(NOTE: The electronic text obtained from The Electronic Bible Society was
not completely corrected. EWTN has corrected all discovered errors. If you
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Transliteration of Greek words: All phonetical except: w = omega; h serves
three puposes: 1. = Eta; 2. = rough breathing, when appearing initially
before a vowel; 3. = in the aspirated letters theta = th, phi = ph, chi =
ch. Accents are given immediately after their corresponding vowels: acute =
' , grave = `, circumflex = ^. The character ' doubles as an apostrophe,
when necessary.


SALAMINIUS HERMIAS SOZOMENUS

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, Books V-VI

[Translated by E. Walford; revised by Chester D. Hartranft, D.D., Professor
of Historical Theology in the Hartford Theological Seminary.]


BOOK V.

CHAP. I. -- APOSTASY OF JULIAN, THE TRAITOR. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR
CONSTANTIUS.

   Such were the transactions which took (1) place in the Eastern Church.
In the meantime, however, Julian, the Caesar, attacked and conquered the
barbarians who dwelt on the banks of the Rhine; many he killed, and others
he took prisoners. As the victory added greatly to his fame, and as his
moderation and gentleness had endeared him to the troops, they proclaimed
him Augustus. Far from making an excuse to Constantius for this act, he
exchanged the officers who had been elected by Constantius, and
industriously circulated letters wherein Constantius had solicited the
barbarians to enter the Roman territories, and aid him against Magnentius.
He then suddenly changed his religion, and although he had previously
confessed Christianity, he declared himself high-priest, frequented the
pagan temples, offered sacrifices, and invited his subjects to adopt that
form of worship.

   As an invasion of Roman territory by the Persians was expected, and as
Constantius had on this account repaired to Syria, Julian conceived that he
might without battle render himself master of Illyricum; he therefore set
out on his journey to this province, under pretense that he intended to
present an apology to Constantius for having, without his sanction,
received the symbols of imperial power. It is said, that when he arrived on
the borders of Illyria, the vines appeared full of green grapes, although
the time of the vintage was past, and the Pleiades had set; and that there
fell upon his followers a dashing of the dew from the atmosphere, of which
each drop was stamped with the sign of the cross. He and many of those with
him regarded the grapes appearing out of season as a favorable omen; while
the dew had made that figure by chance on the garments upon which it
happened to fall.

   Others thought that of the two symbols, the one of the green grapes
signified that the emperor would die prematurely, and his reign would be
very short; while the second sign, that of the crosses formed by the drops
of dew, indicated that the Christian religion is from heaven, and that all
persons ought to receive the sign of the cross. I am, for my own part,
convinced that those who regarded these two phenomena as unfavorable omens
for Julian, were not mistaken; and the progress of time proved the accuracy
of their opinion.

   When Constantius heard that Julian was marching against him at the head
of an army, he abandoned his intended expedition against the Persians, and
departed for Constantinople; but he died on the journey, when he had
arrived as far as Mopsucrenae, which lies near the Taurus, between Cilicia
and Cappadocia.

   He died in the forty-fifth year of his age, after reigning thirteen
years conjointly with his father Constantine, and twenty-five years after
the death of that emperor.

   A little while after the decease of Constantius, Julian, who had
already made himself master of Thrace, entered Constantinople and was
proclaimed emperor. Pagans assert that diviners and demons had predicted
the death of Constantius, and the change in affairs, before his departure
for Galatia, and had advised him to undertake the expedition. This might
have been regarded as a true prediction, had not the life of Julian been
terminated so shortly afterwards, and when he had only tasted the imperial
power as in a dream. But it appears to me absurd to believe that, after he
had heard the death of Constantius predicted, and had been warned that it
would be his own fate to fall in battle by the hands of the Persians, he
should have leaped into manifest death, --offering him no other fame in the
world than that of lack of counsel, and poor generalship,--and who, had he
lived, would probably have suffered the greater part of the Roman
territories to fall under the Persian yoke. This observation, however, is
only inserted lest I should be blamed for omitting it. I leave every one to
form his own opinion.

CHAP. II. --THE LIFE, EDUCATION, AND TRAINING OF JULIAN, AND HIS ACCESSION
TO THE EMPIRE.

   Immediately after the death of Constantius, (2) the dread of a
persecution arose in the Church, and Christians suffered more anguish from
the anticipation of this calamity than they would have experienced from its
actual occurrence. This state of feeling proceeded from the fact that a
long interval had made them unaccustomed to such dangers, and from the
remembrance of the tortures which had been exercised by the tyrants upon
their fathers, and from their knowledge of the hatred with which the
emperor regarded their doctrines. It is said that he openly renounced the
faith of Christ so entirely, that he by sacrifices and expiations, which
the pagans call renunciatory, and by the blood of animals, purged himself
of our baptism. From that period he employed himself in auguries and in the
celebration of the pagan rites, both publicly and privately. It is related
(1) that one day, as he was inspecting the entrails of a victim, he beheld
among them a cross encompassed with a crown. This appearance terrified
those who were assisting in the ceremony, for they judged that it indicated
the strength of religion, and the eternal duration of the Christian
doctrines; inasmuch as the crown by which it was encircled is the symbol of
victory, and because of its continuity, for the circle beginning everywhere
and ending in itself, has no limits in any direction. The chief augur
commanded Julian to be of good cheer, because in his judgment the victims
were propitious, and since they surrounded the symbol of the Christian
doctrine, and was indeed pushing into it, so that it would not spread and
expand itself where it wished, since it was limited by the circumference of
the circle.

   I have also heard that one day Julian descended into a most noted and
terrific adytum, (2) either for the purpose of participating in some
initiation, or of consulting an oracle; and that, by means of machinery
which is devised for this end, or of enchantments, such frightful specters
were projected suddenly before him, that through perturbation and fear, he
became forgetful of those who were present, for he had turned to his new
religion when already a man, and so unconsciously fell into his earlier
habit, and signed himself with the symbol of Christ, just as the Christian
encompassed with untried dangers is wont to do. Immediately the specters
disappeared and their designs were frustrated. The initiator was at first
surprised at this, but when apprised of the cause of the flight of the
demons, he declared that the act was a profanation; and after exhorting the
emperor to be courageous and to have no recourse in deed or thought to
anything connected with the Christian religion, he again conducted him to
the initiation. The zeal of the king for such matters saddened the
Christians not a little and made them extremely anxious, more especially as
he had been himself formerly a Christian. He was born of pious parents, had
been initiated in infancy according to the custom of the Church, and had
been brought up in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and was nurtured
by bishops and men of the Church. He and Gallus were the sons of
Constantius, the brother by the same father of Constantine the emperor, and
of Dalmatius. Dalmatius had a son of the same name, who was declared
Caesar, and was slain by the soldiery after the death of Constantine. His
fate would have been shared by Gallus and Julian, who were then orphans,
had not Gallus been spared on account of a disease under which he was
laboring, and from which, it was supposed, that he would soon naturally
die; and Julian, on account of his extreme youth, for he was but eight
years of age. After this wonderful preservation, a residence was assigned
to the two brothers in a palace called Macellum, situated in Cappadocia;
this imperial post was near Mount Argeus, and not far from Caesarea; it
contained a magnificent palace and was adorned with baths, gardens, and
perennial fountains. Here they were cultured and educated in a manner
corresponding to the dignity of their birth; they were taught the sciences
and bodily exercises befitting their age, by masters of languages and
interpreters of the Holy Scriptures, so that they were enrolled among the
clergy, and read the ecclesiastical books to the people. Their habits and
actions indicated no dereliction from piety. They respected the clergy and
other good people and persons zealous for doctrine; they repaired regularly
to church and rendered due homage to the tombs of the martyrs.

   It is said that they undertook to deposit the tomb of St. Mammas (3)
the martyr in a large edifice, and to divide the labor between themselves,
and that while they were trying to excel one another in a rivalry of honor,
an event occurred which was so astonishing that it would indeed be utterly
incredible were it not for the testimony of many who are still among us,
who heard it from those who were eyewitnesses of the transaction.

   The part of the edifice upon which Gallus labored advanced rapidly and
according to wish, but of the section upon which Julian labored, a part
fell into ruin; another was projected upward from the earth; a third
immediately on its touching the foundation could not be held upright, but
was hurled backward as if some resistant and strong force from beneath were
pushing against it.

   This was universally regarded as a prodigy. The people, however, drew
no conclusion from it till subsequent events manifested its import. There
were a few who from that moment doubted the reality of Julian's religion,
and suspected that he only made an outward profession of piety for fear of
displeasing the emperor, who was then a Christian, and that he concealed
his own sentiments because it was not safe to divulge them. It is asserted
that he was first secretly led to renounce the religion of his fathers by
his intercourse with diviners; for when the resentment of Constantius
against the two brothers was abated, Gallus went to Asia, and took up his
residence in Ephesus, where the greater part of his property was situated;
and Julian repaired to Constantinople, and frequented the schools, where
his fine natural abilities and ready attainments in the sciences did not
remain concealed. He appeared in public in the garb of a private
individual, and had much company; but because he was related to the emperor
and was capable of conducting affairs and was expected to become emperor,
considerable talk about him to this effect was prevalent, as is wont to be
the case in a populous and imperial city, he was commanded to retire to
Nicomedia.

   Here he became acquainted with Maximus, an Ephesian philosopher, (1)
who instructed him in philosophy, and inspired him with hatred towards the
Christian religion, and moreover assured him that the much talked of
prophecy about him was true. Julian, as happens in many cases, while
suffering in anticipation of severe circumstances, was softened by these
favorable hopes and held Maximus as his friend. As these occurrences
reached the ears of Constantius, Julian became apprehensive, and
accordingly shaved himself, and adopted externally the monkish mode of
life, while he secretly held to the other religion.

   When he arrived at the age of manhood, he was more readily infatuated,
and yet was anxious about these tendencies; and admiring the art (if there
be such an art) of predicting the future, he thought the knowledge of it
necessary; he advanced to such experiments as are not lawful for
Christians. Froth this period he had as his friends those who followed this
art. In this opinion, he came into Asia from Nicomedia, and there
consorting with men of such practices, he became more ardent in the pursuit
of divination.

   When Gallus, his brother, who had been established as Caesar, was put
to death on being accused of revolution, Constantius also suspected Julian
of cherishing the love of empire, and therefore put him under the custody
of guards.

   Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, obtained for him permission to retire
to Athens; and he accordingly settled there, under pretext of attending the
pagan exercises and schools; but as rumor says, he communed with diviners
concerning his future prospects. Constantius recalled him, and proclaimed
him Caesar, promised him his sister Constantia (2) in marriage, and sent
him to Gaul; for the barbarians whose aid had been hired by Constantius
previously against Magnentius, finding that their services were not
required, had portioned out that country. As Julian was very young,
generals, to whom the prudential affairs were turned over, were sent with
him; but as these generals abandoned themselves to pleasure, he was present
as Caesar, and provided for the war. He confirmed his soldiers in their
spirit for battle, and urged them in other ways to incur danger; he also
ordered that a fixed reward should be given to each one who should slay a
barbarian. After he had thus secured the affections of the soldiery, he
wrote to Constantius, acquainting him with the levity of the generals; and
when another general had been sent, he attacked the barbarians, and
obtained the victory. They sent embassies to beg for peace, and showed the
letter in which Constantius had requested them to enter the Roman
dominions. He purposely delayed to send the ambassador back; he attacked a
number of the enemy unexpectedly and conquered them.

   Some have said that Constantius, with designed enmity, committed this
campaign to him; a but this does not appear probable to me. For, as it
rested with Constantius alone to nominate him Caesar, why did he confer
that title upon him? Why did he give him his sister in marriage, or hear
his complaints against the inefficient generals, and send a competent one
in their stead in order to complete the war, if he were not friendly to
Julian?

   But as I conjecture, he conferred on him the title of Caesar because he
was well disposed to Julian; but that after Julian had, without his
sanction, been proclaimed emperor, he plotted against him through the
barbarians on the Rhine; and this, I think, resulted either from the dread
that Julian would seek revenge for the ill-treatment he and his brother
Gallus had experienced during their youth, or as would be natural, from
jealousy of his attaining similar honor. But a great variety of opinions
are entertained on this subject.

CHAP. III.- JULIAN, ON HIS SETTLEMENT IN THE EMPIRE, BEGAN QUIETLY TO STIR
UP OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY, AND TO INTRODUCE PAGANISM ARTFULLY.

