Date: Sun, 8 Aug 1993 22:20:54 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: News: Aug 6-9 (92 KB)
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 11, 1993, Wednesday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; Weekly Economic Report; ENERGY; ENERGY -
OVERSEAS INVESTMENT
PAGE: FE/W0294/A
HEADLINE: Petroleum company opens office in Singapore
SOURCE: New China news agency in English 1532 gmt 20 Jul 93
China Star Private Ltd, the first subsidiary of China Petroleum
Technology Development Corporation (CPTDC) to be set up in the Asia-
Pacific region, established an office in Singapore on 20th July.
China Star has been set up to explore opportunities in the Asia-Pacific
region and the Middle East, Xia Peiqing, president of CPTDC, said at the
opening ceremony.
CPTDC has subordinate companies and offices in Hong Kong, Houston and
Los Angeles, Moscow and Peru. The company had a trade volume for
1992 of 1.1bn US dollars.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 10, 1993, Tuesday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; Weekly
Economic Report; paraguay - venezuela
PAGE: ME/W0294/A3
HEADLINE: PERU; Inflation rate figures
SOURCE: Television Global, Lima 0100 gmt 3 Aug 93
Inflation went up 2.7% in July. The 0.9% increase in comparison with
June was due mostly to increases in public transport fares, the telephone
service, potable water, fuel and food. Inflation stands at 48.9% for the last
12 months and at 26.6% so far in 1993. A 1% rate has already been
recorded for the first two days of August.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 10, 1993, Tuesday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; Weekly
Economic Report; paraguay - venezuela
PAGE: ME/W0294/A3
HEADLINE: PERU; Environmental group created
SOURCE: Television Panamericana, Lima 1200 gmt 2 Aug 93
On 29th July a group was formed to defend the environment and the
inviolability of areas in the Rimac, Chio and Lurin Valleys. In Lima there
are 11,000 ha of agricultural land that have become the single source of
income for 9,000 peasant families.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 9, 1993, Monday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; D. LATIN
AMERICA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
PAGE: ME/1762/D
HEADLINE: BOLIVIA; OUTGOING PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS AT CEREMONY TO
INAUGURATE HIS SUCCESSOR
SOURCE: Television Nacional, La Paz 1931 gmt 6 Aug 93
Excerpts from relay of speech by outgoing President Jaime Paz Zamora
during inauguration ceremony for his successor, Gonzalo Sanchez de
Lozada, at the Congress building in La Paz
. . . In these eleven years of democracy Bolivia has changed its course.
We were as close to collapse as a nation could be, and we realised we had
to take a new course. Faced with the most shameful dictatorship in
Bolivian history, with the main institutions destroyed and with the
economy out of control, our country seemed to have lost the course of its
destiny.
The international community could hardly conceal its pessimism over the
recuperation of a country with chronic political instability, accumulated
backwardness and apparently unsurmountable limitations.
With their own efforts, in peace, and with full respect for the rules of the
democratic game, the Bolivian people faced challenges that were perhaps
more difficult than those faced by other Latin American nations. [Passage
indistinct]
Dr Hernan Siles Suazo opened the transition towards democratic
institutional life. The government of Dr. Paz Estenssoro defeated
(?improvisation). The presidential term that is now over has promoted, on
the basis of consensus, structural change and the reform and
modernisation of the state, restoring economic growth.
The country needed a long decade to move forward, but it finally
attained its main objectives. That is why today we can look at the past and
see that the worst is over, that even though Bolivia remains a developing
country with big obstacles to overcome, it is no longer a nation in crisis, a
nation that cannot control its own imbalances.
We can say that the efforts of three consecutive government terms have
concluded the political and economic transition. We can say that the Bolivia
of today has a sound democracy that is backed by the people's unequivocal
will. We can say that Bolivia has a national project under implementation,
that it has a healthy economy, that Bolivia is a feasible country. . .
Legislators, concerning legislation, I want to reflect briefly on the
problem of corruption. In one way or another corruption is currently a
universal phenomena in the public life of states. To speak the truth, it has
always existed, because the temptation of corruption is part of the human
condition. It is so to the extreme that St Paul asserted in his letter to the
Romans that, quote, within my nature of sinful man I do not do the good
things I want to do, but the bad things I do not want to do, unquote.
During my administration corruption has appeared repeatedly, and I
attempted to combat it with the existing resources, but I must confess not
always with the success I wanted. In Bolivia we have always coexisted
with this scourge. There is currently no more corruption than in the past,
but there is more democracy to bring corruption to light, there is more
freedom to denounce it, there are more mechanisms to investigate and
punish it, and we have a public which is more informed and which can
exert further control.
Faced with the phenomenon of corruption there are two kinds of
attitudes. First comes scandal, which really does not seek to solve the
problem, but to take advantage of it to shock the public, with other
objectives. This attitude was condemned by Jesus Christ himself when he
said that it seemed like whitewashed sepulchres, because the evil of
hypocrisy is disseminated in society under the pretext of fighting
corruption.
The second attitude is that which is really interested in attacking
corruption at its roots, to create conditions and mechanisms to prevent it
from extending, and to combat and punish it. This has been the path
followed by my administration. That is the reason for our dedication to
moralising [as heard] the judicial branch, through the proclamation of the
laws of the Attorney-General's office, the judicial organisation and the two-
thirds requirement to form the Electoral Court, to thus attack the mother of
all corruptions which has been the political and election fraud, the
implementation of the Safco [Administrative and Financial System for
Government Control] law, and finally, the intervention of the National
Agrarian Reform Council as a consequence of the irregular processes in the
granting of plots of land. These are but a few examples of my government
action in this field.
I also want to state that there was no charge with foundation that was
not immediately investigated by the pertinent authorities. I am aware that
even though all these actions are positive, they were not enough, and the
whole country will have to undertake a real national crusade against this
scourge.
Peace, freedom and justice, however, are not possible without
development. I can say with responsibility, with the backing of those who
are close to us and those who are not close to us, that I am handing over a
government placed within a framework of clear consolidation of stability.
This solid situation can be demonstrated through the macroeconomic
indicators that the people know perfectly well, but which I can summarise
in a few lines.
During the last year of my administration, from July 1992 to July 1993,
the accumulated annual inflation rate has been 7.8%. Deposits in the
financial system increased from 444 million dollars in 1989 to 1.815
billion dollars in 1993. That is, they have increased fourfold. International
reserves increased from negative figures in 1989 to 250 million dollars
nowadays. Our old foreign debt, which was contracted with very
demanding terms and interest rates, has been reduced by two billion
dollars. The foreign debt with private banks has been practically
eliminated. During the mentioned period of time we obtained 1.7 billion
dollars' worth of credits with better terms, longer repayment terms and
lower interest rates. In this manner the contracted foreign debt has been
reduced by a net 300 million dollars.
The administration of the economy was in general centred on our
economic opening. We have had to destroy isolating and suffocating walls
to take the best advantage possible of the technological revolution, so as to
be able to produce and communicate with the rest. It was not only a
voluntary action but an inevitable and imperative one, as a consequence of
the trend of economic and technological globalisation that is characteristic
of the end of this century. By taking this step towards an economic opening
and reinsertion into the international economic system, Bolivia has
discovered new opportunities and has assumed new risks, risks which are
the consequences of an accumulation of backwardness, poverty and neglect
and of a deficient production and services structure.
The first stage of this reintegration process has been positive, as clearly
demonstrated by the indicators used by the specialised agencies to
diagnose the situation of a country. There is a good level of reserves, there
are no foreign financing limitations, investment and employment have
increased significantly, and in a few years national and foreign private
initiative has established new productive horizons for the production of
soya beans, gold and oil, to mention
the most important examples.
However, I would not be fulfilling my duties as president properly if I
did not point out that the country still has great obstacles to overcome in
order to allow common people to improve their living standards, after
Bolivia has rejoined the international economy.
The first problem is the trade imbalance. In plain words, we buy more
than what we sell. Yet it is not only that. We also buy little and sell little.
We sell raw materials and we buy knowledge. It is fine to do this now, as
all countries followed that path. But this situation cannot continue for an
uspecified period, because it could cause serious risk in the future.
In order to correct the trade imbalance, after painstaking and difficult
negotiations, my government finally managed to arrange a contract to
provide natural gas for the Sao Paulo market in Brazil. A lot more,
however, will be necessary. . .
Ready to meet the challenges posed by modern society, my government
adopted institutional and operational measures for the preservation of the
environment, measures that are pioneering in Latin America. Among such
measures are the historical ecological pact (Spanish: pausa ecologica
historica) of January 1990, the environment law of April 1992, the
Supreme Decree on Biodiversity, the creation of the National
Environmental Fund - to which approximately 22 million dollars was
earmarked for its specific programmes - and the creation of the General
Secretariat for the Environment, with the compulsory presence of its main
executive in the national cabinet.
We created a sound foundation for building in the future. I declare my
optimism in this regard. I have two reasons for this attitude. First,
Bolivians returning home are now outnumbering those who leave. Second,
incoming funds surpass outgoing funds.
There is an increasing number of entrepreneurs who, encouraged by
stability, are investing in our country. They are bolder because conditions
are safer. In 1992, private investment reached 420 million dollars, most of
which was used for purchasing capital goods. This reflects confidence and
credibility. In 1993, the private sector will invest one dollar for each dollar
invested by the public sector. . .
