Koprulu/Veles (Yugoslavia) Ottoman Garrison's Response
to the 1909 Recidivist Uprising in Istanbul
H. B. Paksoy, D. Phil.
[First published in Turkistan Newsletter Vol. 97-1:18a, 2
July 1997]
[Reprinted in Petek Vol. 3, No. 2, 1 September 1997]
INTRODUCTION
Omer Seyfettin (1884-1920) recorded his observations during
April 1909 when the news of Irtica (recidivist) uprising in
Istanbul reached the town of Koprulu--situated along the Vardar
river. At the time, Seyfettin was serving there in the Ottoman
garrison as an Army Officer.
Students of the medrese (theological-scholastic school) and
their supporters in Istanbul staged what has been termed Irtica,
a religious "movement" opposing the Ottoman Constitutionalism.[1]
The Constitution was initially enacted after the Tanzimat
("reordering" 1839-1876).[2] The scholasticists first demanded
the abolition of everything "not in conformity with Shari'a"
(canonical law); Later, massacred a portion of Ottoman troops
loyal to their officers who, in turn, were in favor of
Constitutionalism.
The "Action Army" [Hareket Ordusu], an armed force virtually
self-organized by the army officers serving in the western
garrisons of the Ottoman empire (in a manner, foreshadowing the
1918 German Freicorps?), decisively suppressed the Irtica of
1909. Among the officers of this force were graduates of the
Ottoman Military Academy such as Omer Seyfettin, Mustafa Kemal
[Ataturk] (1881-1938), Kazim Karabekir (1882-1948) and Enver Bey
(1881-1922). [3] Enver rose through the Ottoman ranks rather
rapidly. Following the deposition of Sultan Abdulhamid II (r.
1876-1909) and suppression of the Irtica, Enver served in
Germany as military attache (1909-1911). He later married into
the Ottoman ruling family and became a "Son-in-law" (damat, a
highly sought after "relationship" by some officers) to the
Ottoman Court. Those combined experiences and positions allowed
Enver, along with Jemal and Talat of the Union and Progress
Party, to form the ruling (and, ultimately losing) triumvirate in
the Ottoman Empire.[4] Enver later attempted to lead another
movement and died in what is today Tajikistan.[5]
Enver was operating in Central Asia, entirely contrary to
his past record, under religious titles ("son-in-law to the
Caliph," etc), attempting to use religion for political ends.
Meanwhile, his cohorts, such as Mustafa Kemal, Ismet Inonu (1884-
1973) and Kaz�m Karabekir, conducted the Turkish War of
Liberation 1919-1924, culminating in the establishment of the
secular Turkish Republic in Asia Minor.[6] Seyfettin resigned
his army commission shortly after his service in the Hareket
Ordusu to devote his time to writing, but was mobilized during
the 1911 Balkan war. After spending a year as a prisoner of war
in Greece, he was exchanged, and discharged from the army. As a
civilian and a celebrated author by the beginning of the First
World War, Seyfettin died of diabetes at the age of 36 in 1920
before observing the establishment of the TBMM (Turkish Grand
National Assembly) and the Turkish Republic. His writings
certainly contributed to and influenced the outcome.[7]
OTTOMAN "REORDERING" (1839) AND THE SOVIET "PERESTROIKA" (1980s)
It could be observed that there are remarkable similarities
between the Tanzimat, "reordering" period of the Mahmut II (r.
1808-1839) of the Ottoman empire and that of the Soviet
Perestroika "restructuring" attempts of Gorbachev and company.
The similitude goes far beyond the labels. Both occurrences were
the culmination of efforts to save those empires from imminent
collapse. In either case, the primary impetus was supplied from
the outside of both states, in collaboration of the "minorities"
living within the borders of these empires. On the surface, the
reasons were the "integrity" and salvation of both empires, the
Ottoman, and the reincarnated Russian under the "soviet" rubric.
Underneath, a series of economic, cultural, social and political
issues prevailed.
The Ottoman empire constituted the centerpiece of the
Eastern Question, which itself was a part of the Great Game in
Asia.[8] But the resemblances cannot be pressed too far. As far
as the "Eastern Question" was concerned, the tsarist Russian
empire expected to be a beneficiary, even instigator, of the
proposed dissolution of the Ottoman empire. Tsar Nicholas I (r.