   WHEN Julian found himself sole possessor of the empire, (1) he
commanded that all the pagan temples should be reopened throughout the
East; that those which had been neglected should be repaired; that those
which had fallen into ruins should be rebuilt, and that the altars should
be restored. He assigned considerable money for this purpose; he restored
the customs of antiquity and the ancestral ceremonies in the cities, and
the practice of offering sacrifice.

   He himself offered libations openly and publicly sacrificed; bestowed
honors on those who were zealous in the performance of these ceremonies;
restored the initiators and the priests, the hierophants and the servants
of the images, to their old privileges; and confirmed the legislation of
former emperors in their behalf; he conceded exemption from duties and from
other burdens as was their previous right; he restored the provisions,
which had been abolished, to the temple guardians, and commanded them to be
pure from meats, and to abstain from whatever according to pagan saying was
befitting him who had announced his purpose of leading a pure life.

   He also ordered that the nilometer and the symbols and the former
ancestral tablets should be cared for in the temple of Serapis, instead of
being deposited, according to the regulation, established by Constantine,
in the church. He wrote frequently to the inhabitants of those cities in
which he knew paganism was nourished, and urged them to ask what gifts they
might desire. Towards the Christians, on the contrary, he openly manifested
his aversion, refusing to honor them with his presence, or to receive their
deputies who were delegated to report about grievances.

   When the inhabitants of Nisibis sent to implore his aid against the
Persians, who were on the point of invading the Roman territories, he
refused to assist them because they were wholly Christianized, and would
neither reopen their temples nor resort to the sacred places; he threatened
that he would not help them, nor receive their embassy, nor approach to
enter their city before he should hear that they had returned to paganism.

   He likewise accused the inhabitants of Constantia in Palestine, of
attachment to Christianity, and rendered their city tributary to that of
Gaza. Constantia, as we stated before, was formerly called Majuma, and was
used as a harbor for the vessels of Gaza; but on hearing that the majority
of its inhabitants were Christians, Constantine elevated it to the dignity
of a city, and conferred upon it the name of his own son, and a separate
form of government; for he considered that it ought not to be dependent on
Gaza, a city addicted to pagan rites. On the accession of Julian, the
citizens of Gaza went to law against those of Constantia. The emperor
himself sat as judge, and decided in favor of Gaza, and commanded that
Constantia should be an appendage to that city, although it was situated at
a distance of twenty stadia.

   Its former name having been abolished by him, it has since been
denominated the maritime region of Gaza. They have now the same city
magistrates, military officers, and public regulations. With respect to
ecclesiastical concerns, however, they may still be regarded as two cities.
They have each their own bishop and their own clergy; they celebrate
festivals in honor of their respective martyrs, and in memory of the
priests who successively ruled them; and the boundaries of the adjacent
fields by which the altars belonging to the bishops are divided, are still
preserved.

   It happened within our own remembrance that an attempt was made by the
bishop of Gaza, on the death of the president of the church at Majuma, to
unite the clergy of that town with those under his own jurisdiction; and
the plea he advanced was, that it was not lawful for two bishops to preside
over one city. The inhabitants of Majuma opposed this scheme, and the
council of the province took cognizance of the dispute, and ordained
another bishop. The council decided that it was altogether right for  those
who had been deemed worthy of the honors of a city on account of their
piety, not to be deprived of the privilege conferred upon the priesthood
and rank of their churches, through the decision of a pagan emperor, who
had taken a different ground of action.

   But these events occurred at a later period than that now under review.

CHAP. IV. -- JULIAN INFLICTED EVILS UPON THE INHABITANTS OF CAESAREA. BOLD
FIDELITY OF MARIS, BISHOP OF CHALCEDON.

   About the same time, the emperor erased Caesarea, (2) the large and
wealthy metropolis of Cappadocia, situated near Mount Argeus, from the
catalogue of cities, and even deprived it of the name of Caesarea, which
had been conferred upon it during the reign of Claudius Caesar, its former
name having been Mazaca. (3) He had long regarded the inhabitants of this
city with extreme aversion, because they were zealously attached to
Christianity, and had formerly destroyed the temple of the ancestral Apollo
and that of Jupiter, the tutelar deity of the city. The temple dedicated to
Fortune, (1) the only one remaining in the city, was overturned by the
Christians after his accession; and on hearing of the deed, he hated the
entire city intensely and could scarce endure it. He also-blamed the
pagans, who were few in number, but who ought, he said, to have hastened to
the temple, and, if necessary, to have suffered cheerfully for Fortune. He
caused all possessions and money belonging to the churches of the city and
suburbs of Caesarea to be rigorously sought out and carded away; about
three hundred pounds of gold, obtained from this source, were conveyed to
the public treasury. He also commanded that all the clergy should be
enrolled among the troops under the governor of the province, which is
accounted the most arduous and least honorable service among the Romans.

   He ordered the Christian populace to be numbered, women and children
inclusive, and imposed taxes upon them as onerous as those to which
villages are subjected.

   He further threatened that, unless their temples were speedily re-
erected, his wrath would not be appeased, but would be visited on the city,
until none of the Galileans remained in existence; for this was the name
which, in derision, he was wont to give to the Christians. There is no
doubt but that his menaces would have been fully executed had not death
quickly intervened.

   It was not from any feeling of compassion towards the Christians that
he treated them at first with greater humanity than had been evinced by
former persecutors, but because he had discovered that paganism had derived
no advantage from their tortures, while Christianity had been especially
increased, and had become more honored by the fortitude of those who died
in defense of the faith.

   It was simply from envy of their glory, that instead of employing fire
and the sword against them, and maltreating their bodies like former
persecutors, and instead of casting them into the sea, or burying them
alive in order to compel them to a change of sentiment, he had recourse to
argument and persuasion, and sought by these means to reduce them to
paganism; he expected to gain his ends more easily by abandoning all
violent measures, and by the manifestation of unexpected benevolence. It is
said that on one occasion, when he was sacrificing in the temple of Fortune
at Constantinople, Maris, (2) bishop of Chalcedon, presented himself before
him, and publicly rebuked him as an irreligous man, an atheist, and an
apostate. Julian had nothing in return to reproach him with except his
blindness, for his sight was impaired by old age, and he was led by a
child. According to his usual custom of uttering blasphemies against
Christ, Julian afterward added in derision, "The Galilean, thy God, will
not cure thee." Maris replied, 'I thank God for my blindness, since it
prevents me from beholding one who has fallen away from our religion."
Julian passed on without giving a reply, for he considered that paganism
would be more advanced by a personal and unexpected exhibition of patience
and mildness towards Christians.

CHAP. V. -- JULIAN RESTORES LIBERTY TO THE  CHRISTIANS, IN ORDER TO EXECUTE
FURTHER TROUBLES IN THE CHURCH. THE EVIL TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS HE
DEVISED.

   IT was from these motives that Julian recalled from exile a all
Christians who, during the reign of Constantius, had been banished on
account of their religious sentiments, and restored to them their property
that had been confiscated by law. He charged the people not to commit any
act of injustice against the Christians, not to insult them, and not to
constrain them to offer sacrifice unwillingly. He commanded that if they
should of their own accord desire to draw near the altars, they were first
to appease the wrath of the demons, whom the pagans regard as capable of
averting evil, and to purify themselves by the customary course of
expiations. He deprived the clergy, however, of the immunities, honors, and
provisions which Constantine had conferred; (4) repealed the laws which had
been enacted in their favor, and reinforced their statute liabilities. He
even compelled the virgins and widows, who, on account of their poverty,
were reckoned among the clergy, to refund the provision which had been
assigned them from public sources. For when Constantine adjusted the
temporal concerns of the Church, he devoted a sufficient portion of the
taxes raised upon every city, to the support of the clergy everywhere; and
to ensure the stability of this arrangement he enacted a law which has
continued in force from the death of Julian to the present day. They say
these transactions were very cruel and rigorous, as appears by the receipts
given by the receivers of the money to those from whom it had been
extorted, and which were designed to show that the property received in
accordance with the law of Constantine had been refunded.

   Nothing, however, could diminish the enmity of the ruler against
religion. In the intensity of his hatred against the faith, he seized every
opportunity to ruin the Church. He deprived it of its property, votives,
and sacred vessels, and condemned those who had demolished temples during
the reign of Constantine and Constantius, to rebuild them, or to defray the
expenses of their re-erection. On this ground, since they were unable to
pay the sums and also on account of the inquisition for sacred money, many
of the priests, clergy, and the other Christians were cruelly tortured and
cast into prison.

   It may be concluded from what has been said, that if Julian shed less
blood than preceding persecutors of the Church, and that if he devised
fewer punishments for the torture of the body, yet that he was severer in
other respects; for he appears as inflicting evil upon it in every way,
except that he recalled the priests who had been condemned to banishment by
the Emperor Constantius; but it is said he issued this order in their
behalf, not out of mercy, but that through contention among themselves, the
churches might be involved in fraternal strife, and might fail of her own
rights, or because he wanted to asperse Constantius; for he supposed that
he could render the dead monarch odious to almost all his subjects, by
favoring the pagans who were of the same sentiments as himself, and by
showing compassion to those who had suffered for Christ, as having been
treated unjustly. He expelled the eunuchs from the palaces, because the
late emperor had been well affected towards them. He condemned Eusebius,
the governor of the imperial court, to death, from a suspicion he
entertained that it was at his suggestion that Gallus his brother had been
slain. He recalled Aetius, the leader of the Eunomian heresy, (1) from the
region whither Constantius had banished him, who had been otherwise
suspected on account of his intimacy with Gallus; and to him Julian sent
letters full of benignity, and furnished him with public conveyances. For a
similar reason he condemned Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, under the heaviest
penalty, to rebuild, within two months, and at his own expense, a church
belonging to the Novatians which he had destroyed under Constantius. Many
other things might be found which he did from hatred to his predecessor,
either himself effecting these or permitting others to accomplish them.

CHAP. VI. -- ATHANASIUS, AFTER HAVING BEEN SEVEN YEARS CONCEALED IN THE
HOUSE OF A WISE AND BEAUTIFUL VIRGIN, REAPPEARS AT THAT TIME IN PUBLIC, AND
ENTERS THE CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA.

   AT this period, Athanasius, who had long remained in concealment,
having heard of the death of Constantius, appeared by night in the church
at Alexandria. (2) His unexpected appearance excited the greatest
astonishment. He had escaped falling into the hands of the governor of
Egypt, who, at the command of the emperor, and at the request of the
friends of George, had formed plans to arrest him, as before stated, and
had concealed himself in the house of a holy virgin in Alexandria. It is
said that she was endowed with such extraordinary beauty, that those who
beheld her regarded her as a phenomenon of nature; and that men who
possessed continence and prudence, kept aloof from her in order that no
blame might be attached to them by the suspicious. She was in the very
flower of youth and was exceedingly modest and prudent, qualities which are
wont alone to adorn the body even to a refinement of beauty when nature may
not be helpful with the gift. For it is not true, as some assert, that "as
is the body, so is the soul." On the contrary, the habit of the body is
imaged forth by the operation of the soul, and any one who is active in any
way whatever will appear to be of that nature as long as he may be thus
actively engaged.

   This is a truth I think admitted by all who have accurately
investigated the subject. It is related that Athanasius sought refuge in
the house of this holy virgin by the revelation of God, who designed to
save him in this manner.

   When I reflect on the result which ensued, I cannot doubt but that all
the events were directed by God; so that the relatives of Athanasius might
not have distress if any one had attempted to trouble them about him, and
had they been compelled to swear. There was nothing to excite suspicion of
a priest being concealed in the house of so lovely a virgin. However, she
had the courage to receive him, and through her prudence preserved his
life. She was his most faithful keeper and assiduous servant; for she
washed his feet and brought him food, and she alone served in every other
necessity, which nature demands in her exacting uses; the books he stood in
need of she cared for through the help of others; during the long time in
which these services were rendered, none of the inhabitants of Alexandria
knew anything about it.

CHAP. VII. -- VIOLENT DEATH AND TRIUMPH OF GEORGE, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA.
THE RESULT OF CERTAIN OCCURRENCES IN THE TEMPLE OF MITHRA. LETTER OF JULIAN
ON THIS AGGRAVATED CIRCUMSTANCE.