Messrs Congressmen, when I was installed as President of the Republic
in 1989, my spirit was overwhelmingly seized by a particularly pressing
concern: Bolivia had to open to the world as an urgent requirement for
national survival and capability, as today's leading and developed nations
did at a given time within different historical contexts.
Bolivia's historic opening to the world, as a long-term strategic drive, was
thus inaugurated.
Established in South America's very heart, and set between our
mountains and our extensive eastern plains, we could no longer allow the
landlocked situation imposed on us from becoming a sort of mental or
spiritual landlocked situation.
This decision was very important, because our country's reform and
modernisation process, involving momentous economic, political and social
changes, in which all of we Bolivians are engaged, so required it.
In fact, the achievement of these national goals is unthinkable outside a
reality in which the market system, technology, financial resources, and
the production of wealth has virtually become international. It was
therefore necessary to break the imposed and self-imposed siege and open
[ourselves] to the world.
This challenge is coupled with another challenge: in today's international
community there is an increasing level of interdependence among the
nations, and some countries play an active role while other countries play
a passive role. The former raise initiatives that are borne by the latter. For
various reasons, reality had placed Bolivia among the latter. This situation
had to be reversed. Bolivia had to pass from a passive to an active role.
We raised several initiatives that were successfully accepted and
subsequently implemented by the international community. . .
I want to mention the historic Mariscal Andres de Santa Cruz Ilo
Agreement with our sister nation Peru. This initiative not only
contributes to the new subregional and inter-oceanic integration process,
but above all allows Bolivia to consolidate its physical presence on the
Pacific coast, and generates a very valuable mechanism for the successful
realisation of its maritime claim. [Applause]
I also want to emphasise the new trade opening by the United States,
Europe, Canada, Japan and China. I want to thank brotherly countries and
international technical and financial cooperation organisations for
quadrupling their cooperation with Bolivia during the past four years, from
200 to 800 million dollars per year. Less than half of this money involves
loans - the rest involves grants-in-aid. International reintegration has
increased not only our country's economic and political presence abroad,
but also its scientific presence. Bolivians are now managing important
technological and health organisations and are excelling in artistic and
cultural fields.
Concerning trade, we are a link between various Latin American
integration sytems that are being built in different, but concurrent - and
not contradictory - ways.
I also want to express gratitude to ambassadors who cooperated
efficiently with my policy of direct diplomacy.
Nevertheless, the beginning of Bolivia's new active role in the
international arena is not the result of a government's decision, mission or
action alone, but especially the fruit and the consequence of the toil,
sacrifice and will of our entire nation, which wants to build its own
national project, modernising our country and resolutely implementing
momentous transformations in our political, economic and social life.
In fact, no country can give something it does not have, pretend to be
something it is not, and do something that is not possible in the demanding
international arena. In fact, it is not possible to play a role abroad before
playing a role domestically, nor to do something abroad before doing it
here first.
The link between domestic and foreign affairs is inexorable and
immediate in the lives of countries, and represents a basis for saying that
international politics are the projection and development of a country's
domestic politics and force.
The new course taken by Bolivia and Bolivia's democratic revolution
were also possible thanks to the armed forces' renewed conduct. They are
the pillar of our nation, of peace, liberty and democracy. I want to express
the entire nation's and my own special gratitude to the high command that
has joined me with such a high level of responsibility. Thank you.
[Applause]. . .
Honourable Congressmen, I have always tried to have my actions
conform to the truth. I have acted conscientiously, convinced of those
words uttered by Jesus, that only the truth shall make us free.
I am asking for benevolence for my mistakes. I have acted in good faith.
I have simply not held back anything of what I could give or deliver.
Following a constitutional mandate, I am now leaving the presidency but,
following my conscience's mandate, I remain with Bolivia and the Bolivian
people. Thank you very much. [Applause]
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 9, 1993, Monday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; D. LATIN
AMERICA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
PAGE: ME/1762/D
HEADLINE: COLOMBIA; PRESIDENT GAVIRIA COMMENTS ON DEFENCE
ISSUES; POLICY TOWARDS GUERRILLAS
SOURCE: Inravision TV, Bogota 0130 gmt 5 Aug 93
Text of recording of interview with Colombian President Cesar Gaviria by
Dario Arizmendi at Narino Palace on the "Face to Face" programme
[Gaviria] I thing being pragmatic means I have not opted for rhetoric. I
do not go around saying things, offering things, or making promises I
cannot keep. Perhaps not everything I do turns out well, but I do it
anyway. I am not too pretentious, even though there are those who claim I
am. I feel I have done my duty and that is all. There are a lot of people in
this country, particularly in the capital, who like rhetoric and gestures.
There are politicians with fundamentalist positions who do not care if
things change. All they care about is that people have their principles.
They do not care if people do something, do not do something or how they
do it, provided they are capable of carrying out institutional reforms when
they rule the country. I do not think I am like that. I like to do things. I
would like to be remembered as a man who helped abolish some of the
feudalism in this society, which is still so feudal, so terribly feudal.
[Arizmendi] Defining President Cesar Gaviria would be a titanic task. He
is not only cold, aloof and inscrutable; he knows perfectly well that when a
head of state's intentions are obvious, he becomes vulnerable. Good or bad,
he is a leader. He acts, has control and is sure about his decisions as a
leader.
His personal life and leisure activities are given the same attention as his
actions as president. We cannot say he is romantic or [word indistinct].
Issues that are essential to man - love and passion - do not seem to
interest him; or perhaps he thinks they are guaranteed for life with the
complicity of Ana Milena, that stalwart companion of the last 15 years and
possibly the only one who reached the depths of his soul and the
innermost recesses of his heart.
Institutionally speaking, was democracy in Colombia ever endangered
some night, some day in the past?
[A] We - [pauses] When I assumed the presidency after the death of Luis
Carlos Galan, during that political process, I do think democracy in
Colombia was endangered. There was a major institutional crisis, there was
widespread distrust of our institutions. The state's capacity to confront the
organised terrorism that had developed from drug trafficking was
questioned. I think there were times when democracy was in danger. I
also think some feel there have been times during my mandate, during
Constituent Assembly sessions, that the state of law could have been
endangered. I did not perceive it as such, although I acknowledge there
could have been some basis for fears that it would occur, but it did not
occur. There was a great deal of maturity, and I did not have that fear.
Perhaps when for a few hours the risk existed that a large number of drug
traffickers, bandits and the worst criminals of this country would be let
out into the streets en masse, at that time I felt democracy was
endangered.
[Q] On that occasion, how far were you willing to go?
[A] I would have done everything in my power to keep that from
happening, or, should I say, I decided that it would not happen. Neither
judges' orders nor anything else would have mattered, because I am
certain that the country's institutions cannot run the risk that, because of
legal nuances, we were going to end up with criminals in the streets.
[Q] It would have been a coup d'etat.
[A] I do not know what would have happened. Fortunately, we found a
way out, we found a solution, and we have continued on that road with ups
and downs, with difficulties.
[Q] Have you ever feared a military move against democratic
institutions?
[A] Not even the slightest fear. I have never had a difficult moment with
them. Colombian soldiers really respect this democracy. They have a very
constructive attitude towards complex issues such as peace processes and
surrender policies. They have always been constructive and positive. I
have never had any such concerns.
The transition to a civilian defence minister could have been a difficult
time, but that was not the case. There was not one act or incident that
could have been cause for concern. Escobar's escape created some tension
which, fortunately, was satisfactorily, calmly and positively resolved
through common agreement. Thus I have never had such concerns at any
time.
[Q] Do you think the experiment with the civilian defence minister
deserves to be maintained in forthcoming governments?
[A] I think the country took that step, and generally speaking, the idea
has been well-received. I think this experiment yielded good results. It
happened at a time when he have considerably strengthened the public
force and state security policies. I think these factors helped the
experiment to achieve good results. We are much more organised in our
efforts to invest in the public force. We have a five-year plan that clearly
outlines how investments in that sector will be made. I think that is a very
important achievement. We could say that this has been a spectacular
period of growth in defence and security expenditures, which have grown
60% in real terms. That is exceptional.
Maintaining public order is essentially a civilian duty. To a great extent,
we civilians must assume responsibility for public order and the success of
such policies. I think that my recognition of public order as the most
important aspect of Colombian politics was one of the factors that helped
me reach the Presidency. It convinced someone that I could assume this
responsibility. Public security continues to be the main issue.
[Q] Mr President, as you said, the budget was increased, but people
expect to see results, they want the heads of specific individuals. They
want Tirofijo [Manuel Marulanda, leader of the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia, FARC], Priest Manuel Perez [Army of National
Liberation leader, ELN], and other top leaders (Spanish: secretariado). Why
have they not been caught about eight months ago as the soldiers had
promised?
[A] There have been excellent results in terms of public order. Of course,
one would have like to have captured them. Nevertheless, we have had
excellent results. Kidnappings and guerrilla attacks have decreased
significantly, and the number of guerrillas captured, killed in combat and
turned over to the authorities has doubled between July 1992 and the
present.
[Q] How do you explain, President, that many guerrillas who had
reintegrated themselves into society are now returning to the guerrillas
because they feel disappointed or betrayed by certain official institutions?
