The following article is from the Socialist Worker (paper of the International
Socialists in Canada) November 1993. For subscriptions write Socialist
Worker, Box 339, Station E, Toronto Ontario Canada M6H 4E3. $10 Canadian for
an annual subscription. $16 Institutions and Supporting. US and Overseas
$20 Canadian.
The Great Minneapolis Teamsters' Strike by Sean Purdy
---------------------------------------
The bleak early years of the Great Depression saw the workers'
movement in North America on the defensive. In 1934-35, however,
there was an explosion of workers' struggles and mass
radicalization that helped to turn this around.
In the U.S., 1934 saw a magnificent autoworkers strike in Toledo;
a general strike in San Francisco; and the great battle of the
Teamsters in Minneapolis.
All of these were mass strikes that resulted in decisive victories
for the unions, inspiring millions of other workers and ushering in
a new period of militant struggle which would culminate in the mass
industrial unionism of the late 1930s and the growth of a powerful
workers' movement.
These great strikes were all led by revolutionary socialists. It
should remind us that, given the right conditions, a minority of
socialists resolved to fight the bosses, can sweep in thousands of
workers, convincing them of their strength as they exercise their
power.
The 1934 Minneapolis Teamsters Strike was a particularly shining
example in this year of mass struggle which holds important lessons
for all those fighting the rotten system we are living in today.
Minneapolis was far from the best place for organizing a fight
back. A group called the Citizen's Alliance - made up of the towns'
employers and right-wingers - were the effective rulers of the
city. They were well organized, had their own full-time officers,
had spies planted in the union movement, and enjoyed the support of
City Hall and the police.
As well, Minneapolis was particularly hard hit by the economic
crisis. Fully one third of the city's half a million population
were affected by unemployment. It was also an open shop town in
which organized labour had little influence.
Despite the difficult circumstances, the Communist League of
America (CLA), the first Trotskyist organization in the US, had
built up a branch of 40 members.
Before 1929, the revolutionary socialist movement in the U.S. was
represented by the Communist Party (CP). But by this time all the
Western Communist parties were under the direction of the foreign
policy dictates of Stalin and his cronies in Russia. The CP no
longer held to the socialist principles of internationalism,
democracy and working class militancy.
In 1928-29 a number of CP members questioned the disastrous
policies of Stalin and the Communist parties outside Russia.
After being expelled from the party, they formed the CLA under the
banner of revolutionary socialism represented by Leon Trotsky.
Trotsky was one of the leaders of the Bolshevik revolution in
Russia, who was struggling to keep alive the ideas of revolutionary
socialism after Stalin had crushed the gains of the workers'
revolution in 1917.
In 1934, the CLA had decided that the time was ripe for the
organization to undertake a turn to the class, meaning they had
decided to branch out from purely propaganda work to actively
intervene and lead workers in struggles against the bosses.
In Minneapolis, they began to organize many of the non-union
workers in the trucking industry. They linked up with other workers
and militants in the local Teamsters union who wanted to unionize
the whole trucking industry on an industrial basis and not on a
narrow, sectional basis which was the conservative policy of the
official labour movement represented by the American Federation of
Labor.
>From the outset, the CLA took an active lead in organizing workers
on the basis of class struggle politics. After signing up the
strategically important workers who loaded coal onto trucks, the
organizing campaign called a strike for recognition of the union
and quickly succeeded because they had solid pickets and widespread
support of the workers. The bosses were forced to give official
recognition to the Teamsters, allowing the union to get a solid
foothold in the industry.
>From here, they formed a rank-and-file based Organizing Committee
which successfully organized other areas of the trucking industry.
A few months later another strike was called for union recognition
and a wage increase which was a hard fought battle won in 6 days.
But soon after the employers in the town organized to chip away at
the new union which had grown to 5,000 members with the aim of
smashing the union altogether. They reneged on promises, fired
militants and did whatever they could to undercut the new unions'
organizing momentum. In July and August, the workers struck again
to counter the bosses' offensive, consolidate the union and win
more demands. This final strike was hugely successful, laying the
basis for a strongly unionized trucking industry.
In the depths of Depression, when workers were beaten down with
unemployment, and government and employer attacks, how did an
inexperienced group of workers win a major strike of national and
international significance?
Three key factors contributed to the ultimate success of the
strikes: uncompromising class struggle politics, mass strength and
solidarity, and the active lead shown by the Trotskyists.
Rather than relying on an official union bureaucracy to run the
strike, the workers relied on the leadership of a democratic rank-
and-file based Organizing Committee of 75 workers. Every evening a
mass general assembly of the workers was held to inform workers of
the strike's progress and to debate tactics. Socialists look to
rank and file leadership in union struggles because it is the most
democratic and effective way to efficiently mobilize workers in
struggle.
The incredible preparation and organization that the union
undertook to ensure their strength followed from the rank and file
orientation of the union. A headquarters was set up to coordinate
actions. A food Commisary was established to feed the five thousand
workers and their families. A strikers' hospital was established
with doctors and nurses who supported the workers, ready to help in
case of the inevitable physical attacks by the bosses' thugs and
the cops.
A women's auxiliary was set up for the strikers' wives and other
supporters so that women could play an active role in the struggle.
They worked at the strike headquarters, built solidarity actions
and organized daily demonstrations at city hall to force the
municipal government to provide relief for strikers' families.
Mass picketing at all worksites was efficiently coordinated so that
absolutely no trucks would be allowed to move in the city. The
Minneapolis workers also invented the flying picket which was a
outstanding way to ensure effective picketing. Groups of workers
would always be on standby in a fleet of 450 cars ready to travel
to workplaces to shore up picketing when needed.
Another important factor in winning the strike was the critical
importance of gaining the support of other workers. Conservative
union officials argued that a strike was useless because the bosses
would draw on the huge numbers of unemployed for scabs.
But guided by the socialist principles of worker solidarity, the
strikers won over the support of the mass unemployed movement.
Throughout the strike, thousands of unemployed workers were
involved in pickets and demonstrations in support of the strikers.
Thousands of volunteers from other unions, unorganized workers and
students helped run the food kitchens, maintain the vehicles and
build solidarity for the strike. Throughout the strike, numerous
support rallies were held which drew up to 40,000 supporters.
Crucial to the strikers' success was the active leadership of the
CLA. CLA leaders were flown to Minneapolis, helping to coordinate
the strike by setting up a daily strike paper called The Organizer.
It was the first strike daily ever published in the US. It was only
3 or 4 pages but enjoyed a peak circulation of 10,000, providing
accounts and analysis of the days events to offset the capitalist
press which was working for the bosses to spread lies about the
strike.
Despite vicious repression by the police and the National Guard,
leading to the deaths of two workers, the strikers won a resounding
victory. The CLA grew to one hundred members in Minneapolis,
providing the basis for a vibrant revolutionary socialist
organization that enjoyed influence in the workers' movement.
The great Minneapolis Teamsters strike shows that a small number of
revolutionary socialists, armed with the experience and knowledge
of class struggle politics, can boost the confidence of workers to
fight back as they lead struggles to victory. In the process of
such struggles socialists can rapidly increase their numbers.