   After Athanasius had been preserved in this wise and appeared suddenly
in the church, no one knew whence he came. (1) The people of Alexandria,
however, rejoiced at his return, and restored his churches to him.

   The Arians, being thus expelled from the churches, were compelled to
hold their assemblies in private houses, and constituted Lucius, in the
place of George, as the bishop of their heresy. George had been already
slain; for when the magistrates had announced to the public the decease of
Constantius, and that Julian was sole ruler, the pagans of Alexandria rose
up in sedition. They attacked George with shouts and reproaches as if they
would kill him at once. The repellants of this precipitate attack, then put
him in prison; a little while after they rushed, early in the morning, to
the prison, killed him, flung the corpse upon a camel, and after exposing
it to every insult during the day, burnt it at nightfall. I am not ignorant
that the Arian heretics assert that George received this cruel treatment
from the followers of Athanasius; but it seems to me more probable that the
perpetrators of these deeds were the pagans; for they had more cause than
any other body of men to hate him, especially on account of the insults be
offered their images and their temples; and having, morever, prohibited
them from sacrificing, or performing the ancestral rites. Besides, the
influence he had acquired in the palaces intensified the hatred towards
him; and as the people, are wont to feel towards those in power, they
regarded him as unendurable.

   A calamity had also taken place at a spot called Mithrium; it was
originally a desert, and Constantius had bestowed it on the church of
Alexandria. While George was clearing the ground, in order to erect a house
of prayer, an adytum was discovered. In it were found idols and certain
instruments for initiation or perfection which seemed ludicrous and strange
to the beholders. The Christians caused them to be publicly exhibited, and
made a procession in order to nettle the pagans; but the pagans gathered a
multitude together, and rushed upon and attacked the Christians, after
arming themselves  with swords, stones, and whatever weapon came first to
hand. They slew many of the Christians, and, in derision of their religion,
crucified others, and they left many wounded.

   This led to the abandonment of the work that had been commenced by the
Christians, while the pagans murdered George as soon as they had heard of
the accession of Julian to the empire. This fact is admitted by that
emperor himself, which he would not have confessed unless he had been
forced by the truth; for he would rather, I think, have had the Christians,
whoever they were, than the pagans to be the murderers of George; but it
could not be concealed. It is apparent in the letter which he wrote on the
subject to the inhabitants of Alexandria, (2) wherein he expresses severe
opinions. In this epistle he only censures and passes over the punishment;
for he said that he feared Serapis, their tutelary divinity, and Alexander
their founder, and Julian, his own uncle, who formerly was governor of
Egypt and of Alexandria. This latter was so favorable to paganism and hated
Christianity so exceedingly, that contrary to the wishes of the emperor, he
persecuted the Christians unto death.

CHAP. VIII.--CONCERNING THEODORE, THE KEEPER OF THE SACRED VESSELS OF
ANTIOCH. HOW JULIAN, THE UNCLE OF THE TRAITOR, ON ACCOUNT OF THESE VESSELS,
FALLS A PREY TO WORMS.

   It is said that when Julian, the uncle of the emperor, (3) was intent
upon removing the votive gifts of the church of Antioch, which were many
and costly, and placing them in the imperial treasury, and also closing the
places of prayer, all the clergy fled. One presbyter, by name Theodoritus,
alone did not leave the city; Julian seized him, as the keeper of the
treasures, and as capable of giving information concerning them, and
maltreated him terribly; finally he ordered him to be slain with the sword,
after he had responded bravely under every torture and had been well
approved by his doctrinal confessions. When Julian had made a booty of the
sacred vessels, he flung them upon the ground and began to mock; after
blaspheming Christ as much as he wished, he sat upon the vessels and
augmented his insulting acts. Immediately his genitals and rectum were
corrupted; their flesh became putrescent, and was changed into worms. The
disease was beyond the skill of the physicians. However, from reverence and
fear for the emperor, they resorted to experiments with all manner of
drugs, and the most costly and the fattest birds were slain, and their fat
was applied to the corrupted parts, in the hope that the worms might be
thereby attracted to the surface, but this was of no effect; for being deep
buried, they crept into the living flesh, and did not cease their gnawing
until they put an end to his life. It seemed that this calamity was an
infliction of Divine wrath, because the keeper of the imperial treasures,
and other of the chief officers of the court who had made sport of the
Church, died in an extraordinary and dreadful manner, (1) as if condemned
by Divine wrath.

CHAP. IX.--MARTYRDOM OF THE SAINTS EUSEBIUS, NESTABUS, AND ZENO IN THE CITY
OF GAZA.

   As I have advanced thus far in my history, and have given an account of
the death of George and of Theodoritus, I deem it right to relate some
particulars concerning the death of the three brethren, Eusebius, Nestabus,
and Zeno. (2) The inhabitants of Gaza, being inflamed with rage against
them, dragged them from their house, in which they had concealed themselves
and cast them into prison, and beat them. They then assembled in the
theater, and cried out loudly against them, declaring that they had
committed sacrilege in their temple, and had used the past opportunity for
the injury and insult of paganism. By these shouts and by instigating one
another to the murder of the brethren, they were filled with fury; and when
they had been mutually incited, as a crowd in revolt is wont to do, they
rushed to the prison. They handled the men very cruelly; sometimes with the
face and sometimes with the back upon the ground, the victims were dragged
along, and were dashed to pieces by the pavement. I have been told that
even women quilted their distaffs and pierced them with the weaving-
spindles, and that the cooks in the markets snatched from their stands the
boiling pots foaming with hot water and poured it over the victims, or
perforated them with spits. When they had torn the flesh from them and
crushed in their skulls, so that the brain ran out on the ground, their
bodies were dragged out of the city and flung on the spot generally used as
a receptacle for the carcasses of beasts; then a large fire was lighted,
and they burned the bodies; the remnant of the bones not consumed by the
fire was mixed with those of camels and asses, that they might not be found
easily. But they were not long concealed; for a Christian woman, who was an
inhabitant, though not a native of Gaza, collected the bones at night by
the direction of God. She put them in an earthen pot and gave them to Zeno,
their cousin, to keep, for thus God had informed her in a dream, and also
had indicated to the woman where the man lived: and before she saw him, he
was shown to her, for she was previously unacquainted with Zeno; and when
the persecution had been agitated recently he remained concealed. He was
within a little of being seized by the people of Gaza and being put to
death; but he had effected his escape while the people were occupied in the
murder of his cousins, and had fled to Anthedon, a maritime city, about
twenty stadia from Gaza and similarly favorable to paganism and devoted to
idolatry. When the inhabitants of this city discovered that he was a
Christian, they beat him terribly on the back with rods and drove him out
of the city. He then fled to the harbor of Gaza and concealed himself; and
here the woman found him and gave him the remains. He kept them carefully
in his house until the reign of Theodosius, when he was ordained bishop;
and he erected a house of prayer beyond the wails of the city, placed an
altar there, and deposited the bones of the martyrs near those of Nestor,
the Confessor. Nestor had been on terms of intimacy with his cousins, and
was seized with them by the people of Gaza, imprisoned, and scourged. But
those who dragged him through the city were affected by his personal
beauty; and, struck with compassion, they cast him, before he was quite
dead, out of the city. Some persons found him, and carried him to the house
of Zeno, where he expired during the dressing of his cuts and wounds. When
the inhabitants of Gaza began to reflect on the enormity of their crime,
they trembled lest the emperor should take vengeance on them.

   It was reported that the emperor was filled with indignation, and had
determined upon punishing the decuria; but this report was false, and had
no foundation save in the fears and self-accusations of the criminals.
Julian, far from evincing as much anger against them as he had manifested
against the Alexandrians on the murder of George, did not even write to
rebuke the people of Gaza. On the contrary, he deposed the governor of the
province, and held him as a suspect, and represented that clemency alone
prevented his being put to death. The crime imputed to him was, that of
having arrested some of the inhabitants of Gaza, who were reported to have
begun the sedition and murders, and of having imprisoned them until
judgment could be passed upon them in accordance with the laws. "For what
right had he," asked the emperor, "to arrest the citizens merely for
retaliating on a few Galileans the injuries that had been inflicted on them
and their gods?" This, it is said, was the fact in the case.

CHAP. X.--CONCERNING ST. HILARION AND THE VIRGINS IN HELIOPOLIS WHO WERE
DESTROYED BY SWINE. STRANGE MARTYRDOM OF MARK, BISHOP OF ARETHUSA.

   AT the same period the inhabitants of Gaza sought for the monk
Hilarion; but he had fled to Sicily. (1) Here he employed himself in
collecting wood in the deserts and on the mountains, which he carried on
his shoulders for sale in the cities, and, by these means, obtained
sufficient food for the support of the body. But as he was at length
recognized by a man of quality whom he had dispossessed of a demon, he
retired to Dalmatia, where, by the power of God he performed numerous
miracles, and through prayer, repressed an inundation of the sea and
restored the waves to their proper bounds, and again departed, for it was
no joy to him to live among those who praised him; but when he changed his
place of abode, he was desirous of being unobserved and by frequent
migrations to be rid of the fame which prevailed about him. Eventually he
sailed for the island of Cyprus, but touched at Paphos, and, at the
entreaty of the bishop of Cyprus, he loved the life there and practiced
philosophy at a place called Charburis.

   Here he only escaped martyrdom by flight; for he fled in compliance
with the Divine precept which commands us not to expose ourselves to
persecution; but that if we fall into the hands of persecutors, to overcome
by our own fortitude the violence of our oppressors.

   The inhabitants of Gaza and of Alexandria were not the only citizens
who exercised such atrocities against the Christians as those I have
described. The inhabitants of Heliopolis, near Mount Libanus, and of
Arethusa in Syria, seem to have surpassed them in excess of cruelty? The
former were guilty of an act of barbarity which could scarcely be credited,
had it not been corroborated by the testimony of those who witnessed it.
They stripped the holy virgins, who had never been looked upon by the
multitude, of their garments, and exposed them in a state of nudity as a
public spectacle and objects of insult. After numerous other inflictions
they at last shaved them, ripped them open, and concealed in their viscera
the food usually given to pigs; and since the swine could not distinguish,
but were impelled by the need of their customary food, they also tore in
pieces the human flesh.

   I am convinced that the citizens of Heliopolis perpetrated this
barbarity against the holy virgins on account of the prohibition of the
ancient custom of yielding up virgins to prostitution with any chance comer
before being united in marriage to their betrothed. This custom was
prohibited by a law enacted by Constantine, after he had destroyed the
temple of Venus at Heliopolis, and erected a church upon its ruins. (3)

   Mark, bishop of Arethusa, (4) an old man and venerable for his gray
hairs and life, was put to a very cruel death by the inhabitants of that
city, who had long entertained inimical feelings against him, because,
during the reign of Constantine, he had more spiritedly than persuasively
elevated the pagans to Christianity, and had demolished a most sacred and
magnificent temple. On the accession of Julian he saw that the people were
excited against the bishop; an edict was issued commanding the bishop
either to defray the expenses of its re-erection, or to rebuild the temple.
Reflecting that the one was impossible and the other unlawful for a
Christian and still less for a priest, he at first fled from the city. On
hearing, however, that many were suffering on his account, that some were
dragged before the tribunals and others tortured, he returned, and offered
to suffer whatever the multitude might choose to inflict upon him. The
entire people, instead of admiring him the more as having manifested a deed
befitting a philosopher, conceived that he was actuated by contempt towards
them, and rushed upon him, dragged him through the streets, pressing and
plucking and beating whatever member each one happened upon. People of each
sex and of all ages joined with alacrity and fury in this atrocious
proceeding. His ears were severed by fine ropes; the boys who frequented
the schools made game of him by tossing him aloft and rolling him over and
over, sending him forward, catching him up, and unsparingly piercing him
with their styles. When his whole body was covered with wounds, and he
nevertheless was still breathing, they anointed him with honey and a
certain mixture, and placing him in a fish-basket made of woven rushes,
raised him up on an eminence. It is said that while he was in this
position, and the wasps and bees lit upon him and consumed his flesh, he
told the inhabitants of Arethusa that he was raised up above them, and
could look down upon them below him, and that this reminded him of the
difference that would exist between them in the life to come. It is also
related that the prefect (5) who, although a pagan, was of such noble
conduct that his memory is still honored in that country, admired the self-
control of Mark, and boldly uttered reproaches against the emperor for
allowing himself to be vanquished by an old man, who was exposed to
innumerable tortures; and he added that such proceedings reflected ridicule
on the emperor, while the names of the persecuted were at the same time
rendered illustrious. Thus did the blessed one (1) endure all the torments
inflicted upon him by the inhabitants of Arethusa with such unshaken
fortitude that even the pagans praised him.