[A] I would not say many, but rather a few of them. In every
reconciliation or peace process, not only in Colombia but in all countries,
there are always guerrillas who hold out; guerrillas who continue the
armed struggle and guerrillas who decide to rejoin civilian life but are
unable to assimilate and begin committing crimes. It always happens.
Every guerrilla group that has chosen to rejoin civilian life has left behind
small redoubts. They are, however, large groups.
[Q] Is it not contradictory to spend about 15% of the national budget on
security and militarisation when much less is spent on social security?
[A] You could argue that if we lived in an ideal world. The figure you are
quoting, however, is comparable to those in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru,
Venezuela, most of Central America and developed countries such as
England and the United States. All countries make these kinds of
expenditures in one way or another. Our figures for security and defence,
even at the beginning of this administration, were relatively low in
comparison to those of other Latin American nations.
[Q] Going back to your inaugural speech, you promised a policy of
understanding and pacification. That was one of the highlights of the
speech. What has happened to make you not want regional talks or talks
with the Simon Bolivar National Guerrilla Coordinating Board?
[A] I did not promise to hand over the country to guerrillas so they could
do as they pleased. We have met them. We have been willing to discuss
the topics they wanted to discuss. Unfortunately, they lack a clear political
programme and do not have clear demands regarding society. They lacked
the courage to realise that they are an antediluvian species, dinosaurs in
the midst of a world and society that wants to resolve problems through
peaceful and democratic means. So long as those gentlemen persist in the
armed struggle, violence and terrorism, it will be very difficult to make
peace. It takes two to have peace. The important thing is to have the
conditions for holding talks. I do not mean the regional talks the guerrillas
want, where mayors, governors and lawmakers go to explain their actions
to them and promise to carry out projects based on the rebels' threats and
intimidation. Deep down, that is what the regional talks are. The rebels tell
them: We remain guerrillas, and you stay there but come here and explain
your actions and pledge to do projects at our bidding. That is more or less
the meaning of the regional talks. That is why I say no and will continue to
say no, because that is unacceptable.
We could have regional talks within a peace process, when we are
certain that peace will come, that they will forsake the armed struggle and
that the talks will not simply turn into a way for civilian society to offer
explanations to guerrillas or make pledges to them while they remain
guerrillas. No way.
[Q] The guerrillas will disband in exchange for what?
[A] In exchange for negotiations. Negotiations must obviously include
their surrender, the adandoning of the armed struggle, guarantees offered
to them to engage in politics, protection for them and economic assistance
to make it possible for them to rejoin society. There may be negotiations
on aspects of the state's policies, as we did with the 19th April Movement
[M-19], as well as on more advanced talks.
[Q] Human rights violations are another blemish that the country has had
for a long time, especially as far as the international community is
concerned. Do you think we will ever control those units or state agents
who abuse and violate human rights?
[A] International human rights organisations, at least the more serious
ones, have commended Colombia for its new constitution, although there
may be a couple of provisions they do not like. They commend the petition
for protection as a major instrument for defending human rights. We are
commended for what we have done in the field of justice by creating the
Prosecutor-General's Office, seeking an efficient justice system, capturing a
large number of criminals, and because Colombia is no longer a country
where impunity prevails since justice works. But we still have a way to go
yet.
[Q] The world is well aware of the crimes by drug traffickers and
guerrillas in Colombia. People wonder about the impunity with which state
security units violate human rights, something that turns us into one of the
worst offenders in the world and could have economic repercussions for
us. What do you say to your people about this matter?
[A] We have been working seriously on these things. We have worked
with the armed forces and the new civilian defence minister on these
topics. We have to work harder in the future to resolve specific cases and
not just institutional problems. You are right that abroad this constitutes a
very big problem for the country. We must devote our attention to this
problem with greater seriousness and interest. We must make a greater
effort abroad to explain our policies and our situation and to resolve the
problems of violence and human rights violations that exist in Colombian
society.
[Q] You have received the most criticism, not only from your permanent
detractors and foes, but also from your true friends and unofficial - or as I
call them, obsequious - government aides, in the social field. Regardless of
other policies, it seems most of the criticism centres around that topic.
Some say it is related to your coldness and alleged insensitivity.
[A] The truth is that we have dramatically increased social spending
from 10% to 25%. We have increased social investment from 25% to 41%.
We have made important changes in our social policies. We have geared
our housing policies towards direct subsidies. We have a drinking water
programme that is really working very well. There is a bill awaiting
approval in Congress that will mean an unprecedented change in the
health sector. We are working on pensions and education. Now, it is very
easy to say that we do not have a social policy because there are poor
people in Colombia. Of course, confronted with such an argument, I would
have to say that no government will ever have a social policy.
[Q] Do you believe there has been a lack of pencils [as heard]?
[A] Of course, there has been a lack of pencils. Much of the criticism is
valid for one logical reason, which is that significant changes have been
made here. [Words indistinct] is reflected, but there are many problems to
be resolved in this society. We need more pencils. We need to reduce
poverty. We need to stop spending so much money on security, defence
and public forces when we could use it for other purposes. The problems
will always be there. The effort this country must undertake is just
beginning. [Seven-second break in reception]
[Q] - will be the presidential mark regarding the presidential designate?
[A] In a democracy, authorities must allow people to compete. However,
the process of the presidential designate has always been carried out with
the approval of the president. I do not see a problem with the Board of
Liberal Party Legislators appointing the presidential designate. I hope that
the tradition of other parties abiding by and respecting that decision will
be continued.
I do not foresee the president intervening in this process, unless there
are exceptional circumstances, which I do not think will happen.
[Q] Do you feel as satisfied and comfortable with Dr William Jaramillo as
you did with Dr Juan Manuel Santos?
[A] There is no doubt about it. I think they both meet the qualifications
required to replace the president either temporarily or permanently. They
both have excellent qualifications, and I feel equally satisfied with one or
the other.
[Q] Mr President, everything indicates that the New Democratic Force
[NFD] wants to remain in the government until the end of your
administration, but NFD Ministers Luis Alberto Moreno and Dr Luis
Fernando Ramirez would leave the cabinet. Would they be replaced by
members of the movement led by Andres Pastrana?
[A] I have heard the opposite about the everything-indicates-cliche that
you mentioned. I often hear people say that everything indicates that the
NFD is going to withdraw from the government. Now you are telling me
that everything indicates it will remain.
Truly, I have not sensed a desire on the part of the NFD either to leave or
remain in the government. I see them in the cabinet, and they appear to
be satisfied and comfortable. I see them working. The NFD has two good
ministers. I would like for them to stay. I am not able to anticipate the
political situation of the future.
[Jose Salgar of 'El Espectador' newspaper] Today the Liberal Party [PL]
appears to be in disarray and its discipline and morale appear to be low. I
ask the president, who represents that party in governing the country? In
the home stretch of your term, what will you offer the PL so it can remain
in power for the next four years?
[A] Well, I would say that both parties in Colombia have had a tradition
of disorganisation. It has to do with institutional affairs and the fear of
violence. We have not worked enough to establish order and disciplined
mechanisms in the political parties in Colombia. That is a feature of this
democracy. I hope the country and the PL acquire a sense of
transformation, a vocation to change Colombian society and reality. That is
what makes the party an ever-changing party.
[Q] Mr President, does being imitated annoy or amuse you?
[A] It amuses me.
[Q] Do you laugh?
[A] Of course. [Laughs]
[Q] Let us see if it is true. [Recording of an unidentified comedian
imitating President Gaviria speaking while Gaviria and Arizmendi laugh in
the background]
Copyright The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc., 1993
BNA INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT DAILY
Aug. 9, 1993
TEXT: General Policy GROUP REPRESENTING 20 STATE OIL COMPANIES
ISSUES 1,900-PAGE ENVIRONMENTAL GUIDELINES
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay (BNA) -- The Latin American State Oil
Company's Reciprocal Assistance Organization (ARPEL), a group
representing 20 state oil companies from Latin America, the Caribbean,
and Canada, completed a 1,900-page set of environmental guidelines for its
members in early July.
The document is part of an ongoing environmental management program
in conjunction with aid organization Canadian International Development
Agency (CIDA).
The ARPEL/CIDA Environmental Project is a "proactive effort . . . that will
certainly influence favorably investment conditions in the region," Aldo
Brussoni, under secretary of ARPEL and permanent representative of
Petro-Canada, told BNA July 6.
In Phase I of the group's environmental project there have been two
major achievements--getting all members to adhere to a Code of
Environmental Practice and editing the Guidelines on Operational Practice
to Protect the Environment.
The Code of Environmental Practice states: "The development of modern
society is intimately related to the intensive use of energy. The rational
exploitation of liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons is required to supply the
energy for sustainable development."
The code is as much philosophical as technical although it is broken up
into six themes--gaseous emissions, liquid effluents, hazardous and other
solid waste management, ecological protection and reclamation, community
awareness, and contingency planning and emergency response.