1825-1855) used the term "sick man of Europe" while referring to
the Ottoman empire, and was seeking to secure territorial gains
in the Middle East at the expense of the Ottomans. The
ostensible Russian reason was to "protect" the Holy Land.
Simultaneously, the French and British were already on the
ground, in the same territories coveted by the tsarist policy
makers. The Ottoman defensive preparations to resist the
continuing tsarist incursions and invasions, which systematically
absorbed Ottoman lands in favor of Russia since Catherine II (r.
1762-1796), was a primary drain on the Ottoman state finances.
Similar drains on Soviet/Russian finances as a result of the Cold
War could construe yet another parallel.
The tsarists (as their Soviets successors) expected to
profit from the control the Straits, Bosphorus and the
Dardanelles, connecting the Black Sea and Mediterranean via the
Sea of Marmara, as well as the territories in the Caucasus and
further south. One of the Russian objectives was to gain access
to the Mediterranean, to join --or spoil-- the British and French
activities. Aware of the tsarist aims, and under pressure from
the western European states, the Ottoman ruler Mahmut II (r.
1808-1839) and a new generation of his administrators, set about
"revitalizing" the Ottoman empire through Tanzimat.[9]
As Mahmut II, his immediate successors and the new Ottoman
bureaucracy began to effect their "reorderings," the minorities
of the empire gained privileges such as special courts,
protection and exemptions; all beyond the reach of the Ottoman
sovereignty. The net result was effective discrimination against
the Turkish population in favor of the non-Turks in the empire.
The minorities of the Ottoman empire, receiving generous
political, educational, monetary and spiritual aid from various
outside entities, including the Russians, began to seek political
and economic autonomy or outright independence.
Both the Ottoman and the Tsarist Russian empires were multi-
ethnic states. In the Ottoman empire, various ethnic groups,
each officially designated millet (nation), lived side-by-side
with each other; often in the same villages. By the 19th century
all ethnic groups were organized according to their religion,
with every millet having an independent internal administrative
hierarchy, primarily composed of the clerics of each. For
example, there were Catholic millet (nation), members of which
exclusively belonged to that church. On the other hand, the
Catholic French millet, for example, was separate from the
Catholic Russian millet. For that matter, any ethnicity could
have more than one millet, so long as they adhered to different
religions or sects.
Thus, the "Narod" subdivisions of the Soviet Union by Lenin
and Stalin periods seemes to have been copied from the Ottoman
practice.[10] While the Ottomans created the millet system in
response to the external pressures, to grant minorities
extraordinary privileges, the "national in form but socialist in
content" nationalities policy of the Soviets was undertaken for
preemptive purposes, to thwart just such western pressures. In
most cases, the Soviet "narod" system was used within the USSR in
reverse of the Ottoman empire model; in the Soviet case, to
suppress the non-Russians educationally, culturally and
economically. Moreover, the Soviet leadership intended to use
the "narod" mechanism and groupings for "export," of the
"socialist revolution."[11]
Towards the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman Tanzimat
reformers also subscribed to the "Ottoman Citizen" idea, perhaps
influenced by the ideas of the 1789 French evolution, and began
propagating it widely. Accordingly, every person resident of the
Ottoman empire, regardless of birth, national origin, religion,
or any other unique attributes, was a citizen of the Ottoman
empire and enjoyed equal rights under the law.[12] This was a
bureaucratic attempt to create a unity within the Ottoman empire,
to mollify the pressure received from outside powers, and to
prevent a dissolution. The post 1917 "Soviet man" doctrine seems
to be a duplication of the "Ottoman citizen" idea. Thereby,
every citizen of the USSR regardless of national origin,
ethnicity or any other attributes, and often against the
interests of all, was to serve the Communist Party of the USSR
regardless of individual personal cost.[13]
SEYFETTIN's CONTRIBUTION
The Irtica incident of 1909 took place towards the end of
Ottoman "reordering" period, as a reaction against it. Even here
one may view the 1991 coup attempt in Moscow in the shadow of
Ottoman "reordering," Soviet "perestroika" and the 1909 dogmatic
Irtica reaction.[14] Whilst the 1991 Coup Attempt in Moscow
unravelled before the full force of international media, with
active TV cameras and satellite links, the 1909 Irtica had no
such coverage. Hence the contribution by Seyfettin to our
understanding of broader issues.