CHAP. XI.--CONCERNING MACEDONIUS, THEODULUS, GRATIAN, BUSIRIS, BASIL, AND
EUPSYCHIUS, WHO SUFFERED MARTYRDOM IN THOSE TIMES.

   About the same period, Macedonius, Theodulus, and Tatian, who were
Phrygians by birth, courageously endured martyrdom. (2) A temple of Misos,
a city of Phrygia, having been reopened by the governor of the province,
after it had been closed many years, these martyrs entered therein by
night, and destroyed the images. As other individuals were arrested, and
were on the point of being punished for the deed, they avowed themselves
the actors in the transaction. They might have escaped all further
punishment by offering sacrifices to idols; but the governor could not
persuade them to accept acquittal on these terms. His persuasions being
ineffectual, he maltreated them in a variety of forms, and finally extended
them on a gridiron, beneath which a fire had been lighted. While they were
being consumed, they said to the governor, "Amachus (for that was his
name), "if you desire cooked flesh, give orders that our bodies may be
turned with the other side to the fire, in order that we may not seem, to
your taste, half cooked." Thus did these men nobly endure and lay down
their life amid the punishments.

   It is said that Busiris also obtained renown at Ancyra, a city of
Galatia, by his brilliant and most manly confession of religion. He
belonged to the heresy denominated Eucratites; the governor of the province
apprehended and designed to maltreat him for ridiculing the pagans. He led
him forth publicly to the torture chamber and commanded that he should be
elevated. Busiris raised both hands to his head so as to leave his sides
exposed, and told the governor that it would be useless for the
executioners to lift him up to the instrument of torture and afterwards to
lower him, as he was ready without this to yield to the tortures as much as
might be desired. The governor was surprised at this proposition; but his
astonishment was increased by what followed, for Busiris remained firm,
holding up both hands and receiving the blows while his sides were being
torn with hooks, according to the governor's direction. Immediately
afterwards, Busiris was consigned to prison, but was released not long
subsequently, on the announcement of the death of Julian. He lived till the
reign of Theodosius, renounced his former heresy, and joined the Catholic
Church.

   It is said that about this period, Basil, (3) presbyter of the church
of Ancyra, and Eupsychius, (4) a noble of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who had
but just taken to himself a wife and was still a bridegroom, terminated
their lives by martyrdom. I believe that Eupsychius was condemned in
consequence of the demolition of the temple of Fortune, which, as I have
already stated, excited the anger of the emperor against all the
inhabitants of Caesarea. Indeed, all the actors in this transaction were
condemned, some to death, and others to banishment. Basil had long
manifested great zeal in defense of the faith, and had opposed the Arians
during the reign of Constantius; hence the partisans of Eudoxius had
prohibited him from holding public assemblies. On the accession of Julian,
however, he traveled hither and thither, publicly and openly exhorting the
Christians to cleave to their own doctrines, and to refrain from defiling
themselves with pagan sacrifices and libations. He urged them to account as
nothing the honors which the emperor might bestow upon them, such honors
being but of short duration, and leading to eternal infamy. His zeal had
already rendered him an object of suspicion and of hatred to the pagans,
when one day he chanced to pass by and see them offering sacrifice. He
sighed deeply, and uttered a prayer to the effect that no Christian might
be suffered to fall into similar delusion. He was seized on the spot, and
conveyed to the governor of the province. Many tortures were inflicted on
him; and in the manly endurance of this anguish he received the crown of
martyrdom.

   Even if these cruelties were perpetrated contrary to the will of the
emperor, yet they serve to prove that his reign was signalized by martyrs
neither ignoble nor few.

   For the sake of clearness, I have related all these occurrences
collectively, although the martyrdoms really occurred at different periods.

CHAP. XII.--CONCERNING LUCIFER AND EUSEBIUS, BISHOPS OF THE WEST. EUSEBIUS
WITH ATHANASIUS THE GREAT AND OTHER BISHOPS COLLECT A COUNCIL AT
ALEXANDRIA, AND CONFIRM THE NICENE FAITH BY DEFINING THE CONSUBSTANTIALITY
OF THE SPIRIT WITH THE FATHER AND THE SON. THEIR DECREE CONCERNING
SUBSTANCE AND HYPOSTASIS.

   AFTER the return of Athanasius, Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari in
Sardinia, and Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, a city of Liguria in Italy,
returned from the upper Thebais. (1) They had been condemned by Constantius
to perpetual exile in that country. For the regulation and general
systematizing of ecclesiastical affairs, Eusebius came to Alexandria, and
there, in concert with Athanasius, to hold a council for the purpose of
confirming the Nicene doctrines.

   Lucifer sent a deacon with Eusebius to take his place in the council,
and went himself to  Antioch, to visit the church there in its
disturbances.

   A schism had been excited by the Arians then under the guidance of
Euzoius, and by the followers of Meletius, who, as I have above stated,
were at variance even with those who held the same opinions as themselves.
As Meletius had not then returned from exile, Lucifer ordained Paulinus
bishop. (2)

   In the meantime, the bishops of many cities had assembled in Alexandria
with Athanasius and Eusebius, and had confirmed the Nicene doctrines. They
confessed that the Holy Ghost is of the same substance as the Father and
the Son, and they made use of the term "Trinity."

   They declared that the human nature assumed by God the Word is to be
regarded as consisting of not a perfect body only, but also of a perfect
soul, even as was taught by the ancient Church philosophers. As the Church
had been agitated by questions concerning the terms "substance" and
"hypostasis," and the contentions and disputes about these words had been
frequent, they decreed, and, as I think, wisely, that these terms should
not henceforth at the beginning be used in reference to God, except in
refutation of the Sabellian tenet; lest from the paucity of terms, one and
the same thing might appear to be called by three names; but that one might
understand each by its peculiar term in a threefold way.

   These were the decrees passed by the bishops convened at Alexandria.
Athanasius read in the council the document about his flight which  he had
written in order to justify himself. (3)

CHAP. XIII.--CONCERNING PAULINUS AND MELETIUS, CHIEF-PRIESTS OF ANTIOCH;
HOW EUSEBIUS AND LUCIFER ANTAGONIZED ONE ANOTHER; EUSEBIUS AND HILARIUS
DEFEND THE NICENE FAITH.

   ON the termination of the council, Eusebius repaired to Antioch and
found dissension prevailing among the people. (4) Those who were attached
to Meletius would not join Paulinus, but held their assemblies apart.
Eusebius was much grieved at the state of affairs; for the ordination ought
not to have taken place without the unanimous consent of the people; yet,
from respect towards Lucifer, he did not openly express his
dissatisfaction.

   He refused to hold communion with either party, but promised to redress
their respective grievances by means of a council. While he was thus
striving to restore concord and unanimity, Meletius returned from exile,
and, finding that those who held his sentiments had seceded from the other
party, he held meetings with them beyond the walls of the city. Paulinus,
in the meantime, assembled his own party within the city; for his mildness,
his virtuous life, and his advanced age had so far won the respect of
Euzoius, the Arian president, that, instead of being expelled from the
city, a church had been assigned him for his own use. Eusebius, on finding
all his endeavors for the restoration of concord frustrated, quitted
Antioch. Lucifer fancied himself injured by him, because he had refused to
approve the ordination of Paulinus; and, in displeasure, seceded from
communion with him. As if purely from the desire of contention, Lucifer
then began to cast aspersions on the enactments of the council of
Alexandria; and in this way he seems to have originated the heresy which
has been called after him, Luciferian.

   Those who espoused his cause seceded from the church; but, although he
was deeply chagrined at the aspect affairs had taken, yet, because he had
deputed a deacon to accompany Eusebius in lien of himself, he yielded to
the decrees of the council of Alexandria, and conformed to the doctrines of
the Catholic Church. About this period he repaired to Sardinia.

   In the meantime Eusebius traversed the Eastern provinces, restored
those who had declined from the faith, and taught them what it was
necessary to believe. After passing through Illyria, he went to Italy, and
there he met with Hilarius, bishop of Poictiers (5) in Aquitania. Hilarius
had returned from exile before Eusebius, and had taught the Italians and
the Gauls what doctrines they had to receive, and what to reject; he
expressed himself with great eloquence in the Latin tongue, and wrote many
admirable works, it is said, in refutation of the Arian dogmas. Thus did
Hilarius and Eusebius maintain the doctrines of the Nicaean council in the
regions of the West.

CHAP. XIV.--THE PARTISANS OF MACEDONIUS DISPUTED WITH THEARIANS CONCERNING
ACACIUS.

 AT this period the adherents of Macedonius, among whom were Eleusius,
Eustathius, and Sophronius, who now began openly to be called Macedonians,
as constituting a distinct sect, adopted the bold measure on the death of
Constantius, of calling together those of their own sentiments who had been
convened at Seleucia, and of holding several councils. They condemned the
partisans of Acacius and the faith which had been established at Ariminum,
and confirmed the doctrines which had been set forth at Antioch, and
afterwards approved at Seleucia.

   When interrogated as to the cause of their dispute with the partisans
of Acacius, with whom, as being of the same sentiments as themselves they
had formerly held communion, they replied by the mouth of Sophronius, (1) a
bishop of Paphlagonia, that while the Christians in the West maintained the
use of the term "consubstantial," the followers of Aetius in the East
upheld the dogma of dissimilarity as to substance; and that the former
party irregularly wove together into a unity the distinct persons of the
Father and of the Son, by their use of the term "consubstantial,'' and that
the latter party represented too great a difference as existing in the
relationship between the nature of the Father and of the Son; but that they
themselves preserved the mean between the two extremes, and avoided both
errors, by religiously maintaining that in hypostasis, the Son is like unto
the Father. It was by such representations as these that the Macedonians
vindicated themselves from blame.

CHAP. XV.--ATHANASIUS IS AGAIN BANISHED; CONCERNING ELEUSIUS, BISHOP OF
CYZICUS, AND TITUS, BISHOP OF BOSTRA; MENTION OF THE ANCESTORS OF THE
AUTHOR.

   The emperor, (2) on being informed that Athanasius held meetings in the
church of Alexandria, and taught the people boldly, and convened many
pagans to Christianity, commanded him, under the severest penalties, to
depart from Alexandria. (3) The pretext made use of for enforcing this
edict, was that Athanasius, after having been banished by Constantius, had
reassumed his episcopal see without the sanction of the reigning emperor;
for Julian declared that he had never contemplated restoring the bishops
who had been exiled by Constantius to their ecclesiastical functions, but
only to their native land. On the announcement of the command enjoining his
immediate departure, Athanasius said to the Christian multitudes who stood
weeping around him, "Be of good courage; it is but a cloud which will
speedily be dispersed." After these words he bade farewell; he then
committed the care of the church to the most zealous of his friends and
quitted Alexandria.

   About the same period, the inhabitants of Cyzicus sent an embassy to
the emperor to lay before him some of their private affairs, and
particularly to entreat the restoration of the pagan temples. He applauded
their forethought, and promised to grant all their requests. He expelled
Eleusius, the bishop of their city, because he had destroyed some temples,
and desecrated the sacred areas with contumely, provided houses for the
support of widows, erected buildings for holy virgins, and induced pagans
to abandon their ancestral rites.

   The emperor prohibited some foreign Christians, who had accompanied
him, from entering the city of Cyzicus, from the apprehension, it appears,
that they would, in conjunction with the Christians within the city, excite
a sedition on account of religion. There were many persons gathered with
them who also held like religious views with the Christians of the city,
and who were engaged in woolen manufactures for the state, and were coiners
of money. They were numerous, and were divided into two populous classes;
they had received permission from preceding emperors to dwell, with their
wives and possessions, in Cyzicus, provided that they annually handed over
to the public treasury a supply of clothes for the soldiery and of newly
coined money.