Guidelines On Operational Issues
The Guidelines on Operational Practice is a detailed handbook on specific
operational topics. There were 12 upstream and downstream oil company
activities covered in the initial tome that were buttonholed as activities of
member companies that could affect the environment. They are:
o Disposal and treatment of produced water;
o Management of oil refinery solid wastes;
o Management of oil refinery liquid effluents;
o Control and mitigation of environmental effects of deforestation and
erosion;
o Treatment and disposal of exploration and production drilling wastes;
o Decommissioning and surface land reclamation at oil production and
refining facilities;
o Reduction and control of gaseous emissions from refineries;
o Control of contamination from underground oil storage tanks;
o Conducting environmental audits for onshore oil operations;
o Environmental impact assessments;
o Environmental management of the design, construction, operation, and
maintenance of hydrocarbon pipelines; and
o Gas flaring at exploration and production facilities.
"The first stage has been quite successful," said Brussoni. "In fact, the
governments of Jamaica and Bolivia have recently passed environmental
legislation utilizing ARPEL guidelines as a key reference point."
Phase II--Hands On
Phase II of ARPEL's environmental project is now under way and
scheduled to be finished by March 1994, ARPEL President Adrian Bustillo
of Bolivia told BNA. This is more the hands-on phase with specific plans in
different areas.
To address oil spills, the group will provide a computerized database of
available oil spill equipment and trained personnel. ARPEL already has an
emergency response team that has assisted in a few major incidents in
Ecuador, Argentina, and Brazil.
Another part of the second phase is development of environmental
technologies for the oil industry in the Amazon and other tropical rain
forests. A Brazilian team of experts has been sent to Colombia to try to
develop a plan with native people in the Amazon area of Colombia.
Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, and Venezuela are working on developing
programs to minimize detrimental impacts on their common Amazon rain
forest areas.
A study of carbon dioxide emissions in Latin American urban centers is
also scheduled to be completed before March 1994.
The project is funded on a fifty-fifty basis by ARPEL and CIDA, with a
budget of about C$1.9 million annually (US$1.5 million).
Aside from the Canadians, ARPEL is made up of: ANCAP-Uruguay, Cupet-
Cuba, Ecopetrol-Colombia, ENAP-Chile, Gas del Estado and YPF of Argentina,
Instituto Mexicano del Petroleo and Pemex of Mexico, Petroleum Corp. of
Jamaica, POVSA-Venezuela, Petrobras-Brazil, Petroecuador-Ecuador,
Petronic-Nicaragua, Petropar-Paraguay, Petroperu- Peru, Recope-Costa
Rica, Staatsolie-Suriname, Trinidad & Tobago Oil Co. Ltd., and YPFB-Bolivia.
These member organizations account for about 80 percent of the
petroleum activities in Latin America.
A recent change in ARPEL's legal statutes will permit regional private
sector oil companies to enter as full members. Given the increasing
privatizations in the oil and gas sectors, this is expected to continue the
importance of ARPEL in the future as a clearinghouse and lobby group in
the same framework as the American Petroleum Institute.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 7, 1993, Saturday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; D. LATIN
AMERICA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
PAGE: ME/1761/D
HEADLINE: PERU; Congress approves presidential re-election for successive
terms
SOURCE: Television Panamericana, Lima 1204 gmt 5 Aug 93
(Text) After a prolonged and heated debate, the Democratic Constituent
Congress [CCD] on the evening of 4th August approved immediate
presidential re-election for one term only, not indefinite re-election. The
vote was 51 in favour and 24 against.
The greatest surprise came from pro-government congressman Reinaldo
Roberts, who voted against re-election, and Independent Moralisation
Front [FIM] representatives Cesar Larrabure and Julio Chu, who voted in
favour. Some say they may be expelled from the FIM, the leader of which
is Fernando Olivera:
[Unidentified speaker - recording] During the nominal vote, each
congressman expressed his views on presidential re-election. We have just
received the official results: 51 votes in favour, 24 against. There have
been a few surprises. FIM's Fernando Olivera voted against reelection, but
Cesar Larrabure and Julio Chu voted in favour. All the Change 90 - New
Majority Movement coalition members voted in favour, with the exception
of Reinaldo Roberts, chairman of the Economy Commission, who voted
against re-election.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 7, 1993, Saturday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; D. LATIN
AMERICA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
PAGE: ME/1761/D
HEADLINE: PERU; Army commander says MRTA North-eastern Front has
been disbanded
SOURCE: Television Global, Lima 0100 gmt 4 Aug 93
(ME/1760 D/1 - Excerpts) General Nicolas de Bari Hermoza Rios,
commander of the Armed Forces Joint Command, has announced the
dismantling of the North-eastern Front of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary
Movement [MRTA]. He made the announcement during a visit to the
Mariscal Caceres Barracks in Tarapoto. . .
[Hermoza - recording] I hereby announce the complete dismantling of
the Rodrigo Galvez Garcia North-eastern Front of the MRTA, which was
carrying out actions on this front. [End of recording]
The MRTA only has three remaining detachments of the seven it used to
have, with no more than 70 men, who are demoralised. In addition, as a
result of the struggle being waged by the armed forces, a total of 172
weapons have been recovered since January 1992 but at the cost of the
lives of six officers, five NCOs and 89 soldiers, to whom tribute has been
paid.
As for the application of the law on repentance, a total of 313 Shining
Path and MRTA terrorists from the Huallaga Front have sought the benefits
of the law. . .
Further evidence of the effective application of the repentance law is the
active cooperation of former MRTA members such as Comrade Grillo and
Andres Mendoza, alias El Aguila, dressed in military uniform, who was
congratulated by General Nicolas de Bari Hermoza himself following an
operation in Alto Mayo in Moyobamba, where these weapons were
recovered:
[Reporter - recording] The MRTA has practically been dismantled in Alto
Huallaga. What is left to be done to completely defeat the MRTA and the
Shining Path?
[Hermoza] Almost nothing, almost nothing. We have the population on
our side, who have totally rejected the MRTA. A large number of MRTA
members have repented, and we have captured many as well. The 10 or
15 men who still remain will either accept the repentance law or will be
captured and be given life sentences. If they decide to confront the army,
they will surely be defeated.
[Reporter] What about (?Serpa)?
[Hermoza] He remains to be captured, but he has already been cut off
from what is left of his group. He will be defeated at any moment. [End of
recording]
Perhaps the war against the MRTA is being won in Alto Huallaga, but
according to army intelligence, Shining Path could occupy this area. The
army is ready if this happens so that peace can be achieved.
Copyright (c) 1993 The British Broadcasting Corporation;
Summary of World Broadcasts
August 7, 1993, Saturday
SECTION: Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; D. LATIN
AMERICA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
PAGE: ME/1761/D
HEADLINE: CHILE; Senate Foreign Relations Committee approves agreement
with Peru
SOURCE: EFE in Spanish 1416 gmt 4 Aug 93
(Excerpts) Santiago, 4th August: The Chilean Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on 3rd August unanimously approved a bill ratifying the Lima
Convention, which was signed by the governments of Chile and Peru to
resolve pending problems resulting from the 1929 treaty signed between
both countries.
Congressional sources said today that the committee also approved an
agreement on the free traffic of goods that, as in the convention, was
signed in Lima on 11th May of this year.
Chilean Foreign Minister Enrique Silva Cimma, who attended the meeting
in Lima, expressed satisfaction with the swift decision on the initiatives
and stressed the importance of a definitive solution to pending problems
with Peru resulting from the 1929 treaty.
The Lima Convention "puts a definitive end to conflicts with Peru
regarding the interpretation and application of the treaty's fifth article",
Silva Cimma said.
The conflict resulted from an undefined point over which country had
sovereignty over the land, dock, customs office and railroad station that
Chile built for use by Peru in the port of Arica.
In the Lima Convention, Peru accepts Chilean sovereignty over these
premises while Chile grants Peru the right to use these installations in
perpetuity.
The two countries' governments are currently trying to get their
respective congresses to ratify the convention as soon as possible. Peruvian
President Alberto Fujimori has decided to make an official visit to Chile
once the convention is ratified.
This will be the first visit by a Peruvian president to Chile since the
Pacific War in 1879, during which Peru and Bolivia faced Chile, which
occupied the Peruvian departments of Arica and Tarapaca and the Bolivian
region of Antofagasta.
In Peru, some nationalist sectors have presented objections to the Lima
Convention, and an arduous debate is anticipated during the ratification
process.
Some Peruvian groups have proposed a plebiscite to allow the Peruvian
people to give the final word on the future of Peruvian relations with Chile.
In Chile, however, practically no one voiced opposition to the convention,
and different political groups have expressed support for swift ratification.
. .
The Senate plenum will discuss the convention now that the Foreign
Relations Committee has ratified it. The document will then go to the
Chamber of Deputies.
Copyright 1993 Reuters, Limited
August 7, 1993, Saturday, AM cycle
HEADLINE: SUSPECTED DRUG PLANE CRASHES IN PERU
DATELINE: AYACUCHO, Peru
A twin-motor plane, apparently on a drug run in southeastern Peru,
crashed and exploded in flames killing all aboard, the military said
Saturday.
The Piper Cheyenne plane blew up during a rapid takeoff shortly after
arriving from Colombia at the Luisiana airport in La Mar province in the
Apurimac River Valley.
The crew tried to move the plane off after spotting members of the
Peruvian army guarding the runway, the statement said.
The region some 240 miles southeast of Lima is being used more
frequently to grow coca leaves, the raw material for cocaine, police and
military sources say.
An official commission from La Mar province traveled to the site, where
they found the remains of the bodies and $ 20 and $ 50 bills in U.S.
currency, the statement said.