Seyfettin kept a diary during his active service in the
army. Later he drew upon that collection to write various short
stories for publication.[15] However, the primary merit of this
piece is not literary but historical. It is a non-fictional,
first hand account of an educated observer and participant.
Shortly after the action of the narrative, Seyfettin's military
unit was incorporated into the Action Army and marched on to
Istanbul, to suppress the Irtica.
Immediately after the arrival and initial circulation in
Koprulu of the news of Irtica uprising, Seyfettin begins
collecting his own thoughts, concerning the instigators and
participants of the Irtica. He leaves the restaurant where he
dined and first heard of the developments. The date is 1 April
1325/1909.[16] His punctuation and sentence structure is
maintained throughout.
IRTICA HABERI (NEWS OF THE RECIDIVIST UPRISING)
Alone, I began walking through the deserted streets. The
public clock chimed. I passed the fountain. At the Grand
Poplar Square, as usual, the dogs began barking. The night
watchman was sitting at the opposite corner, in front of a shop-
bench, presenting a mass of shifting shadows under the dark,
star-lit sky; his cigarette occasionally glowing brighter, like
an orphaned fire-fly in his last throes, as he puffed on it. I
was passing the cemetery. I recalled how, with due ceremony, we
had buried those killed five months ago by the adherents of
Irtica and the religious bigotry. Still the murderers and
instigators have not been punished. They may even be pardoned
altogether.
Was this the land of justice, which did not touch Kor Ali,
but instead patted him on the back? Those who had turned the
capital city (Istanbul) upside down, and directly, deliberately
and clearly attacked the Constitutional Order would come to no
harm. Alas!!.. Poor Remzi. I wonder if your soul,
extinguished by that agitation, at the height of your youth and
hope, sees the principal elements of that disgusting crowd now
spilling blood in Istanbul? Or... I walked slowly. The
lantern across the entrance-way to the cemetery was unlit. Mute
headstones stood in gloomy silence as if they were thoughtfully
preoccupied with the vagaries of life. I kept walking slowly.
The Vardar was flowing below, as it has done since the days
of the unknown centuries past, with historical sanctity that
could not be created anew or perverted. It was crying on the
water-mill walls, its splashing sounds sending shivers into this
mournful night.
I was approaching the barracks. Deserted iron-smith shops
of the gypsies displayed a strange life. Frail lights were
radiating through the cracks of their shutters. Tomorrow is
Friday... Each one of these shop-owners had placed a lit candle
on their anvils, honoring the souls of their ancestors!....
I reached the sleeping quarters. The lamp on the table was
turned down, the (Company Commander) Captain was under his red
quilt, �i�man Galip in his corner bed; the Officer of the Day, in
his appointed bed. All asleep. I awakened them and gave them
the news. With the induced excitement, I even slightly
exaggerated. Even then, they did not think it important. It
has not been an hour. As I write this, they are sleeping
peacefully. However, I.... My nerves are so taut, I do not
think I can fall asleep tonight. Only the Captain, who has been
in favor of writing Albanian in the Latin script, said
carelessly:
-- "Damn these hojas.[17] Are not they the ones who thwarted our
alphabet, too?"
Officer of the Day, Husnu, remained silent.
�i�man Galip, after foully cursing:
-- "Those bigots.... All of them ought to be cut to pieces."
He closed his eyes. He now sleeps.
However, my poor notebook, I found and dragged you from
under my books. You were idle for the past six months.
Possibly, more important events will occur that I will commit to
you. I entrust to your neutral white pages those thoughts of
mine which I cannot confide to even the youngest and most
progressive friends for fear of being "misunderstood." Hundreds
of your pages are filled. I read you in order to prompt myself
into action. As long as I live, you are going to be my
companion. If, after I die, you fall into the hands of a bigot,
not finding me to insult or accuse me of blasphemy, perhaps he
will tear you to shreds instead!... It is past midnight. I am
going to bed. We shall see what the morning will bring.
2 April
I had just gone to bed and had not yet fallen asleep. The
door opened. Cavalry Captain Arif Bey entered. He is a plump,
always cheerful, joking friend. He addresses everyone with
"Hayat�m" [My Life, darling]. Thus he acquired the nickname
"Hayat�m." He walked toward my bed, and with an excited voice:
-- "Rise, Hayat�m, quickly" he said. "Officers are convening at
the club. There will be discussion; get dressed. Awaken the
others. I am on my way to wake the Cavalry."