   Although Julian was anxious to advance paganism by every means, yet he
deemed it the height of imprudence to employ force or vengeance against
those who refused to sacrifice. Besides, there were so many Christians in
every city that it would have been no easy task for the rulers even to
number them. He did not even forbid them to assemble together for worship,
as he was aware that when freedom of the will is called into question,
constraint is utterly useless. He expelled the clergy and presidents of the
churches from all the cities, in order to put an end to these assemblies,
saying truly that by their absence the gatherings of the people would be
effectually dissolved, if indeed there were none to convene the churches,
and none to teach or to dispense the mysteries, religion itself would, in
the course of time, fall into oblivion. The pretext which he advanced for
these proceedings was, that the clergy were the leaders of sedition among
the people. Under this plea, he expelled Eleusius and his friends from
Cyzicus, although there was not even a symptom nor expectation of sedition
in that city. He also publicly called upon the citizens of Bostra (1) to
expel Titus, their bishop. It appears that the emperor had threatened to
impeach Titus and the other clergy as the authors of any sedition that
might arise among the people, and that Titus had thereupon written stating
to him that although the Christians were near the pagans in number, yet
that, in accordance with his exhortations, they were disposed to remain
quiet, and were not likely to rise up in sedition. Julian, with the view of
not exciting the enmity of the inhabitants of Bostra against Titus,
represented, in a letter which he addressed to them, that their bishop had
advanced a calumny against them, by stating that it was in accordance with
his exhortations rather than with their own inclination that they refrained
from sedition; and Julian exhorted them to expel him from their city as a
public enemy.

   It appears that the Christians were subjected to similar injustice in
other places; sometimes by the command of the emperor, and sometimes by the
wrath and impetuosity of the populace. The blame of these transactions may
be justly imputed to the ruler; for he did not bring under the force of law
the transgressors of law, but out of his hatred to the Christian religion,
he only visited the perpetrators of such deeds with verbal rebukes, while,
by his actions, he urged them on in the same course. Hence although not
absolutely persecuted by the emperor, the Christians were obliged to flee
from city to city and village to village. My grandfather and many of my
ancestors were compelled to flee in this manner. My grandfather was of
pagan parentage; and, with his own family and that of Alaphion, had been
the first to embrace Christianity in Bethelia, a populous town near Gaza,
in which there are temples highly reverenced by the people of the country,
on account of their antiquity and structural excellence. The most
celebrated of these temples is the Pantheon, built on an artificial
eminence commanding a view of the whole town. The conjecture is that the
place received its name from the temple, that the original name given to
this temple was in the Syriac language, and that this name was afterwards
rendered into Greek and expressed by a word which signifies that the temple
is the residence of all the gods.

   It is said that the above-mentioned families were converted through the
instrumentality of the monk Hilarion. Alaphion, it appears, was possessed
of a devil; and neither the pagans nor the Jews could, by any incantations
and enchantments, deliver him from this affliction; but Hilarion, by simply
calling on the name of Christ, expelled the demon, and Alaphion, with his
whole family, immediately embraced Christianity.

   My grandfather was endowed with great natural ability, which he applied
with success to the explanation of the Sacred Scriptures; he had made some
attainments in general knowledge, and was not ignorant of arithmetic. He
was much beloved by the Christians of Ascalon, of Gaza, and of the
surrounding country; and was regarded as necessary to religion, on account
of his gift in expounding the doubtful points of Scripture. No one can
speak in adequate terms of the virtues of the other (2) family. The first
churches and monasteries erected in that country were founded by members of
this family and supported by their power and beneficence towards strangers
and the needy. Some good men belonging to this family have flourished even
in our own days; and in thy  youth I saw some of them, but they were then
very aged. I shall have occasion to say more concerning them in the course
of my history. (3)

CHAP. XVI. -- EFFORTS OF JULIAN TO ESTABLISH PAGANISM AND TO ABOLISH OUR
USAGES. THE EPISTLE WHICH HE SENT TO THE PAGAN HIGH-PRIESTS.

   THE emperor (4) was deeply grieved at finding that all his efforts to
secure the predominance of paganism were utterly ineffectual, and at seeing
Christianity excelling in repute; for although the gates of the temples
were kept open, although sacrifices were offered, and the observance of
ancient festivals restored in all the cities, yet he was far from being
satisfied; for he could plainly foresee that, on the withdrawal of his
influence, a change in the whole aspect of affairs would speedily take
place. He was particularly chagrined on discovering that the wives,
children, and servants of many of the pagan priests had been converted to
Christianity. On reflecting that one main support of the Christian religion
was the life and behavior of its professors, he determined to introduce
into the pagan temples the order and discipline of Christianity, to
institute various orders and degrees of ministry, to appoint teachers and
readers to give instruction in pagan doctrines and exhortations, and to
command that prayers should be offered on certain days at stated hours. He
moreover resolved to found monasteries for the accommodation of men and
women who desired to live in philosophical retirement, as likewise
hospitals for the relief of strangers and of the poor and for other
philanthropical purposes. He wished to introduce among the pagans the
Christian system of penance for voluntary and involuntary transgressions;
but the point of ecclesiastical discipline which he chiefly admired, and
desired to establish among the pagans, was the custom among the bishops to
give letters of recommendation to those who traveled to foreign lands,
wherein they commended them to the hospitality and kindness of other
bishops, in all places, and under all contingencies. In this way did Julian
strive to ingraft the customs of Christianity upon paganism. But if what I
have stated appears to be incredible, I need not go far in search of proofs
to corroborate my assertions; for I can produce a letter written by the
emperor himself on the subject. He writes as follows: (1) --

   "To Arsacius, High-Priest of Galatia. Paganism has not yet reached the
degree of prosperity that might be desired, owing to the conduct of its
rotaries. The worship of the gods, however, is conducted on the grandest
and most magnificent scale, so far exceeding our very prayer and hope; let
our Adrastea be propitious to these words, for no one could have dared to
look for so extensive and so surprising a change as that which we have
witnessed within a very short space of time. But are we to rest satisfied
with what has been already effected? Ought we not rather to consider that
the progress of Atheism has been principally owing to the humanity evinced
by Christians towards strangers, to the reverence they have manifested
towards the dead, and to the delusive gravity which they have assumed in
their life? It is requisite that each of us should be diligent in the
discharge of duty: I do not refer to you alone, as that would not suffice,
but to all the priests of Galatia.

   "You must either put them to shame, or try the power of persuasion, or
else deprive them of their sacerdotal offices, if they do not with their
wives, their children, and their servants join in the service of the gods,
or if they support the servants, sons, or wives of the Galileans in
treating the gods impiously and in preferring Atheism to piety. Then exhort
the priests not to frequent theaters, not to drink at taverns, and not to
engage in any trade, or practice any nefarious art.

   "Honor those who yield to your remonstrances, and expel those who
disregard them. Establish hostelries in every city, so that strangers from
neighboring and foreign countries may reap the benefit of our philanthropy,
according to their respective need.

   "I have provided means to meet the necessary expenditure, and have
issued directions throughout the whole of Galatia, that you should be
furnished annually with thirty thousand bushels of corn and sixty thousand
measures of wine, of which the fifth part is to be devoted to the support
of the poor who attend upon the priests; and the rest to be distributed
among strangers and our own poor. For, while there are no persons in need
among the Jews, and while even the impious Galileans provide not only for
those of their own party who are in want, but also for those who hold with
us, it would indeed be disgraceful if we were to allow our own people to
suffer from poverty.

   "Teach the pagans to co-operate in this work of benevolence, and let
the first-fruits of the pagan towns be offered to the gods.

   "Habituate the pagans to the exercise of this liberality, by showing
them how such conduct is sanctioned by the practice of remote antiquity;
for Homer (2) represents Eumaeus as saying, --'My guest! I should offend,
treating with scorn The stranger, though a poorer should arrive Than even
thyself; for all the poor that are, And all the strangers are the care of
Jove.'

   "Let us not permit others to excel us in good deeds; let us not
dishonor ourselves by violence, but rather let us be foremost in piety
towards the gods. If I hear that you act according to my directions, I
shall be full of joy. Do not often visit the governors at their own houses,
but write to them frequently. When they enter the city, let no priest go to
meet them; and let not the priest accompany them further than the vestibule
when they repair to the temple of the gods; neither let any soldiers march
before them on such occasions; but let those follow them who will. For as
soon as they have entered within the sacred bounds, they are but private
individuals; for there it is your duty, as you well know, to preside,
according to the divine decree. Those who humbly conform to this law
manifest that they possess true religion; whereas those who contemn it are
proud and vainglorious.

   "I am ready to render assistance to the inhabitants of Pessinus,
provided that they will propitiate the mother of the gods; but if they
neglect this duty, they will incur my utmost displeasure.

          'I should myself transgress,
   Receiving here, and giving conduct hence
   To one detested by the gods as these.'  (1)

   "Convince them, therefore, that if they desire my assistance, they must
offer up supplications to the mother of the gods."

CHAP. XVII.--IN ORDER THAT HE MIGHT NOT BE THOUGHT TYRANNICAL, JULIAN
PROCEEDS ARTFULLY AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS. ABOLITION OF THE SIGN OF THE
CROSS. HE MAKES THE SOLDIERY SACRIFICE, ALTHOUGH THEY WERE UNWILLING.

   WHEN Julian acted and wrote in the manner aforesaid, he expected that
he would by these means easily induce his subjects to change their
religious opinions. (2) Although he earnestly desired to abolish the
Christian religion, yet he plainly was ashamed to employ violent measures,
lest he should be accounted tyrannical. He used every means, however, that
could possibly be devised to lead his subjects back to paganism; and he was
more especially urgent with the soldiery, whom he sometimes addressed
individually and sometimes through the medium of their officers. To
habituate them in all things to the worship of the gods, he restored the
ancient form of the standard of the Roman armies, (3) which, as we have
already stated, Constantine had, at the command of God, converted into the
sign of the cross. Julian also (4) caused to be painted, in juxtaposition
with his own figure, on the public pictures, a representation either of
Jupiter coming out of heaven and presenting to him the symbols of imperial
power, a crown or a purple robe, or else of Mars, or of Mercury, with their
eyes intently fixed upon him, as if to express their admiration of his
eloquence and military skill. He placed the pictures of the gods in
juxtaposition with his own, in order that the people might secretly be led
to worship them under the pretext of rendering due honor to him; he abused
ancient usages, and endeavored to conceal his purpose from his subjects. He
considered that if they would yield obedience on this point, they would be
the more ready to obey him on every other occasion; but that if they
ventured to refuse obedience, he would have reason to punish them, as
infringers of the Roman customs and offenders against the emperor and the
state. There were but very few (and the law had its course against them)
who, seeing through his designs, refused to render the customary homage to
his pictures; but the multitude, through ignorance or simplicity, conformed
as usual to the ancient regulation, and thoughtlessly paid homage to his
image. The emperor derived but little advantage from this artifice; yet he
did not cease from his efforts to effect a change in religion.

   The next machination to which he had recourse was less subtle and more
violent than the former one; and the fortitude of many soldiers attached to
the court was thereby tested. When the stated day came round for giving
money to the troops, (5) which day generally fell upon the anniversary of
some festival among the Romans, such as that of the birth of the emperor,
or the foundation of some royal city, Julian reflected that soldiers are
naturally thoughtless and simple, and disposed to be covetous of money, and
therefore concluded that it would be a favorable opportunity to seduce them
to the worship of the gods. Accordingly, as each soldier approached to
receive the money, he was commanded to offer sacrifice, fire and incense
having been previously placed for this purpose near the emperor, according
to an ancient Roman custom. Some of the soldiers had the courage to refuse
to offer sacrifice and receive the gold; others were so habituated to the
observance of the law and custom that they conformed to it, without
imagining that they were committing sin. Others, again, deluded by the
luster of the gold, or compelled by fear and consideration on account of
the test which was immediately in sight, complied with the pagan rite, and
suffered themselves to fall into the temptation from which they ought to
have fled.

   It is related that, as some of them who had ignorantly fallen into this
sin were seated at table, and drinking to each other, one among them
happened to mention the name of Christ over the cups. Another of the guests
immediately exclaimed: "It is extraordinary that you should call upon
Christ, when, but a short time ago, you denied him for the sake of the
emperor's gift, by throwing incense into the fire." On hearing this
observation, they all became suddenly conscious of the sin they had
committed; they rose from table and rushed into the public streets, where
they screamed and wept and called upon all men to witness that they were
and would remain Christians, and that they had offered incense unawares,
and with the hand alone, and not with the assent of the judgment. They then
presented themselves before the emperor, threw back his gold, and
courageously asked him to take back his own gift, and besought him to put
them to death, protesting that they would never renounce their sentiments,
whatever torments might, in consequence of the sin committed by their hand,
be inflicted on the other parts of their body for the sake of Christ.