The officials were trying to identify the plane and the bodies, it added.
Peru is the largest producer of the coca leaf and most of it is refined into
cocaine in Colombia.
Copyright 1993 The Daily Telegraph plc
The Daily Telegraph
August 7, 1993, Saturday
SECTION: Pg. 13
HEADLINE: Money-Go-Round: Mercury down Mexico way in trust launch
BYLINE: BY CHARLOTTE BEUGGE
MERCURY Fund Managers this week launched an emerging markets unit
trust investing in the world's developing stock markets. The new Mercury
Emerging Markets Fund will invest in up to 25 countries, including
Botswana, Colombia and Peru. The biggest portion-22pc of the portfolio-
will be invested in Mexico, with Malaysia taking up 10pc and the already
developed market of Hong Kong, 9pc. Richard Royds, managing director,
said: "Emerging markets provide one of today's most exciting and
potentially rewarding investment opportunities. The growth potential for
these markets is huge as economic and political reform continue to take
hold." Charges on the fund are 5.75pc initial, plus 1.5pc annual. Investors
can choose between a minimum lump sum investment of @1,000 or @50 a
month in a regular savings plan. There is a 2pc discount until September
17. Mercury aims to raise about @20m through the launch. Schroder Unit
Trusts is also jumping on the emerging markets bandwagon with the
launch of a Global Emerging Markets Fund. The initial charge will be 5.25pc
and the annual, 1.5pc. Investors can invest @25 through a regular savings
plan or a minimum lump sum of @1,000. Schroder will pick from 24
emerging markets. Initially, the portfolio is likely to be 40pc in Asia, 40pc
in Latin America and 20pc in Eastern and Southern Europe. Bridget
Cleverly, head of marketing, said: "The bandwagon seems to have arrived
now, although we have had plans to launch an emerging markets fund for
a long time. We reckon it is a high risk, high reward investment. It is going
to be a volatile fund with good long-term potential." Schroder already has
a non-authorised offshore emerging markets fund based in Guernsey that
has returned more than 60pc on an offer-to-offer basis since it was
launched a year ago. Advisers are keen to point out that emerging markets
should only be seen as long-term investments. Jamie Berry, managing
director of Berry Asset Management, the Chelsea-based independent
financial advisers, said: "Emerging markets should constitute 5pc of a long-
term growth portfolio. There are already a lot of emerging markets funds
up and running that have good track records. "Investors in emerging
markets funds must be prepared to leave their money in for a long time to
reap the rewards. These funds are not for those people who check the unit
price every day." Mark Dampier, investment director of Whitechurch
Securities said: "I think emerging markets are a good idea especially for
savings plan investors. They are always going to be volatile, and by
investing month by month you escape the worst of the movements." There
are a few emerging markets unit trusts that have been going a reasonable
number of years. Gartmore Frontier Markets, one of the oldest, would have
turned a @100 investment five years ago into @167 on an offer-to-bid
basis today-@10 more than the average unit trust.
Copyright 1993 Times Newspapers Limited
The Times
August 7, 1993, Saturday
SECTION: Features
HEADLINE: Super Mario
BYLINE: Andrew Graham-Yooll
WHILE HE WAS still in the United States, Mario Vargas Llosa welcomed
the gift of a small tin of tea from Fortnum's with the enthusiasm that
others might show for diamonds. The tin stood on the table throughout our
long lunch in New York.
The Peruvian novelist who, until the end of May, had been teaching at
Princeton University, did not disguise his longing to be away from academe
and on the European side of the Atlantic. Jorge Mario Pedro Vargas Llosa,
born in Arequipa in 1936, wears elegant suits and retains his handsome
good looks. The courtesy he shows, the love of literature, his comfort in
three languages, place him in the class of old-style European.
A quarter of a century ago, Vargas Llosa began his rise to literary
stardom amid a community of Latin American writers who have become
household names, including the Colombian Gabriel Garcia Marquez and the
Mexican Carlos Fuentes. Vargas Llosa made Europe his home for 17 years,
writing those vast books that critics described as the work of genius,
''magic realism'', surreal and impenetrable conflations of dictatorship and
artistic creation. Then he went back to Lima. Now, disenchanted with his
compatriots, beaten, but still boyishly buoyant, it is back to London.
Vargas Llosa is fiercely Peruvian. He is exchanging very unfriendly
words with his political rivals, President Alberto Fujimori and assorted
generals, who have called him a traitor for criticising the Peruvian regime's
human-rights record, the censorship of the press and administrative
incompetence.
However, in June, Vargas Llosa, the novelist and presidential candidate
who tried to take 19th-century liberalism and Thatcherism to Peru,
returned to writing fiction at a favourite seat in the British Library, and to
settle in the city that he and Patricia, his wife, love more than any other.
His three children were educated in England, and his youngest daughter is
still at university there.
''I went to London for the first time in 1961, from Paris,'' Vargas Llosa
says. ''I will always remember that, as I left the ferry at Dover and got on
the train, I was given a cup of tea and a small biscuit. My thought was that
I was reaching civilisation. Instead of being abused by a porter or a guard,
I was given a cup of tea. I feel at ease in London. The city is stimulating,
and my relationship with it is comfortable. People say London is cold and
indifferent. For me that assures anonymity, which is freedom.''
His first residence in England was in the late Seventies, when he held
the Bolivar Chair at Cambridge. That was a revelation. England allowed him
to write in peace. He went on pub crawls with Fuentes, and they assured
one another that it was terrific to be rich and famous, but fans were best
kept at a distance. In England they felt comfortably ignored. If he needed
an ego-fix, he could go home to Peru, where he was mobbed. After his year
at Cambridge, Vargas Llosa moved into a flat off Sloane Street, chose a seat
in the British Library, and went to work. His dream of England was
complete.
Now settled in his flat a short way from Harrods, his political defeat in
April 1990, at the hands of Fujimori, is behind him. He shows an almost
defiant recognition of his own failure, and admits that he was naive in his
assumptions about politics.
That bitter experience is recorded in El pez en el agua: Memorias, to be
published as Like a Fish in Water: A Memoir in Britain next year, which
covers two crucial stages in Vargas Llosa's life.
The first part is an account of his life in Peru up to 1958, the beginning
of his writing and his escape to Paris with his first wife. She was a relative
12 years his senior, made immortal in the novel Aunt Julia and the
Scriptwriter, published in 1977. After leaving Julia Urquidi, Vargas Llosa
married a cousin, Patricia Llosa.
''Aunt'' Julia still lives in Bolivia, where Vargas Llosa spent his childhood
in a household full of women. He met his father, whom he had been told
was dead, when he was ten, when his parents decided to try a
reconciliation. That was when the family settled in Lima. His relationship
with his father was never to be more than tolerable, and the boy hated
Lima. Old man Vargas tried to discourage his son from writing ''little
stories'', a sure sign of effeminacy and weakness in a society where men
had to be lawyers, businessmen or generals.
His writing started in earnest in the mid-Fifties, when, to his father's
horror, he dropped out of his law studies and became a journalist in Lima,
working in radio and for local newspapers. In 1957, after shocking his
family with his first marriage, he went to Paris. The trip was the prize in a
short-story competition. His first book, a collection of short stories called
Los jefes (The Chiefs), was published in 1958, when he was back in Lima.
But his taste of Paris drew him back. Madrid, Barcelona and Paris became
his homes for the next decade.
The other half of the new autobiographical account tells his story from
when, in 1987, he entered the campaign for president almost accidentally,
after joining a pressure group against the nationalisation of banks in Peru.
The memoirs end with his defeat.
The book has aroused the fury of his former allies in the Democratic
Front, ''who immediately joined the winning side''. In the book, ''I am very
self-critical. This is not an exercise in self-justification.''
In fact, Vargas Llosa won the elections, but did not gain a big enough
margin for an outright victory, and faced a run-off in June 1990. For that,
Fujimori had the support of the outgoing president Alan Garcia's party, and
of most of the left that opposed Vargas Llosa's privatisation and reform
plans.
Inflation ran at 7,500 per cent and Peru was on the brink of collapse.
Vargas Llosa offered to withdraw and concede victory, in exchange for
Fujimori adopting some of the novelist's economic programme. Fujimori,
also a newcomer to politics, leaked the offer to discredit the novelist.
He had been a little naive, hadn't he?
''Of course it was ingenuous. By then Fujimori would do anything for
victory,'' Vargas Llosa says. ''He had seemed a grey character, quite
inhibited, but obviously was crafty and calculating. A good politician.''
VARGAS LLOSA IS damning of the language of politicians. ''It was
traumatic to discover that politicians use words in a functional fashion.
Politicians need simple, repetitive, cliched little words, aimed at grabbing
power.''
That's all very well, but had he not fallen for the same ploy to capture
the crowds?
''No. I once said, as a joke, that I only lie in my novels. Fiction is a world
of illusion. I did not lie during the campaign, and I did not disguise the
sacrifice needed to bring about the change I wanted. I gave my rivals a
remarkable arsenal. Fujimori presented my plans as apocalyptic. Then he
began to introduce them the day after the elections.
''That was one of the reasons for my failure. In the Memorias I recall
that the Bishop of Arequipa warned me that telling the truth in politics
was risky. I was a very bad politician.''