I got up immediately, and awakened the others. Galip could
not get up. Together with the Officer of the Day, we went to
the Headquarters of the Fifth Cavalry Company. Along with all
other present officers, we then went down to the club. The club
is closed in the evenings, but now its elegant and distinguished
main room was brightly illuminated. In the game room, past the
entrance on the left, the Commanding General was standing, and
his Chief of Staff was decoding a cypher. There were twenty
officers present in the room. They were talking to each other,
and Sultan Abdulhamid's name was being frequently mentioned
through clenched teeth. I understood that in the morning there
will be a public meeting, protests will be issued, the Reserve
Battalion mobilized, volunteers from among the local Christian
population will be accepted.
We conferred... Hours passed. We were waiting for the
dawn. Nobody thought of sleeping. The door opened. Akil and
the municipal doctor arrived. They drank tea. Akil had not
slept either, and wrote a speech at the post office for the
Postmaster to read at the public meeting. Slowly, the officers
began to arrive. The Commanding General went upstairs. Along
with the Cavalry Regiment commander, the commander of our
battalion, Staff Officer Mufit Bey arrived. Mufit Bey started
the discussion. He is high strung, but an unhesitating and a
man of initiative. He directly accused Sultan:
-- "Friends!" he began. "You may rest assured that this
unbearable attack on Constitutionalism and the hopes of the
people is emanating from Sultan Abulhamid! Do not seek another
criminal, another murderer! Constitutionalism is his death, he
cannot live without causing cruelty, death, or spilling of blood
and tears. He will wither away."
He continued vehemently. The Commanding General, who had
not ventured outside Istanbul until he reached the rank of
Colonel, was undoubtedly reminiscing his past days of calm and
obedience at the Capital. Mufit Bey provoked the young officers,
who lost their powers of judgement in their grief and anger:
"Let us demand dethronement. This time our action should be
final and decisive!" Meanwhile the General was becoming annoyed
and thinking of ways to calm down the stirrings with some
miraculous intervention to restore the usual decorum.
After Mufit Bey completed his oration, Akil and the doctor
--because they were civilians-- got up and left. Short but
vehement arguments were heard. The General was advocating calm
and quiet, stating "the devil intervenes in hasty business."[18]
It was decided that the Cavalry Regiment Commander Hasan Bey, who
had played an important role during the July Revolution, would
give an address on behalf of the soldiers. Everyone dispersed.
Perhaps many went to play cards. I came to the garden of the
Yeni Hotel. There I found Akil. Together we went to the
telegraph office. The Postmaster was reviewing his speech, in
order to deliver it well, and asked for clarifications from Akil
of portions he could not read. The clerks were busily working
at the telegraph room. I was sitting by the window. The girls
of the house across the way were talking to each other under the
rising sun and the pleasantly cool air; they were also stopping
other girls who were passing by. Undoubtedly, they could not
understand the cause of the excitement in progress since last
night. However, from their appearance, it was clear that they
could sense that something was unusual.
Two of them had tied to their hair those white and red
things which we called "freedom ribbon." They were talking,
even giggling and looking at me with provocative glances as if to
say "We wonder what happened." A telegrapher entered the room.
He said:
-- "The meeting has begun."
The Postmaster worried that we were late. Rising quickly we
descended the steep hill with a some intensity. In front of the
Serbian school, the Postmaster said:
-- "I must down two cognacs in order to read it well!"
He left us, turning the corner of the Merkez Hotel. We
proceeded slowly towards the Government Square.
The small and untidy square was completely full. We
crossed the bridge with difficulty, stopping at the very back of
the crowd. The Prefecture Clerk, a young man, had mounted a
chair by the column near the entrance of the government building.
He was reading a paper which he held in his hand, shouting at the
top of his lungs, damning despotism. After him, a young and
affable lawyer took over the podium. He spoke a rather long
time. Occasionally he consulted a paper which he took out of
his pocket. At inappropriate times, as when the word "despotism"
mentioned, he was met by applause.
Some of the people were clapping their hands to insult and
malign. Speakers followed one another. A Bulgarian with dark
glasses took his turn. Next was a teacher wearing a hat...