   Whatever displeasure the emperor might have felt against them, he
refrained from slaying them, lest they should enjoy the honor of martyrdom;
he therefore merely deprived them of their military commission and
dismissed them from the palace.

CHAP. XVIII. -- HE PROHIBITED THE CHRISTIANS FROM THE MARKETS AND FROM THE
JUDICIAL SEATS AND FROM SHARING IN GREEK EDUCATION. RESISTANCE OF BASIL THE
GREAT, GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN, AND APOLINARIUS TO THIS DECREE. THEY RAPIDLY
TRANSLATE THE SCRIPTURE INTO GREEK MODES OF EXPRESSION. APOLINARIUS AND
GREGORY NAZIANZEN DO THIS MORE THAN BASIL, THE ONE IN A RHETORICAL VEIN,
THE OTHER IN EPIC STYLE AND IN IMITATION OF EVERY POET.

   JULIAN entertained the same sentiments as those above described towards
all Christians, as he manifested whenever an opportunity was offered. Those
who refused to sacrifice to the gods, although perfectly blameless in other
respects, were deprived of the rights of citizenship, (1) and of the
privilege of participating in assemblies, and in the forum; and he would
not allow them to be judges or magistrates, or to share in offices.

   He forbade the children of Christians from frequenting the public
schools, and from being instructed in the writings of the Greek poets and
authors. (2) He entertained great resentment against Apolinarius the
Syrian, a man of manifold knowledge and philological attainments, against
Basil and Gregory, natives of Cappadocia, the most celebrated orators of
the time, and against other learned and eloquent men, of whom some were
attached to the Nicene doctrines, and others to the dogmas of Arius. His
sole motive for excluding the children of Christian parents from
instruction in the learning of the Greeks, was because he considered such
studies conducive to the acquisition of argumentative and persuasive power.
Apolinarius, therefore, employed his great learning and ingenuity in the
production of a heroic epic on the antiquities of the Hebrews to the reign
of Saul, as a substitute for the poem of Homer. He divided this work into
twenty-four parts, to each of which he appended the name of one of the
letters of the Greek alphabet, according to their number and order. He also
wrote come-dies in imitation of Menander, tragedies resembling those of
Euripides, and odes on the model of Pindar. In short, taking themes of the
entire circle of knowledge from the Scriptures, he produced within a very
brief space of time, a set of works which in manner, expression, character,
and arrangement are well approved as similar to the Greek literatures and
which were equal in number and in force. Were it not for the extreme
partiality with which the productions of antiquity are regarded, I doubt
not but that the writings of Apolinarius would be held in as much
estimation as those of the ancients. (3)

   The comprehensiveness of his intellect is more especially to be
admired; for he excelled in every branch of literature, whereas ancient
writers were proficient only in one. He wrote a very remarkable work
entitled "The Truth" (4) against the emperor and the pagan philosophers, in
which he clearly proved, without any appeal to the authority of Scripture,
that they were far from having attained right opinions of God. The emperor,
for the purpose of casting ridicule on works of this nature, wrote to the
bishops in the following words: "I have read, I have understood, and I have
condemned." (5) To this they sent the following reply, "You have read, but
you have not understood; for, had you understood, you would not have
condemned."

   Some have attributed this letter to Basil, the president of the church
in Cappadocia, and perhaps not without reason; but whether dictated by him
or by another, it fully displays the magnanimity and learning of the
writer.

CHAP. XIX. -- WORK WRITTEN BY JULIAN ENTITLED "AVERSION TO BEARDS." DAPHNE
IN ANTIOCH, A FULL DESCRIPTION OF IT. TRANSLATION OF THE REMAINS OF
BABYLAS, THE HOLY MARTYR.

   JULIAN, (6) having determined upon undertaking a war against Persia,
repaired to Antioch in Syria. The people loudly complained, that, although
provisions were very abundant the price affixed to them was very high.
Accordingly, the emperor, from liberality, as I believe, towards the
people, reduced the price of provisions to so low a scale that the vendors
fled the city.

   A scarcity in consequence ensued, for which the people blamed the
emperor; and their resentment found vent in ridiculing the length of his
beard, and the bulls which he had had stamped upon his coins; and they
satirically remarked, that he upset the world in the same way that his
priests, when offering sacrifice, threw down the victims.

   At first his displeasure was excited, and he threatened to punish them
and prepared to depart for Tarsus. Afterwards, however, he suppressed his
feelings of indignation, and repaid their ridicule by words alone; he
composed a very elegant work under the title of "Aversion to Beards," which
he sent to them. He treated the Christians of the city precisely in the
same manner as at other places, and endeavored, as far as possible, to
promote the extension of paganism.

   I shall here recount some of the details connected with the tomb of
Babylas, the martyr, and certain occurrences which took place about this
period in the temple of Apollo at Daphne.

   Daphne is a suburb of Antioch, and is planted with cypresses and other
trees, beneath which all kinds of flowers flourish in their season. The
branches of these trees are so thick and interlaced that they may be said
to form a roof rather than merely to afford shade, and the rays of the sun
can never pierce through them to the soil beneath. It is made delicious and
exceedingly lovely by the richness and beauty of the waters, the
temperateness of the air, and the breath of friendly winds. The Greeks
invent the myth that Daphne, the daughter of the river Ladon, was here
changed into a tree which bears her name, while she was fleeing from
Arcadia, to evade the love of Apollo. The passion of Apollo was not
diminished, they say, by this transformation; he made a crown of the leaves
of his beloved and embraced the tree. He afterwards often fixed his
residence on this spot, as being dearer to him than any other place.

   Men of grave temperament, however, considered it disgraceful to
approach this suburb; for the position and nature of the place seemed to
excite voluptuous feelings; and the substance of the fable itself being
erotic, afforded a measurable impulse and redoubled the passions among
corrupt youths. They, who furnished this myth as an excuse, were greatly
inflamed and gave way without constraint to profligate deeds, incapable of
being continent themselves, or of enduring the presence of those who were
continent. Any one who dwelt at Daphne without a mistress was regarded as
callous and ungracious, and was shunned as an abominable and abhorrent
thing. The pagans likewise manifested great reverence for this place on
account of a very beautiful statue of the Daphnic Apollo which stood here,
as also a magnificent and costly temple, supposed to have been built by
Seleucus, the father of Antiochus, who gave his name to the city of
Antioch. Those who attach credit to fables of this kind believe that a
stream flows from the fountain Castalia which confers the power of
predicting the future, and which is similar in its name and powers to the
fountain of Delphi. It is related that Adrian here received intimation of
his future greatness, when he was but a private individual; and that he
dipped a leaf of the laurel into the water and found written thereon an
account of his destiny. When he became emperor, it is said, he commanded
the fountain to be closed, in order that no one might be enabled to pry
into the knowledge of the future. But I leave this subject to those who are
more accurately acquainted with mythology than I am.

   When Gallus, the brother of Julian, had been declared Caesar by
Constantius, and had fixed his residence at Antioch, his zeal for the
Christian religion and his veneration for the memory of the martyrs
determined him to purge the place of the pagan superstition and the
outrages of profligates. He considered that the readiest method of
effecting this object would be to erect a house of prayer in the temple and
to transfer thither the tomb of Babylas, the martyr, who had, with great
reputation to himself, presided over the church of Antioch, and suffered
martyrdom. It is said that from the time of this translation, the demon
ceased to utter oracles. This silence was at first attributed to the
neglect into which his service was allowed to fall and to the omission of
the former cult; but results proved that it was occasioned solely by the
presence of the holy martyr. The silence continued unbroken even when
Julian was the sole ruler of the Roman Empire, although libations, incense,
and victims were offered in abundance to the demon; for when eventually the
oracle itself spoke and indicated the cause of its previous silence, the
emperor himself entered the temple for the purpose of consulting the
oracle, and offering up gifts and sacrifices with entreaties to grant a
reply. The demon did not openly admit that the hindrance was occasioned by
the tomb of Babylas, the martyr, but he stated that the place was filled
with dead bodies, and that this prevented the oracle from speaking.

   Although many interments had taken place at Daphne, the emperor
perceived that it was the presence of Babylas, the martyr, alone which had
silenced the oracle, and he commanded his tomb to be removed. The
Christians, therefore, assembled together and conveyed the coffin to the
city, about forty stadia distant, and deposited it in the place where it is
still preserved, and to which the name of the martyr has been given. It is
said that men and women, young men and maidens, old men and children drew
the casket, and encouraged one another by singing psalms as they went along
the road, apparently for the purpose of lightening their labor, but in
truth because they were transported by zeal and spirit for their kindred
religious belief, which the emperor had opposed. The best singers sang
first, and the multitude replied in chorus, and the following was the
burden of their song: "Confounded are all they who worship graven images,
who boast themselves in idols."

CHAP. XX. -- IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE TRANSLATION, MANY OF THE CHRISTIANS ARE
ILL-TREATED. THEODORE THE CONFESSOR. TEMPLE OF APOLLO AT DAPHNE DESTROYED
BY FIRE FALLING FROM HEAVEN.

   THE transaction above related (1) excited the indignation of the
emperor as much as if an insult had been offered him, and he determined
upon punishing the Christians; but Sallust, a praetorian prefect, although
a pagan, tried to dissuade him from this measure. The emperor, however,
could not be appeased, and Sallust was compelled to execute his mandate,
and arrest and imprison many Christians. One of the first whom he arrested
was a young man named Theodore, who was immediately stretched upon the
rack; but although his flesh was lacerated by the application of the nails,
he addressed no supplication to Sallust, nor did he implore a diminution of
his torments; on the contrary, he seemed as insensible to pain as if he had
been merely a spectator of the sufferings of another, and bravely received
the wounds; and he sang the same psalm which he had joined in singing the
day before, to show that he did not repent of the act for which he had been
condemned. The prefect, struck with admiration at the fortitude of the
young man, went to the emperor and told him that, unless he would desist
speedily from the measure he had undertaken, he and his party would be
exposed to ridicule while the Christians would acquire more glory. This
representation produced its effect, and the Christians who had been
arrested were set at liberty. It is said (2) that Theodore was afterwards
asked whether he had been sensible of any pain while on the rack; and that
he replied that he had not been entirely free from suffering, but had his
pains assuaged by the attentions of a young man who had stood by him, and
who had wiped off the perspiration with the finest linen cloth, and
supplied him with coolest water by which he eased the inflammation and
refreshed his labors. I am convinced that no man, whatever magnanimity he
may possess, is capable, without the special assistance of Divine Power, of
manifesting such entire indifference about the body.

   The body of the martyr Babylas was, for the reasons aforesaid, removed
to Daphne, and was subsequently conveyed elsewhere. Soon after it had been
taken away, fire suddenly fell upon the temple of the Daphnic Apollo, the
roof and the very statue of the god were burned, and the naked walls, with
the columns on which the portico and the back part of the edifice had
rested, alone escaped the conflagration. (3) The Christians believed that
the prayers of the martyr had drawn down fire from heaven upon the demon;
but the pagans reported the Christians as having set fire to the place.
This suspicion gained ground; and the priest of Apollo was brought before
the tribunal of justice to render up the names of those who had dared the
incendiary act; but though bound and subjected to the most cruel tortures,
he did not name any one.

   Hence the Christians were more fully convinced than before, that it was
not by the deed of man, but by the wrath of God, that fire was poured down
from heaven upon the temple. Such were the occurrences which then took
place. The emperor, as I conjecture, on hearing that the calamity at Daphne
had been occasioned by the martyr Babylas, and on being further informed
that the honored remains of  the martyrs were preserved in several houses
of  prayer near the temple of the Apollo Didymus, which is situated close
to the city of Miletus, wrote to the governor of Caria, commanding him to
destroy with fire all such edifices as were furnished with a roof and an
altar, and to throw down from their very foundations the houses of prayer
which were incomplete in these respects.

CHAP. XXI. -- OF THE STATUE OF CHRIST IN PANEAS WHICH JULIAN OVERTHREW AND
MADE VALUELESS; HE ERECTED HIS OWN STATUE; THIS WAS OVERTHROWN BY A
THUNDER-BOLT AND DESTROYED. FOUNTAIN OF EMMAUS IN WHICH CHRIST WASHED HIS
FEET. CONCERNING THE TREE PERSIS, WHICH WORSHIPED CHRIST IN EGYPT, AND THE
WONDERS WROUGHT THROUGH IT.