Vargas LLosa used to be a supporter of Margaret Thatcher, and was her
guest for supper at Downing Street in the early stages of his campaign for
president. ''If there is one thing I admire, it is the politician who speaks
from conviction. Those who say what they think and do what they say. I
have only found this in two political figures, Charles de Gaulle and Mrs
Thatcher. My sympathy is less with de Gaulle because he was a
nationalist. I detest nationalism. Mrs Thatcher used nationalism, but she
was not a believer.
''Britain, with all its problems, would have been much worse off if Mrs
Thatcher had not attempted her very radical reform. She imposed the idea
of a liberal revolution, in which the entire responsibility for wealth
creation would be transferred to the private Mario Vargas Llosa: the
novelist today and, inset left, the Spanish and Peruvian press trace his
political progress sector.'' He is also convinced that she was instrumental in
the defeat of communism and in bringing the cold war to an end.
Vargas Llosa is described by his critics as being plagued by
contradictions. He has gone from passionate admirer of the Cuban
revolution to avid supporter of the right. His political conversion began
with disenchantment with Fidel Castro's rule. This began in March 1971,
when Castro ordered a show trial of the dissident poet Heberto Padilla on
television in Havana.
VARGAS LLOSA'S departure from the left also marked the cooling of his
friendship with Garcia Marquez, which had begun in Caracas in 1967, and
ended when the Peruvian flattened the Colombian with a punch in the eye
in 1975, in the Palace of Fine Arts in Mexico City. Some years later, Garcia
Marquez said Vargas Llosa thought he had made a pass at Patricia.
The row went further when, in an argument with the German novelist
Gunter Grass at the New York Pen conference in January 1986, Vargas
Llosa said Garcia Marquez was ''Castro's courtesan''.
Grass tried to defend the Colombian and was rebuked for supporting
revolutions in Latin America which he would condemn in his own country.
The argument was pursued in the correspondence columns of the German
and Spanish press for six months.
Vargas Llosa's contempt for the revolutionary left is sweeping. ''Many
so-called progressives in the West are equally ridiculous. In Harvard
Square I saw students, members of the most privileged families in
America, asking for signatures and donations for Abimael Guzman, leader
of the Shining Path terrorists. It was grotesque.''
Vargas Llosa says these ''transferred aspirations'' are a form of racism.
''It is the old idea of the noble savage. Intellectuals see Latin America as an
exotic place where their fantasies can be played out.'' In October he will
appear at the Cheltenham Literary Festival, to speak about the influence of
South American literature on current writing in Europe and North America.
In contrast, he feels warmly towards Salman Rushdie. ''We obviously
hold different views on several matters. But we are friendly and I support
him.'' Vargas Llosa calls the fatwa the symbol of a new Inquisition and a
return to the age of darkness and intolerance, then hammers home the
accusation that ''the intellectual community has been very weak and
cautious in its support for Rushdie. The world in which writers can
disagree, can enjoy freedom, is at stake.''
Debate, he knows, is part of the return to London. His political career
over, he will have to defend his writing again. In 1990, The New York
Review of Books described two of his novels, The Green House (1965) and
Conversation in the Cathedral (1969), as leaving the reader with a ''sense
of having to struggle through artificial obstacles'' and of being
''deliberately disorganised''.
As a young man, Vargas Llosa thought that ''complication was a
guarantee of depth''. He later discovered that it was possible to be complex
and deep through simplicity and clarity. ''My most recent novels are
accessible to the average reader,'' he remarks. ''But that will not prevent
me from writing more complex books in future.
''I can't wait to be writing again. There is no explanation for my feelings.
People relate to cities as they do to other people. It is irrational. Some
cities you love. For me, London was love at first sight.''
Copyright 1993 Agence France Presse
Agence France Presse
August 6, 1993
SECTION: News
HEADLINE: Fujimori invites Japanese prime minister to visit Peru
DATELINE: LIMA
LIMA, Aug 6 (AFP) - President Alberto Fujimori congratulated Japanese
Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa on his election and invited him to Peru
for an official visit, the presidential palace announced Friday.
"We plan to extend a big welcome as befits the friendship that has
existed between our people for the past 120 years, which we will
commemorate during August," the president's office said in its message to
Hosokawa.
Fujimori, who left Friday for Bolivia for the swearing in of President
Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, recalled in the message Hosokawa's
friendliness during his 1990 visit to Peru and during Fujimori's June visit
to Tokyo.
Fujimori was elected in 1990, making him the first Peruvian president
of Japanese descent.
Copyright 1993 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian
August 6, 1993
SECTION: THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 11
HEADLINE: RE-ELECTION VOTE
BYLINE: MALCOLM COAD IN SANTIAGO
In a controversial vote, Peru's congress has voted to allow President
Alberto Fujimori to stand for re-election for a further five-year term in
presidential elections due in 1995.
Copyright 1993 Inter Press Service
Inter Press Service
August 6, 1993, Friday
HEADLINE: PERU: PEREZ DE CUELLAR WOULD CONSIDER RUNNING FOR
PRESIDENT
DATELINE: LIMA, Aug. 6
Former United Nations Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar (1982-
1991), the most respected man in Peru according to some opinion polls, has
indicated that he would accept the nomination to run for president in
1995.
In an interview on local television, Perez de Cuellar confirmed rumors
that the Popular Christian Party had asked him to be an independent
candidate, heading a coalition of parties.
Perez de Cuellar criticized the government of President Alberto Fujimori,
which he has generally supported until now, saying although he agreed
with the need for structural adjustment, the necessary social emergency
measures to cushion its impact on the people, were not being adopted.
Perez de Cuellar stressed that "the Asian development model" of
economic neoliberal policies and authoritarianism cannot be applied in
Peru.
He also disagreed with Fujimori's view of the role of political parties,
which the president regards as "intermediaries which distort the will of
the people."
Fujimori has tried to substitute the political parties with a more direct
form of democracy, using popular referendums to make important
decisions.
Perez de Cuellar said "it's unfair to say that the party system must be
eliminated, for without political parties there is no democracy."
The former U.N. secretary general acknowledged that Fujimori's
counterinsurgency tactics have been successful, but disagreed with moves
to
introduce the death penalty, which the president hopes will be
incorporated into Peru's new constitution.
Copyright 1993 The Financial Times Limited;
Financial Times
August 6, 1993, Friday
SECTION: Pg. 4
HEADLINE: A need to pedal out of poverty in Bolivia: The new president's
problems in the poorest country of South America
BYLINE: By CHRISTINA LAMB
CROUCHED at the side of a dirt road in the 12 de Octubre market in El
Alto, the working-class township on the rim of the canyon above the
Bolivian capital, La Paz, with a huge pile of gnarled potatoes spread on a
blanket in front of her, Mrs Celia Ticono de Medina does not think highly of
economic stabilisation programmes.
Wrapped against the biting Andean air, in a colourful shawl with a pink-
faced baby suckling at her breast, she tips her bowler hat and opens her
mouth to reveal rotting teeth, blackened from chewing coca leaves to stave
off hunger.
Mrs Medina, aged far beyond her 32 years, has journeyed all night on
the back of a truck from the mining town of Potos to sell the potatoes for
the equivalent of a few dollars, however long it takes. She has five children
and is married to a miner who lost his job in 1985 during the
government's radical adjustment programme, often cited as the most
successful such revision carried out under democracy in Latin America.
Mrs Medina is not convinced: 'You can't eat stability.'
Bolivia has reduced annual inflation from 26,000 per cent to less than
10 - the lowest in South America - and is seen as a model of how to tackle
hyperinflation and debt crisis in a democracy. But it also illustrates the fact
that economic stability does not necessarily bring prosperity. The poorest
country in the region, its return to economic growth since 1987 has barely
outpaced population growth.
Mr Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, the victor of the presidential election
held in June, is due to be sworn in as president today - independence day.
He was planning minister in 1985-89 and the main author of economic
adjustment.
Combating poverty and improving wealth distribution are the main
challenges facing him and he has no doubt about what voters want. 'The
onus is on me to get the economy moving and get money to the forgotten
people,' he says.
Mr Palmiro Sora Sauzedo, assistant director of Plan International, a
development agency, warns: 'It's time to democratise the economy as well
as politics. Otherwise that was the last vote for the free market option'.
For the average Bolivian, the costs of balancing the budget have seemed
more tangible than the benefits. Living costs spiralled after the
government slashed subsidies and raised public sector tariffs;
unemployment rose with the sacking of state employees, including 23,000
metals miners; drastic cuts in import tariffs have made life hard for local
industry; the budget squeeze has hit provision of public services.
According to the World Bank, Bolivia's per capita income has fallen more
than 20 per cent since 1980 to Dollars 700 (Pounds 469.70) now. The rural
population has been hit hardest. Bolivia has the highest percentage of rural
poverty in the world, with 97 per cent of the rural population below the
poverty line according to the UN International Fund for Agricultural
Development, compared to 85 per cent in 1986. Also during this period,
the rural population increased by 1.4m to 3.4m - about half the country's
total.
Nowhere is this clearer than on the altiplano, the high Andean plain on
which 70 per cent of the rural population live. Scenes of llamas grazing on
the shores of Lake Titicaca, under the snow-capped Mount Illimani, look
misleadingly idyllic. Here average life expectancy is 46 years, infant
mortality is 172 per 1,000 live births and family income averages 72
bolivianos (Pounds 11.40) a month.