They spoke long and exaggeratedly. I could only understand the
word "Carigrat" in their speeches, which means Istanbul. Later,
the Prefect [Kaymakam] went on. He began to speak
extemporaneously. With the provincial Rumeli[19] accent,
screaming rather preciously, to the effect that religion, sects,
gender had no relation to government. "Governments are not
constituted for religion, sects, gender, but on the basis of
interest," he repeated without hesitation that "governments exist
on interest rather than on religion or tribe." He was applauded
justly. Aged (Ottoman) gendarme troopers were observing this
eloquence of their Prefect with a chuckle from the windows of
their station house.
The windows of the Society of Union and Progress[20]
District Central Bureau were closed. From the medrese rooms next
door, old and young hojas, men with turbans, were observing this
crowd with distraught faces and conspicuously not joining in the
applause. The sun grew hotter. From the rear, a boy selling
gazoz[21] was attempting to push his cart into the middle of the
crowd. A buggy driver, to hear the speeches better, was trying
to drive his horses further on. The humorlessness of those
turbaned heads looking from the medrese windows reminded me of a
literary memory. Ten years ago, when I was intending to explore
Pierre Loti, I had read Ayzade. In it, there are a few pages
devoted to the first Constitutionalism of the Ottomans. A rainy
day is depicted. Reportedly, guns were fired in salute at
Beyazit Square[22] in Istanbul. Loti had entered an old
Turkish coffee house. The turban wearing old men sitting inside
made fun of Mithat Pasha's Kanuni Esasi [1876 Constitution],[23]
laughed at the gun salute and calmly puffed on their cubuks [clay
pipes]....[24] Perhaps it is an illusory effect.... However,
I saw in those turbaned men, looking on from the medrese room,
the same contempt and animosity toward Constitutionalism. Does
not history show us that it was the clerics[25] who opposed all
forms of freedom, and in the end were defeated?
After the Prefect, the Cavalry Regiment Commander Hasan Bey
rose. He was a little halting and formal, wearing white gloves.
He rested on his sword and every now and then repeating, in his
address, "gentlemen." He spoke more freely than the Prefect:
"Although this government is composed of Turks, all peoples of
this country, like Albanians, Arabs, Bulgars, Greeks, in short,
all elements are working together to extend and advance the base
on which it rests... The country belongs to all elements." He
even said "Our homeland, gentlemen, occupies a place that extends
from Bagdad to Vienna[26]. In those places, lay the bones of
our ancestors. We need endeavor gradually to return to these
locales. To accomplish that, we must have Constitutionalism and
equality...."
A few others rose. The sun's heat began to burn. I said
to Arif: "Let us go." We left, made our way through the crowd.
The Kucuk Bridge was relatively deserted. We crossed. I left
him to return to the barracks alone. Because the guard stations
along the railroad are going to be pulled back, possibly our
battalion will be ordered into action. I arrived at the
barracks. No one was in the room. All were sitting outside.
A special train is said to be arriving from Skopje. There is a
monastery here [in Koprulu]. This was their at-home day... I
wrote the observations of the day indoors. I will now join the
others outside and watch the parade of the pilgrims (visiting the
monastery?). The weather is so hot, so hot that I cannot sit
with my tunic on.
3 April
Today is Friday... Volunteers are arriving. The Reserve
Battalion is mobilizing. There is unprecedented activity. All
of my companions in the battalion anticipate our deployment. All
of our troops wore white kulah [cap].[27] We distributed white
puttees from the depo. The officers will also wear the white
kulah. Our cariks [footwear][28] have been oiled. I collected
my books and papers and placed them in the big strongbox. I
kept out a change of underwear and clothes for the suitcase. I
will leave my dear dog Koton who had not left my side for the
past five years, to the veterinarian Mazlum Bey. I am
completely ready. The battalion imam [prayer leader], returning
from the Friday prayers, gave an important piece of news. At the
mosque, during the recitation of the hutbe [prayer] Sultan
Hamid's name was not mentioned. This was according to the
muftu's order. From now on, Abdulhamid's name is not to be
mentioned in the hutbes... [29] This peculiar order led me to
think. I thought that, at this moment, in Istanbul, all of the
viziers, field marshals, divisional generals, generals[30],
aides, soldiers are performing the selaml�k[31] duty to him
[Abdulhamid II], to this sinister and obdurate power over our
homeland for thirty-two years; yet they obsequiously worship him,
the abominable scarlet[32] and inextinguishable shadow of God....