   AMONG so many remarkable events which occurred during the reign of
Julian, I must not omit to mention one which affords a sign of the power of
Christ, and proof of the Divine wrath against the emperor. (4)

   Having heard that at Caesarea Philippi, otherwise called Paneas, a city
of Phoenicia, there was a celebrated statue of Christ which had been
erected by a woman whom the Lord had cured of a flow of blood, (1) Julian
commanded it to be taken down and a statue of himself erected in its place;
but a violent fire from heaven fell upon it and broke off the parts
contiguous to the breast; the head and neck were thrown prostrate, and it
was transfixed to the ground with the face downwards at the point where the
fracture of the bust was; and it has stood in that fashion from that day
until now, full of the rust of the lightning. The statue of Christ was
dragged around the city and mutilated by the pagans; but the Christians
recovered the fragments, and deposited the statue in the church in which it
is still preserved. Eusebius relates, that at the base of this startle grew
an herb which was unknown to the physicians and empirics, but was
efficacious in the cure of all disorders. It does not appear a matter of
astonishment to me, that, after God had vouchsafed to dwell with men, he
should condescend to bestow benefits upon them.

   It appears that innumerable other miracles were wrought in different
cities and villages; accounts have been accurately preserved by the
inhabitants of these places only, because they learned them from ancestral
tradition; and how true this is, I will at once show. There is a city now
called Nicopolis, in Palestine, which was formerly only a village, and
which was mentioned by the divine book of the Gospel under the name of
Emmaus. (2) The name of Nicopolis was given to this place by the Romans
after the conquest of Jerusalem and the victory over the Jews. Just beyond
the city where three roads meet, is the spot where Christ, after His
resurrection, said farewell to Cleopas and his companion, as if he were
going to another village; and here is a healing fountain in which men and
other living creatures afflicted with different diseases wash away their
sufferings; for it is said that when Christ together with His disciples
came from a journey to this fountain, they bathed their feet therein, and,
from that time the water became a cure for disorders.

   At Hermopolis, in the Thebais, is a tree called Persis, of which the
branches, the leaves, and the least portion of the bark, are said to heal
diseases, when touched by the sick; for it is related by the Egyptians that
when Joseph fled with Christ and Mary, the holy mother of God, from the
wrath of Herod, they went to Hermopolis; when entering at the gate, this
largest tree, as if not enduring the advent of Christ, inclined to the
ground and worshiped Him. I relate precisely what I have heard from many
sources concerning this tree. I think that this phenomenon was a sign of
the presence of God in the city; or perhaps, as seems most probable, the
tree, which had been worshiped by the inhabitants, after the pagan custom,
was shaken, because the demon, who had been an object of worship, started
up at sight of Him who was manifested for purification from such agencies.
It was moved of its own accord; for at the presence of Christ the idols of
Egypt were shaken, even as Isaiah (3) the prophet had foretold. On the
expulsion of the demon, the tree was permitted to remain as a monument of
what had  occurred, and was endued with the property of   healing those who
believed.

   The inhabitants of Egypt and of Palestine testify to the truth of these
events, which took place among themselves.

CHAP. XXII. --  FROM AVERSION TO THE CHRISTIANS, JULIAN GRANTED PERMISSION
TO THE JEWS TO REBUILD THE TEMPLE AT JERUSALEM; IN EVERY ENDEAVOR TO PUT
THEIR HANDS TO THE WORK, FIRE SPRANG UPWARD AND KILLED MANY. ABOUT THE SIGN
OF THE CROSS WHICH APPEARED ON THE CLOTHING OF THOSE WHO HAD EXERTED
THEMSELVES IN THIS WORK.

   THOUGH the emperor (4) hated and opressed the Christians, he manifested
benevolence and humanity towards the Jews. He wrote (5) to the Jewish
patriarchs and leaders, as well as to the people, requesting them to pray
for him, and for the prosperity of the empire. In taking this step he was
not actuated, I am convinced, by any respect for their religion; for he was
aware that it is, so to speak, the mother of the Christian religion, and he
knew that both religions rest upon the authority of the patriarchs and the
prophets; but he thought to grieve the Christians by favoring the Jews, who
are their most inveterate enemies. But perhaps he also calculated upon
persuading the Jews to embrace paganism and sacrifices; for they were only
acquainted with the mere letter of Scripture, and could not, like the
Christians and a few of the wisest among the Hebrews, discern the hidden
meaning.

   Events proved that this was his real motive; for he sent for some of
the chiefs of the race and exhorted them to return to the observance of the
laws of Moses and the customs of their fathers. On their replying that
because the temple in Jerusalem was overturned, it was neither lawful nor
ancestral to do this in another place than the metropolis out of which they
had been cast, he gave them public money, commanded them to rebuild the
temple, and to practice the cult similar to that of their ancestors, by
sacrificing after the ancient way. The Jews entered upon the undertaking,
without reflecting that, according to the prediction of the holy prophets,
it could not be accomplished. They sought for the most skillful artisans,
collected materials, cleared the ground, and entered so earnestly upon the
task, that even the women carried heaps of earth, and brought their
necklaces and other female ornaments towards defraying the expense. The
emperor, the other pagans, and all the Jews, regarded every other
undertaking as secondary in importance to this. Although the pagans were
not well-disposed towards the  Jews, yet they assisted them in this
enterprise, because they reckoned upon its ultimate success, and hoped by
this means to falsify the prophecies of Christ. Besides this motive, the
Jews themselves were impelled by the consideration that the time had
arrived for rebuilding their temple. When they had removed the ruins of the
former building, they dug up the ground and cleared away its foundation; it
is said that on the following day when they were about to lay the first
foundation, a great earthquake occurred, and by the violent agitation of
the earth, stones were thrown up from the depths, by which those of the
Jews who were engaged in the work were wounded, as likewise those who were
merely looking on. The houses and public porticos, near the site of the
temple, in which they had diverted themselves, were suddenly thrown down;
many were caught thereby, some perished immediately, others were found half
dead and mutilated of hands or legs, others were injured in other parts of
the body. When God caused the earthquake to cease, the workmen who survived
again returned to their task, partly because such was the edict of the
emperor, and partly because they were themselves interested in the
undertaking. Men often, in endeavoring to gratify their own passions, seek
what is injurious to them, reject what would be truly advantageous, and are
deluded-by the idea that nothing is really useful except what is agreeable
to them. When once led astray by this error, they are no longer able to act
in a manner conducive to their own  interests, or to take warning by the
calamities which are visited upon them.

   The Jews, I believe, were just in this state; for, instead of regarding
this unexpected earthquake as a manifest indication that God was opposed to
the re-erection of their temple, they proceeded to recommence the work. But
all parties relate, that they had scarcely returned to the undertaking,
when fire burst suddenly from the foundations of the temple, and consumed
several of the workmen.

   This fact is fearlessly stated, and believed by all; the only
discrepancy in the narrative is that some maintain that flame burst from
the interior of the temple, as the workmen were striving to force an
entrance, while others say that the fire proceeded directly from the earth.
In whichever way the phenomenon might have occurred, it is equally
wonderful. A more tangible and still more extraordinary prodigy ensued;
suddenly the sign of the cross appeared spontaneously on the garments of
the persons engaged in the undertaking. These crosses were disposed like
stars, and appeared the work of art. Many were hence led to confess that
Christ is God, and that the rebuilding of the temple was not pleasing to
Him; others presented themselves in the church, were initiated, and
besought Christ, with hymns and supplications, to pardon their
transgression. If any one does not feel disposed to believe my narrative,
let him go and be convinced by those who heard the facts I have related
from the eyewitnesses of them, for they are still alive. Let him inquire,
also, of the Jews and pagans who left the work in an incomplete state, or
who, to speak more accurately, were able to commence it.


BOOK VI.

CHAP. I. -- EXPEDITION OF JULIAN INTO PERSIA; HE WAS WORSTED AND BROKE OFF
HIS LIFE MISERABLY. LETTER WRITTEN BY LIBANIUS, DESCRIBING HIS DEATH.

   I HAVE narrated in the preceding book the occurrences which took place
in the Church, during the reign of Julian. (1) This emperor, having
determined to carry on the war with Persia, made a rapid transit across the
Euphrates in the beginning of spring, and, passing by Edessa from hatred to
the inhabitants, who had long professed Christianity, he went on to Carrae,
where there was a temple of Jupiter, in which he offered up sacrifice and
prayer. He then selected twenty thousand armed men from among his troops,
and sent them towards the Tigris, in order that they might guard those
regions, and also be ready to join him, in case he should require their
assistance. He then wrote to Arsacius, king of Armenia, one of the Roman
allies, to bespeak his aid in the war. In this letter Julian manifested the
most unbounded arrogance; he boasted of the high qualities which had, he
said, rendered him worthy of the empire, and acceptable to the gods for
whom he cared; he reviled Constantius, his predecessor, as an effeminate
and impious emperor, and threatened Arsacius in a grossly insulting way;
and since he understood that he was a Christian, he intensified his in-
suits, or eagerly and largely uttered unlawful blasphemies against Christ,
for he was wont to dare this in every case. He told Arsacius that unless he
acted according to his directions, the God in whom he trusted would not be
able to defend him from his vengeance. When he considered that all his
arrangements had been duly made, he led his army through Assyria.

   He took a great many towns and fortresses, either through treachery or
by battle, and thoughtlessly proceeded onwards, without re-fleeting that he
would have to return by the same route. He pillaged every place he
approached, and pulled down or burnt the granaries and storehouses. As he
was journeying up the Euphrates, he arrived at Ctesiphon, a very large
city, whither the Persian monarchs have now transferred their residence
from Babylon. The Tigris flows near this spot. As he was prevented from
reaching the city with his ships, by a part of the land which separated it
from the river, he judged that either he must pursue his journey by water,
or quit his ships and go to Ctesiphon by land; and he interrogated the
prisoners on the subject. Having ascertained from them that there was a
canal which had been blocked up in the course of time, he caused it to be
cleared out, and, having thus effected a communication between the
Euphrates and the Tigris, he proceeded towards the city, his ships floating
along by the side of his army. But the Persians appeared on the banks of
the Tigris with a formidable display of horse and many armed troops, of
elephants, and of horses; and Julian became conscious that his army was
besieged between two great rivers, and was in danger of perishing, either
by remaining in its present position, or by retreating through the cities
and villages which he had so utterly devastated that no provisions were
attainable; therefore he summoned the soldiers to see horse-races, and
proposed rewards to the fleetest racers. In the meantime he commanded the
officers of the  ships to throw over the provisions and baggage of the
army, so that the soldiers, seeing themselves in danger by the want of
necessaries, might turn about boldly and fight their enemies more
desperately. After supper he sent for the generals and tribunes and
commanded the embarkation of the troops. They sailed along the Tigris
during the night and came at once to the opposite banks and disembarked;
but their departure was perceived by some of the Persians, who exhorted one
another to oppose them, but those still asleep the Romans readily overcame.

   At daybreak, the two armies engaged in battle; and after much bloodshed
on both sides, the Romans returned by the river, and encamped near
Ctesiphon. The emperor, being no longer desirous of proceeding further,
burnt his vessels, as he considered that they required too many soldiers to
guard them; and he then commenced his retreat along the Tigris, which was
to his left. The prisoners, who acted as guides to the Romans, led them to
a fertile country where they found abundance of provisions. Soon after, an
old man who had resolved to die for the liberty of Persia, allowed himself
to be taken prisoner, and was brought before the emperor. On being
questioned as to the route, and seeming to speak the truth, he persuaded
them to follow him as capable of transporting the army very speedily to the
Roman frontiers. He observed that for the space of three or four days'
journey this road would be difficult, and that it would be necessary to
carry provisions during that time, as the surrounding country was sterile.
The emperor was deceived by the discourse of this wise old man, and
approved the march by this route. On advancing further, after the lapse of
three days, they were cast upon an uncultivated region. The old prisoner
was put to torture. He confessed that he had exposed himself voluntarily to
death for the sake of his country, and was therefore prepared to endure any
sufferings that could be inflicted on him.

   The Roman troops were now worn out by the length of the journey and the
scarcity of provisions, and the Persians chose this moment to attack them.