Mr Sandro Calvani, head of the UN Drug Control Programme in Bolivia
and former World Health Organisation representative in Africa, says,
'poverty here is worse than in Ethiopia or Burkino Faso.' He is not
surprised that, for many, growing the coca leaf is the only way.
Some 10 per cent of the working population is involved in the coca
trade, including many former miners. Bolivia is now the second largest
producer of coca after Peru (and of cocaine after Colombia), generating
some Dollars 650m-Dollars 700m a year, of which some Dollars 150m-
Dollars 200m stays in the country.
Rather than construct a real alternative to this ancient cultivation
turned drug source for the developed world, Bolivia has become highly
dependent on foreign aid. By contrast, foreign investment has been
deterred by dithering government in the face of strong union opposition.
Exports are declining - a trade surplus of Dollars 104m in 1989 had turned
into a Dollars 561m deficit last year, the worst in a decade.
Mr Sanchez de Lozada denies that the adjustment programme has
worsened conditions: 'That's like blaming the fireman for the fire. People
forget that, from 1980 till adjustment in 1985, GNP shrank 27 per cent
because of the collapse in tin prices (Bolivia's main legal export) and the
debt crisis. We found a very poor country with hyperinflation and left a
very poor country without hyperinflation.'
He blames the last government for not building on stabilisation. 'The
problem is that, since then, we've had stagnation and thus not dealt with
the terrible social problems left over from the 1980s.'
The new president plans an ambitious transfer of wealth through the
distribution of shares in state companies worth an estimated Dollars 4,000
per person. He declares: 'Stability is like a bike. We've stabilised and must
now start pedallling, otherwise we will fall.'
Copyright 1993 Reuters, Limited
August 6, 1993, Friday, BC cycle
HEADLINE: BOLIVIAN PRESIDENT TAKES OVER, CASTRO STEALS SHOW
BYLINE: By Paul Mylrea
DATELINE: LA PAZ, Bolivia
Cuban leader Fidel Castro, on a first visit to the country where his
companion-at-arms Che Guevara was killed, was cheered at the
inauguration of Bolivia's new president Friday while the U.S. envoy was
jeered.
Castro stole the show as Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, 63, known popularly
as "Goni", took over from outgoing president Jaime Paz Zamora promising
to improve the lot of the poor of this Andean nation.
"The economy should serve man, not statistics," Sanchez de Lozada,
architect of Bolivia's free-market reforms as economy minister under Paz
Zamora's predecessor, told Congress.
"Let us hope we can soon say there are no children going to bed with the
glint of hunger in their eyes," he said.
But despite the pomp of the ceremony, attended by Presidents Carlos
Menem of Argentina, Cesar Gaviria of Colombia and Alberto Fujimori of
Peru as well president-elect Juan Carlos Wasmosy of Paraguay, Castro was
the center of attention.
Castro, mobbed by wellwishers and journalists since arriving Thursday,
was cheered as he entered Congress, unlike Interior Secretary Bruce
Babbitt, the U.S. envoy at whom the crowd whisteled.
The veteran Cuban communist leader, relaxed and smiling, joined
Sanchez de Lozada, Menem and Gaviria on the balcony of the government
palace for the presidential greeting.
Joking with journalists, he said he had been worried his Soviet-made
airplane would not be able to land at the 13,000 feet high airport above La
Paz and praised the coca-leaf tea drunk here to remedy the effects of
altitude.
"I came without mountain training. We're at half the height of Everest,
and that's a lot," Castro said.
Castro also said he was impressed that Bolivia had elected an indigenous
leader as Sanchez de Lozada's vice-president.
Vice President Victor Hugo Cardenas, head of an indigenous political
party, addressed Congress in fluent Spanish as well as the native Aymara,
Quechua and Guarani languages.
In contrast, Sanchez de Lozada joked in his speech about the strong
English accent he has when speaking Spanish after a youth spent in the
United States and said he would take lessons from Cardenas.
Sanchez de Lozada is due to have private talks with Castro Saturday.
However, Castro's arrival, welcomed by miners- who Thursday vowed to
donate a day's wages to help a beleaguered Cuba- students and union
leaders, has not pleased everyone.
The Bolivian army, which killed Ernesto "Che" Guevara in 1967,
welcomed Castro with military honors on his arrival.
Guevara, who accompanied Castro in his descent from Cuba's Sierra
Maestra to overthrow Fulgencio Batista in 1959, came to Bolivia in disguise
with a small group of Cuban revolutionaries to join leftist guerrillas in
Bolivia's central mountains.
But former military dictator army Gen. Hugo Banzer, who despite Paz
Zamora's backing was defeated by Sanchez de Lozada in June elections,
criticized the visit.
"Castro sent people from his country to divide Bolivians, to sow death
among Bolivians," Banzer said.
Babbitt also criticized Castro's presence in Bolivia's festival of democracy.
In what diplomats said was a reaction to U.S. displeasure, Paz Zamora
suspended a planned decoration of Castro with a Bolivian medal of honor.
Copyright 1993 Reuters, Limited
August 6, 1993, Friday, BC cycle
SECTION: Financial Report.
HEADLINE: BEAR STEARNS<BSC.N>HIRES FIVE FOR EMERGING MARKETS
DATELINE: NEW YORK, AUG 6 (REUTER)
Bear Stearns & Co Inc said it hired five professionals for its emerging
markets research team from James Capel, all members of Capel's Latin
America Research team.
The company said Geoffrey Dennis, managing director, will head the
emerging markets research team and will act as market and sectoral
strategist for Latin America.
The company said the other four individuals are Matthew Hickman,
Carlos Laboy, Melissa Ruttner and Julie Dykstra.
Hickman, managing director, will provide equity coverage of Brazil, Chile
and Peru and also of the telecommunications industry in Latin America,
while Laboy, associate director, will be responsible for covering the
Mexican equity market.
Bear Stearns said Ruttner, associate analyst, will cover the equity market
in Argentina and Dykstra, assistant analyst, will continue to produce the
daily fax which earned a number one team position for James Capel in the
Institutional Investor Latin America Research team ranking.
Copyright 1993 Reuters, Limited
August 6, 1993, Friday, BC cycle
SECTION: Money Report. Bonds Capital Market.
HEADLINE: ARGENTINA CREDIT RATING DEALS BLOW TO ITS DEBT
BYLINE: By Henry Tricks
DATELINE: NEW YORK, AUG 6 (REUTER)
Argentina got an unexpected knock that reverberated through the
markets Friday when Moody's Investors Services Inc failed to upgrade the
country's cautious credit rating.
Moody's assigned a B1 rating to the dollar-denominated Bonos Externos
(Bonex) of 1989, and a B2 rating to its par and discount Brady bonds. The
top rating remains in Moody's "highly speculative" category. Many players
were expecting a small upgrade, and some Argentine analysts went out on
a limb and said the country should even be rated investment grade.
"The fact they rated the Bradies B2 sounds like they decided they're not
going to upgrade Argentina. That's obviously bad news for Argentina. I
think it's unjustified," said John Purcell, head of emerging markets
research at Salomon Brothers.
Argentina Brady bonds sold off on the news, though traders said the
mood was restrained. Pars were down 1-1/8 on Thursday's close at 55-5/8
percent bid, and FRBs fell 1/2 a point to 72 percent.
Purcell said Standard and Poor's Corp, which recently visited Argentina,
should come out with a rating fairly soon.
He expected it to rate Argentina BB-minus, which is a notch higher than
Moody's B1. Moody's equivalent of a BB-minus is Ba3.
"Many people were expecting a Ba3," said one Argentine trader. "Some
people in Argentina were even expecting investment grade which is
ridiculous. To think it would come above Mexico doesn't make sense," he
said. He said he was cautiously optimistic after the rating because it
gave investors a reason not to get carried away. "There were a couple of
sellers as soon as the news came out but most of our investors are very
confident with Argentina."
A debt trader at an Argentine bank said the rating may have caught a lot
of U.S. investors off balance, however. He said some funds who would not
usually make investments in the "highly speculative" category may have
bought Argentine bonds on the premise that the country would be
upgraded.
"A lot of people may be finding themselves in deep trouble," he said.
Elsewhere in the LDC debt market, Peru continued to race higher,
climbing 2-3/8 percent to 42-5/8, as did the Dominican Republic which is
rallying on hopes that a term sheet detailing its $ 775 million debt accord
is ready.
Dominican debt closed at 49 percent bid, 50 percent offered. It was at
47-1/2 percent bid Thursday.
Venezuela was higher on short-covering, traders said. Pars were up 1/2
at 69-1/4 percent, DCBs were up the same at 67-5/8 and FLIRBS were a
full point higher at 70-3/8 percent.
Copyright 1993 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
August 6, 1993, Friday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 11; Column 1; Foreign Desk
HEADLINE: Peru Is Expected to Extend Death Penalty to Terrorists
BYLINE: By NATHANIEL C. NASH, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: LIMA, Peru, Aug. 5
After the capture last September of Abimael Guzman Reynoso, the
founder of the Maoist guerrilla organization called Shining Path, President
Alberto K. Fujimori has said repeatedly that he would like to see the death
penalty visited on the man whose 13-year insurgency has led to the death
of almost 30,000 Peruvians.