AFTERWORD
The ensuing events were gradually detailed in print. One of
the best sources is S. S. Aydemir, who in his Tek Adam [Mustafa
Kemal]; Ikinci Adam [Ismet Inonu] and Makedonya'dan Orta Asya'ya
Enver Pa�a provides the details of what happened next.[33]
NOTES:
1. See Sina Aksin, 31 Mart Olayi (Ankara, 1970); Ernest E.
Ramsaur, The Young Turks: Prelude to Revolution of 1908 (Beirut,
1965).
2. Perhaps can be extended to the early 20th century,
encompassing the period under consideration. Stanford J. Shaw &
Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey
(Cambridge University Press, 1977). Volume II.
3. H. B. Paksoy, "US and Bolshevik Relations with the TBMM
Government: The First Contacts, 1919-1921." The Journal of
Sophia Asian Studies No. 12 (1994). Pp. 211-251.
4. Erik Jan Zurcher, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the
Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement,
1905-1926 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984).
5. H. B. Paksoy, "The 'Basmachi'" (Turkistan National Liberation
Movement 1916-1930s) Modern Encyclopedia of Religions in Russia
and Soviet Union [MERRSU] (Florida: Academic International Press,
1991) Vol. IV. Pp. 5-20; Feridun Kandemir, Enver Pasa'nin Son
Gunleri (Istanbul, 1943).
6. G. L. Lewis, Turkey (London, 1965); B. Lewis, Emergence of
Modern Turkey (Oxford, 1976).
7. H. B. Paksoy, "Nationality and Religion: Three Observations
from Omer Seyfettin." Central Asian Survey (Oxford) Vol. 3, N.
3, 1985.
8. H. B. Paksoy, "Nationality or Religion? Views of Central
Asian Islam" AACAR Bulletin (of the Association for the
Advancement of Central Asian Research) Vol. VIII, No. 2; Fall
1995. Translation in Central Asia and the Gulf. Masayuki
Yamauchi, Ed. (Tokyo: Asahi Selected Series, 1995). Pp. 17-67 +
Notes: 1-15.
9. This was not the first Ottoman attempt. Earlier, Selim III
(r. 1789-1807) sought to effect a revitalization plan, but was
thwarted and later deposed by the reactionary elements --similar
to those of the Irtica of 1909-- in the Ottoman empire. The
entrenched vested interests resisted the loss of their
privileges. See Shaw & Shaw.
10. Apart from the Religious Boards, originally established under
Catherine II, again for "control" purposes. See H. B. Paksoy,
"Kirim Tatarlari" Belgelerle Turk Tarihi Dergisi Sayi 72, Subat
1991.
11. Richard Pipes, The Formation of the Soviet Union (Harvard,
1970). Second Printing; R. W. Seton-Watson, Disraeli, Gladstone
& the Eastern Question. A Study in diplomacy & party politics.
(London, 1935); H. Seton-Watson, From Lenin to Malenkov. (New
York, 1954); idem, The Russian Empire, 1801-1917 (Oxford, 1967).
12. This standard "Ottomanist" argument was repeated by many
Ottoman authors, and explained by Seyfettin in his published
works; although he was unmercifully critical. That formulation
of "citizenship" was later adopted by the Bolsheviks and the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union. See H. B. Paksoy, "Turk
Tarihi, Toplumlarin Mayasi, Uygarlik" Annals of Japan
Association for Middle East Studies (Tokyo) No. 7, 1992. Pp. 173-
220. [Reprinted in Yeni Forum (Ankara), Vol. 13, No. 277,
Haziran 1992. Pp. 54-65]; Davis S. Thomas "Yusuf Akcura's Uc
Tarz-i Siyaset" CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS, H. B. Paksoy, Editor
(Istanbul: Isis Press, 1992); reprinted in CENTRAL ASIA READER:
The Rediscovery of History H. B. Paksoy, Editor, (New York: M.
E. Sharpe, 1994).
13. One may also include the umma (community of believers)
created by the prophet Muhammad in this category.
