaced by troops of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, which stayed until 2017.
Clearly the interventions didn’t fix anything and, in the view of many Haiti observers, has only exacerbated the situation. The Guardian does regularly cover Haiti, and has done an excellent review of the history of the rise of gangs on the island:
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The Guardian video notes:
Since the assassination of Haiti's president, Jovenel Moïse, in 2021, the country has been in turmoil, with gangs taking control of much of the capital, Port-au-Prince. But they are not a new phenomenon. Gangs have had a longstanding role in Haiti's political life since the 1950s. The roots of the country's hardship go back even further. Josh Toussaint-Strauss explores the historical background to the current crisis and discovers how gangs have become so embedded in Haitian politics.
In August 2023, journalist Luke Taylor wrote for The Guardian on Kenya’s offer to send police to Haiti and the impact that would have:
An offer from Kenya to dispatch police officers to Haiti has been welcomed by officials in the embattled Caribbean nation – but prompted concern among human rights groups who say the move could worsen the country’s security crisis. Haiti’s prime minister, Ariel Henry, requested international support from the UN last year when gangs began taking control of much of the country, engulfing the nation in chaos as they fought pitched street battles. The pledge this week from Kenya to “deploy a contingent of 1,000 police officers to help train and assist Haitian police restore normalcy in the country and protect strategic installations” has been welcomed by Canada, the US and the UN secretary general. ... The 1,000 additional officers will be a boost to Haitian police but they will need more reinforcements if they want to vanquish the criminal groups and retake control of the country rather than just containing them, said Louis-Henri Mars, founder of Lakou Lapè, a local peace-building organisation. Haiti has about 9,500 police officers serving its population of 12 million and no army as it was disbanded for staging coups. “I am not sure that the Kenyan police has the capacity to lead such a force and they do not seem to have a good reputation,” Mars said.
Julian Borger, Caroline Kimeu, and Luke Taylor wrote a piece for the Guardian about the concerns around sending a Kenyan-led security force once it was approved by the U.N.:
The UN will face a serious challenge and many doubts over the ability of an outside force with its own record of abuses to combat the Haitian gangs. The country’s prime minister, Ariel Henry, and his government called for help from a foreign force nearly a year ago, as gangs took over more and more of the country, driving a surge in homicides, rapes and kidnappings, which have contributed to dire poverty and severe hunger. ... So far this year, more than 2,400 Haitians have been reported killed, more than 950 kidnapped and another 902 injured, according to UN statistics. Last month, the most powerful gang boss, Jimmy Chérizier, a formed police officer known as “Barbecue”, called for an armed uprising to oust Henry.
A segment of the left is objecting to the Kenyan-led mission. The Black Alliance for Peace released this statement on Oct. 8, which has been signed by 70 leftist organizations:
On Monday, October 2, 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) voted on a resolution for a Multinational Security Support Mission authorizing the deployment of a foreign military and police intervention into the Republic of Haiti. Although the vote did not receive unanimous approval, as it saw abstentions from two permanent UNSC members, 13 other permanent and non-permanent members voted in support, including three African countries (Gabon, Ghana and Mozambique). This is a particularly egregious betrayal of Haiti, which has been for Africans and Black people around the world a beacon in the fight against slavery, colonialism and imperialism. Yet the U.S. administration, the corporate media, alongside figures such as Linda Thomas-Greenfield, have hailed the vote as a victory. We note, also, that the U.S. has tapped Kenya, another African country, to lead a multinational force of “volunteer” nations to occupy Haiti, leaving their own troops at home while offering at least $100 million in support.
Haitian-American Democratic Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick of Florida has weighed in on the U.N. intervention plan. She is co-chair of the House Haiti Caucus, which was formed in 2021. Helen Acevedo reported for WLRN and talked to Rep. Cherfilius-McCormick on Oct. 9:
U.S. Rep. Sheila Cherfilus McCormick, of South Florida, told WLRN that the U.N. decision to send a multi−national security force to Haiti to neutralize violent gangs is long overdue and includes safeguards to protect the Haitian people from possible human rights violations. “I think everyone has a hesitation initially because we understand the past,” said the Haitian-American congresswoman from South Florida, referring to Haiti’s history with foreign intervention. “But I think when you balance it against the atrocities and the terrorism that the people are facing, you have a sense of ‘how can we deny our brothers and sisters the help they're crying out for?’” [...] Asked about concerns with Kenya leading the security mission, especially amid reports their own police have been the subject of human rights complaints, Cherfilus McCormick said she has discussed safeguards with U.N. officials. “I've been in discussion with the U.N. Security Council Ambassador [Linda Thomas-]Greenfield, about what we can add to make sure that the Haitian people feel comfortable with this mission,” she said.
Rep. Cherfilius-McCormick was also interviewed by MSNBC’s José Díaz-Balart on Oct. 3:
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Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-FL) comments on the U.N.'s move and the plight of the Haitian people. "We're hoping to see the Haitian people get some kind of relief from the terrorism they've been facing, but we're also looking into safeguards. How do we ensure that there are no human rights violations, that the Haitian people feel comfortable with the multinational security force?"
As it stands now, the introduction of 1,000 Kenyan police officers into Haiti is on hold as of Monday due to a ruling by a court in Kenya:
But a Nairobi court granted an interim injunction on Monday in a case brought by opposition politician Ekuru Aukot, who argued the deployment was unconstitutional as it was not backed by any law or treaty. Aukot, a lawyer who helped draft Kenya's revised 2010 constitution, charged that Kenya was deploying its police abroad at a time it had failed to quell insecurity within its own borders. "I am satisfied that the application and petition raise substantial issues of national importance and public interest that require urgent consideration," High Court judge Enock Mwita ruled. "A conservatory order is hereby issued restraining the respondents from deploying police officers to Haiti or any other country until 24th October 2023," the ruling seen by AFP said.
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The story was also covered by the Miami Herald’s Jacqueline Charles:
[President William] Ruto has always said that Kenya’s leadership of the mission was contingent on several factors: an assessment of the crisis by his security experts; that at least 2,000 personnel are ready to be deployed by different countries; that the U.N. Security Council approve the mission, and that Kenya lawmakers green light the effort. ... Although the mission has received U.N. approval, it is not technically a U.N. deployment. That approach has provoked debate in Kenya. Ruto has not said when the forces would be deployed. However, former Foreign Minister Alfred Mutua, who lost his job last week in a cabinet reshuffle, had said they could arrive in Haiti by January if not sooner.
What the outcome will be remains to be seen. I have a feeling that the forces supporting intervention, yet again, will win out. I also feel that the losers, yet again, will be the Haitian people. What do you think?
Join me in the comments section below for more, and for the weekly Caribbean news roundup.
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