At a meeting in Brazil last month of Latin American leaders, President
Fujimori said that if he had ever met Mr. Guzman face to face and had had
a gun with him, "I would have sent him to hell."
Whether the guerrilla leader will face execution is still an open question,
since the Constitution does not permit the death penalty except in cases of
wartime treason.
Support in Congress
But a vote in Congress this week has made it almost certain that leaders
of Shining Path caught in the future run the risk of a quick judgment and
speedy execution, as Peru poises itself to become the first Latin American
country in recent years to expand the application of capital punishment.
On Tuesday the new Congress -- elected last November to replace the
Congress that Mr. Fujimori shut down last year -- voted overwhelmingly
for a constitutional change providing the death penalty for terrorists.
Voting by secret ballot to protect lawmakers from reprisals, the legislators
approved the measure 55 to 21.
That vote, and Mr. Fujimori's advocacy of capital punishment, reflect
strong public disgust at the cruelty and violence of Shining Path and a
sense that the group is in its death throes. Recent polls show that more
than 60 percent of Peruvians favor the death penalty for terrorists, while
about 30 percent oppose it.
The new measure will now be incorporated into the new Constitution
being written by Congress, which is almost certain to be approved in a
referendum later this year.
The death penalty provision causes concern among human rights groups
and Western countries trying to edge Peru back to democracy after Mr.
Fujimori's seizure of near dictatorial powers in April 1992.
It comes at a time when hundreds of suspected terrorists are being tried
in military courts where judges and prosecutors wear masks and have
their voices distorted to avoid recognition.
Defendants have been denied easy access to lawyers skilled in defending
Shining Path members. They often do not see the evidence against them,
and trials generally last no longer than a couple of days. Over the past
year, almost 600 have been sentenced to prison for terrorism, including
more than 250 who have drawn life sentences without parole.
"We have real problems with the judicial process and the faceless judges,
and that makes us concerned about how they will apply the death
penalty," said one Western official. "There is a serious lack of due process
in the judicial system in Peru, and it is still troubled with corruption."
Most legal experts in Peru expect that in the end, military tribunals
presided over by officers who are neither lawyers nor judges will mete out
the death sentences.
If the death penalty is approved, Peru will become the first country to
break its commitment to the American Convention on Human Rights,
signed by 15 Latin countries in 1969. The San Jose Agreement, as it is
commonly known, prohibits countries from expanding capital punishment.
"If Peru agrees to the death penalty, it will have to renounce the San Jose
Agreement, since there will be an obvious contradiction," said Samuel
Abat, an attorney for the Andean Commission of Jurists, a human rights
group here. "We believe it is an unfortuate precedent that military
tribunals are not only judging civilians, but will be given powers to
sentence them to death."
The issue divided the opposition to President Fujimori in Congress, with
moderates saying the violence of Shining Path justified the death penalty.
But Henry Pease Garcia, of the Democratic Movement of the Left,
described it as "more revenge than justice."
"It is killing in cold blood," he said, "and the state does not have that
right."
Copyright 1993 Reuters Limited
The Reuter Washington Report
August 6, 1993, Friday, BC cycle
HEADLINE: THE REUTER DIARY OF GOVERNMENT AGENCIES
Week of Aug. 6, 1993
The diary editor is Steve Ginsburg. Tim Ahmann, Eric Beech, Melissa
Bland, Will Dunham, Peter Ramjug and Paul Schomer also are available to
help you. If you any questions, please call 202-898-8345. For service
problems call 1-800-435-0101. Events in this diary are subject to change.
This diary, updated weekly, is filed every Friday and in updated form on
Monday.
Contact numbers and Federal Register pages are listed when available.
[deleted]
OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG CONTROL POLICY
OFFICIAL ACTIVITY
Aug. 9: Director Lee Brown holds a photo opportunity and ceremony to
swear in 200 local children as drug-free marshals, as part of the national
"Lead the Way to a Drug-Free USA" campaign. (Mary Wible or Tyler Gronbach,
703-549-9592)
Aug. 9: Director Lee Brown conducts a briefing at the USIA's Foreign
Press Center on his upcoming trip to Panama, Bolivia, Colombia and Peru.
(202-724-1635)
Aug. 10-17: Director Brown travels to Central and South America, with
scheduled stops in Panama, Bolivia, Colombia and Peru.
Copyright 1993 News World Communications, Inc.
The Washington Times
August 6, 1993, Friday, Final Edition
SECTION: Part F; COMMENTARY; Pg. F3
HEADLINE: For a new international drug policy
BYLINE: Rensselaer Lee / Patrick Clawson
U.S. overseas anti-narcotics policy is adrift and must be put back on
course. For many years, we have pursued two main policy objectives:
* Criminal enforcement - attacking and disabling narcotics trafficking
infrastructures by supporting and occasionally conducting front-line
operations to eradicate drug crops, dismantle laboratories, constrict
transport options, and generally impede the export of illegal drugs by
narcotraffickers.
* Political stability - limiting the intrusion of drug dealers into the
political systems and economies of drug-source countries, helping such
countries cope with the narcoterrorist threat, and strengthing legitimate
ruling elites.
Unfortunately, we have overemphasized the first objective - and to little
avail. Our overseas drug enforcement record is unimpressive if not
downright dismal and offers a poor return for our substantial multi-decade
investment. Nonetheless, the policymakers exhibit little institutional
memory about the virtually impossible task of reducing the supply of any
drug in the face of continuing demand. From Prohibition to Operation Blast
Furnace to the Bush administration's Andean Strategy, our optimism and
rhetoric far outstrip results.
Major production and trafficking complexes in the Andes, Southwest
Asia, and the Golden Triangle of Southest Asia persistently thrive,
impervious to international enforcement programs. Heroin and cocaine are
increasingly pure and accessible in the United States.
For example, over the past 13 years, increases in U.S. funding for anti-
drug programs in South America directly correlated with increases in
Andean cocaine production. During the Bush administration, expenditures
on such anti-drug programs rose from $190 million to almost $380 million,
while the imputed production of coca leaves and cocaine expanded by
more than 10 percent from 1989 to 1992. In the end, cocaine was purer,
cheaper and more readily avaiable.
How can our sophisticated international drug policy be so ineffective
and even counterproductive?
First, narcotics industries do not rely on irreplaceable components. Drug
crops, laboratories, processing chemicals, aircraft, money, and even
narcotics producers and traffickers themselves are readily replaced in the
pursuit of seductively high illegal drug profits. If we disrupt the Medellin
Cartel's operations, the Cali Cartel takes up the slack. Coca plants
eradicated in Bolivia are offset by expanded cultivation in Peru. If by some
chance we entirely shut down South American cocaine production, street
prices temporarily would rise in the face of restricted supply; yet
enterprising narcotraffickers undoubtedly would set up shop in other
countries with amenable climatic and social conditions - or, perhaps worse,
peddle alternative drugs such as opium or heroin.
Second, narcotics industries are dynamic, evolving and increasingly
efficient. Under the pressure of new enforcement techniques, storage
technologies and smuggling strategies have improved. For instance,
Colombian cocaine laboratories are equipped with chemical-recycling
plants. U.S. estimates of potential Bolivian coca leaf production rose to
record levels in 1992, despite declining acreage in production - a
phenomenon likely attributable to increasingly capable farmers. Coca
cultivation time - the period from planting to first harvest - has
diminished as much as 50 percent since the early 1980s. And ordinary
farmers all over the Andes are acquiring expertise in the first and second
stages of cocaine processing, spurred by the prospect of relatively
extraordinary economic returns.
At the same time, the limited resources allocated to politically
supporting our Andean partners have produced some solid achievements.
* Pablo Escobar no longer holds a seat in the Colombian Congress.
* The Medellin Cartel's pretensions to power have been blocked, and its
leadership is in disarray.
* Narcoterrorist violence is abating in Colombia.
* Narcocratic regimes no longer dominate Bolivia and Panama.
* Our economic assistance to Bolivia has diminished the relative
economic clout of the cocaine industry and furnished a foundation for
positive economic and political development.
Such political and social victories are important because they illustrate
the value of truncating the economic and political reach of drug dealers
and their criminal cohorts, despite doing little or nothing to halt the flow of
drugs into the United States. If reducing domestic demand rather than
foreign supply constitutes the long-term solution to the U.S. drug problem,
the United States still can apply its international resources to hobbling the
malevolent drug lords that threaten the stability of nations in Latin
America and elsewhere.
A pragmatic U.S. policy thus would expend fewer resources on the
traditional tools of anti-drug warfare - interdiction, eradication, and crop
substitution - and would focus instead on dismantling the leadership
structures of multinational trafficking organizations, and bolstering the
criminal justice institutions, the political will, and legal economies of drug-
source countries. By implication, the new policy also would remove U.S.
personnel from the front lines of the drug war, minimizing the risk of
physically dangerous and politically incendiary confrontations with crowds
of peasants and small-time traffickers - an especially severe prospect in
guerilla-torn countries such as Colombia and Peru.
Rensselaer Lee, an associate scholar at the Foreign Policy Research
Institute, is the author of "The White Labyrinth: Cocaine & Political Power."
Patrick Clawson is editor of Orbis, the Foreign Policy Research Institute's
quarterly journal of world affairs.
GRAPHIC: Illustration, NO CAPTION, By Barbara Cummings/LA Times
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