14. At this point, the dissimilarities become apparent once
again: The Coup attempt of 1991 was plotted by Russian military
and security men, and had to be put down by other military units
loyal to Mr. Yeltsin. The estimated cost of suppressing the coup
somehow equalled the US aid (said to be $1.5 billion) Mr. Yeltsin
received from Mr. Clinton at the Vancouver summit shortly before
the Tula division surrounded the Russian White House in Moscow.
Therefore, perhaps the US taxpayers even subsidized the
suppression and the Russian "transition to democracy."
15. If rediscovered, these notebooks would undoubtedly constitute
a valuable historical source. An annotated list is in Tahir
Alangu Omer Seyfettin (Istanbul, 1968) Pp. 130-140, including the
piece translated below.
16. During this period, the calendar in use within the Ottoman
empire was "Mali," the "day of year" portion of which had been
officially adjusted on 1 March 1917 to coincide with the
Gregorian style by the Istanbul Government. The TBMM Government
completed the transition by additional measures in 1925 and 1935.
Most sources dating from the period under discussion
generally do not mention the basic form (Mali or Gregorian) of
their chronology, and on occasion provide an "hybrid" form of
"dating" (which may have been instituted by later date
publishers). For the desired degree of conversion precision,
concerning specific dates, one may consult F. R. Unat, Hicri
Tarihleri Miladi Tarihe Cevirme Kilavuzu (Ankara, 1974).
17. In this context, a sweeping statement that includes the
medrese students as well as all other moslem clerics.
18. Proverb: "Acele ise seytan karisir."
19. Rumeli refers to the European portion of the Ottoman Empire.
However, to the Central Asians, anything west of the Caspian sea
was "rumi." See Kashgarli Mahmud, Divan Lugat it-Turk (DLT),
completed during 11th c. This unique MSS was discovered during
the First World War in Istanbul, and the Editio Princeps was made
by Kilisli Rifat (Istanbul, 1917-1919). Three Vols. Translated
by R. Dankoff with J. Kelly as Compendium of Turkic Dialects
(Cambridge, MA., 1982-85). 3 Vols.
20. Later to become the Committee of Union and Progress, evolving
into the ruling political party. See, among others, M. Sukru
Hanioglu, Bir Siyasal Orgut olarak 'Osmanli Ittihat ve Terakki
Cemiyeti' ve 'Jon Turkluk' 1889-1902 (Vol I) (Istanbul, 1985);
Masami Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden,
1991); T. Z. Tunaya Turkiyede Siyasi Partiler, 1859-1952
(Istanbul, 1952); Serif Mardin, Jon Turklerin Siyasi Fikirleri,
1895-1908 (Ankara, 1964); Ramsaur volume cited above; Feroz
Ahmad, The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in
Turkish Politics, 1908-1914 (Oxford, 1969); and the Zurcher
volume cited above.
21. From the French term gazeux; sweetened carbonated water,
sold in capped glass bottles. Precursor to present-day colas.
22. Where the central administration building of the Istanbul
University is now located.
23. Ottoman Prime Minister of the time. See Shaw & Shaw.
24. Tobacco smoking pipe with a clay bowl and long --3ft. (one
meter) plus-- rose-wood shank and bit.
25. Seyfettin uses papazlar-priests; indicating he is making a
universal reference to unbending religious dogmatism.
26. A rather "optimistic" or exaggerated allusion to the extant
borders of the Ottoman empire.
27. Conical headgear, with some religious connotation, at the
time usually worn in preparation for combat.
28. One-size-fits-all adjustable sandals, made of Rawhide,
usually worn over wool socks.
29. It was customary to cite the ruler on the throne, to wish him
well, long life, etc. in the weekly hutbe. The fact that the
ruler's name is excluded is tantamount to withdrawing public
legitimacy of the Sultan, if not outright rebellion against him.
30. In the Ottoman empire, there were also "civilian generals,"
who were primarily high ranking civil servants.
31. The public procession of the Ottoman Sultan to a mosque at
noon on Fridays.
32. Among his subjects, Abdulhamid's nickname was "kizil,"
referring to the nature and results of his absolute rule.
33. S. S. Aydemir, Tek Adam. (Istanbul, 1963-1965). 3 Vols;
idem, Ikinci Adam [Ismet Inonu] (Istanbul, 1966-1969) 3 Vols;
idem, Makedonyadan Orta Asyaya Enver Pasa (Istanbul, 1970-1972)
3 Vols. Several printings of each work were made.