   In the heat of the conflict which ensued, a violent wind arose; and the
sky and the sun were totally concealed by the clouds, while the air was at
the same time mixed with dust. During the darkness which was thus produced,
a horseman, riding at full gallop, directed his lance against the emperor,
and wounded him mortally. After throwing Julian from his horse, the unknown
assailant secretly went away. Some conjectured that he was a Persian;
others, that he was a Saracen. There are those who insist that he who
struck the blow was a Roman soldier, who was indignant at the imprudence
and temerity which the emperor had manifested in exposing his army to such
peril. Libanius, (1) the sophist, a native of Syria, the most intimate
friend of Julian, expressed himself in the following terms concerning the
person who had committed the deed: "You desire to know by whom the emperor
was slain. I know not his name. We have a proof, however, that the murderer
was not one of the enemies; for no one came forward to claim the reward,
although the king of Persia caused proclamation to be made, by a herald, of
the honors to be awarded to him who had performed the deed. We are surely
beholden to the enemy for not arrogating to themselves the glory of the
action, but for leaving it to us to seek the slayer among ourselves.

   "Those who sought his death were those who lived in habitual
transgression of the laws, and who had formerly conspired against him, and
who therefore perpetrated the deed as soon as they could find an
opportunity. They were impelled by the desire of obtaining a greater degree
of freedom from all control than they could enjoy under his government; and
they were, perhaps, mainly stimulated by their indignation at the
attachment of the emperor to the service of the gods, to which they were
averse."

CHAP. II. -- HE PERISHED UNDER DIVINE WRATH. VISIONS OF THE EMPEROR'S DEATH
SEEN BY VARIOUS INDIVIDUALS. REPLY OF THE CARPENTER'S SON; JULIAN TOSSED
HIS BLOOD ALOFT TO CHRIST. CALAMITIES WHICH JULIAN ENTAILED UPON THE
ROMANS.

   IN the document above quoted, Libanius clearly states that the emperor
fell by the hand of a Christian; and this, probably, was the truth. (2) It
is not unlikely that some of the soldiers who then served in the Roman army
might have conceived the idea, since Greeks and all men until this day have
praised tyrannicides for exposing themselves to death in the cause of
liberty, and spiritedly standing by their country, their families, and
their friends. Still less is he deserving of blame, who, for the sake of
God and of religion, performed so bold a deed. Beyond this I know nothing
accurately concerning the men who committed this murder besides what I have
narrated. All men, however, concur in receiving the account which has been
handed down to us, and which evidences his death to have been the result of
Divine wrath. A proof of this is the Divine vision which one of his friends
had, which I will now proceed to describe. He had, it is related, traveled
into Persia, with the intention of joining the emperor. While on the road,
he found himself so far from any habitation that he was obliged, on one
night, to sleep in a church. He saw, during that night, either in a dream
or a vision, all the apostles and prophets assembled together, and
complaining of the injuries which the emperor had inflicted on the Church,
and consulting concerning the best measures to be adopted. After much
deliberation and embarrassment two individuals arose in the midst of the
assembly, desired the others to be of good cheer, and left the company
hastily, as if to deprive Julian of the imperial power. He who was the
spectator of this marvel did not attempt to pursue his journey, but
awaited, in horrible suspense, the conclusion of this revelation. He laid
himself down to sleep again, in the same place, and again, he saw the same
assembly; the two individuals who had appeared to depart the preceding
night to effect their purpose against Julian, suddenly returned and
announced his death to the others.

   On the same day a vision was sent to Didymus, an ecclesiastical
philosopher, who dwelt at Alexandria; and, who, being deeply grieved at the
errors of Julian and his persecution of the churches, fasted and offered up
supplications to God continually on this account. From the effects of
anxiety and want of food during the previous night, he fell asleep while
sitting in his chair. Then being, as it were, in an ecstasy, he beheld
white horses traversing the air, and heard a voice saying to those who were
riding thereon, "Go and tell Didymus that Julian has been slain just at
this hour; let him communicate this intelligence to Athanasius, the bishop,
and let him arise and eat." I have been credibly informed that the friend
of Julian and the philosopher beheld those things. Results proved that
neither of them were far from having witnessed the truth. But if these
instances do not suffice to prove that the death of Julian was the effect
of Divine wrath on account of his persecution of the Church, let the
prediction of one of the ecclesiastics be called to mind. (1) When Julian
was preparing to enter upon the war against the Persians, he threatened
that on the termination of the war he would treat the Christians with
severity, and boasted that the Son of the Carpenter would be unable to aid
them; the ecclesiastic above mentioned thereupon rejoined, that the Son of
the Carpenter was then preparing him a wooden coffin in view of his death.

   Julian himself was well aware whence the mortal stroke proceeded, and
what was the cause of its infliction; for, it is said, when he was wounded,
he took some of the blood that flowed from the wound, and threw it up into
the air, as if he had seen Jesus Christ appearing, and intended to throw it
at him, in order to reproach him with his slaughter. Others say that he was
angry with the sun because it had favored the Persians, and had not rescued
him, although, according to the doctrine of the astronomers, it had
presided at his birth; and that it was to express his indignation against
this luminary that he took blood in his hand and flung it upwards in the
air. (2)

   I know not whether, on the approach of death, as is wont to be the case
when the soul is in the act of being separated from the body and when it is
enabled to behold diviner spectacles than are allotted to men, and so
Julian might have beheld Christ. Few allusions have been made to this
subject, and yet I dare not reject this hypothesis as absolutely false; for
God often suffers still more improbable and astonishing events to take
place in order to prove that the religion named after Christ is not
sustained by human energy. It is, however, very obvious that, throughout
the reign of this emperor, God gave manifest tokens of His displeasure, and
permitted many calamities to befall several of the provinces of the Roman
Empire. He visited the earth with such fearful earthquakes, that the
buildings were shaken, and no more safety could be found within the houses
than in the open air. From what I have heard, I conjecture that it was
during the reign of this emperor, or, at least, when he occupied the second
place in the government, that a great calamity occurred near Alexandria in
Egypt, (3) when the sea receded and again passed beyond its boundaries from
the re-flux waves, and deluged a great deal of the land, so that on the
retreat of the waters, the sea-skiffs were found lodged on the roofs of the
houses. The anniversary of this inundation, which they call the birthday of
an earthquake, is still commemorated at Alexandria by a yearly festival; a
general illumination is made throughout the city; they offer thankful
prayers to God, and celebrate the day very brilliantly and piously. An
excessive drought also occurred during this reign; the plants perished and
the air was corrupted; and for want of proper sustenance, men were obliged
to have recourse to the food usually eaten by other animals.

   The famine introduced peculiar diseases, by which many lives were lost.
Such was the state of the empire during the administration of Julian.

CHAP. III. -- THE REIGN OF JOVIAN; HE INTRODUCED MANY LAWS WHICH HE CARRIED
OUT IN HIS GOVERNMENT.

   AFTER the decease of Julian, the government of the empire was, by the
unanimous consent of the troops, tendered to Jovian. (4) When the army was
about to proclaim him emperor, he announced himself to be a Christian and
refused the sovereignty, nor would he receive the symbols of empire; but
when the soldiers discovered the cause of his refusal, they loudly
proclaimed that they were themselves Christians.

   The dangerous and disturbed condition in which affairs had been left by
Julian's strategy, and the sufferings of the army from famine in an enemy's
country, compelled Jovian to conclude a peace with the Persians, and to
cede to them some territories which had been formerly tributary to the
Romans. Having learned from experience that the impiety of his predecessor
had excited the wrath of God, and given rise to public calamities, he wrote
without delay to the governors of the provinces, directing that the people
should assemble together without fear in the churches, that they should
serve God with reverence, and that they should receive the Christian faith
as the only true religion. He restored to the churches and the clergy, to
the widows and the virgins, the same immunities and every former dotation
for the advantage and honor of religion, which had been granted by
Constantine and his sons, and afterwards withdrawn by Julian. He commanded
Secundus, (1) who was then a praetorian prefect, to constitute it a capital
crime to marry any of the holy virgins, or even to regard them with
unchaste desires and to carry them off.

   He enacted this law (2) on account of the wickedness which had
prevailed during the reign of Julian; for many had taken wives from among
the holy virgins, and, either by force or guile, had completely corrupted
them; and thence had proceeded that indulgence of disgraceful lusts with
impunity, which always occur when religion is abused.

CHAP. IV. -- TROUBLES AGAIN ARISE IN THE CHURCHES; SYNOD OF ANTIOCH, IN
WHICH THE NICENE FAITH IS CONFIRMED; THE POINTS WHICH THIS IMPORTANT SYNOD
WROTE ABOUT TO JOVIAN.

   THE presidents of the churches now resumed the agitation of doctrinal
questions and discussions. (3) They had remained quiet during the reign of
Julian when Christianity itself was endangered, and had unanimously offered
up their supplications for the mercy of God. It is thus that men, when
attacked by foreign enemies, remain in accord among themselves; but, when
external troubles are removed, then internal dissensions creep in; this,
however, is not a proper place for the citation of the numerous examples in
governments and nations which history affords of this fact.

   At this period Basil, bishop of Ancyra, Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus,
Sophronius, bishop of Pompeiopolis, and others of their party who regarded
the heresy of the Anomians, so-called, with the utmost aversion, and
received the term "similar as to substance," instead of the term
"consubstantial," wrote a treatise to the emperor; and after expressing
their thankfulness to God for his accession to the empire, besought him to
confirm the decrees issued at Ariminum and Seleucia, and to annul what had
been established merely by the zeal and power of certain individuals.

   They also entreated that, if division, which existed on account of the
Synods, should still prevail in the churches, the bishops from every region
might be convened alone in some place indicated by the emperor, and not be
permitted to assemble elsewhere and issue decrees at variance with each
other, as had been done during the reign of Constantius. They added that
they had not gone to visit him at his camp, because they were fearful of
being burdensome to him; but that if he desired to see them, they would
gladly repair to him, and defray all the expenses attendant on the journey
themselves. Such was the document written to the Emperor Jovian.

   At this juncture a council was convened at Antioch in Syria; the form
of belief established by the council of Nicaea was confirmed; and it was
decided that the Son is incontrovertibly of the same substance as the
Father. Meletius, who then governed the church of Antioch; Eusebius, bishop
of Samosata; Pelagius, bishop of Laodicea in Syria; Acacius, bishop of
Caesarea in Palestine; Irenius, bishop of Gaza; and Athanasius, bishop of
Ancyra, took part in this council.

   On the termination of the council they acquainted the emperor with the
transactions that had taken place, by dispatching the following letter: (4)
--

   "To the most religious and God-beloved Augustus, our Sovereign Jovian,
the Conqueror, from the bishops assembled from divers regions, at Antioch.

   "We know, O emperor, well-beloved of God, that your piety is fully
intent upon maintaining peace and concord in the Church; neither are we
ignorant that you have well received the impress of the chief point of such
unity, viz., the true and orthodox faith.

   "Lest, therefore, we should be reckoned among those who assail these
doctrines of truth, we attest to your piety that we receive and maintain
the form of belief which was anciently set forth by the holy council of
Nicaea. Now, although the term 'consubstantial' appears strange to some
persons, yet it was safely interpreted by the Fathers, and signifies that
the Son was begotten of the substance of the Father. This term does not
convey the idea of unbroken generation; neither does it coincide with the
use which the Greeks make of the word 'substance,' but it is calculated to
withstand the impious and rash allegation of Arius, that the Son proceeded
from what had had no previous existence. The Anomians who have just sprung
up have the shameless boldness to maintain this word to the grief of the
concord of the Church. We subjoin to this letter a copy of the formulary of
faith adopted by the bishops assembled at Nicaea, which we also cherish."

   Such were the decisions formed by the priests convened at Antioch; and
they appended to their letter a copy of the Nicene formulary of faith.

CHAP. V. --ATHANASIUS THE GREAT IS VERY HIGHLY ESTEEMED BY THE EMPEROR, AND
RULES OVER THE CHURCHES OF EGYPT. VISION OF ANTONY THE GREAT.

   AT this period, (1) Athanasius, who governed the see of Alexandria, and
some of his friends, deemed it requisite, as the emperor was a Christian,
to repair to his court. (2) Accordingly Athanasius went to Antioch, and
laid such matters before the emperor as he deemed expedient. Others,
however, say that the emperor sent for him in order to consult him
concerning the affairs relative to religion and the right tenet. When the
business of the Church had as far as possible been transacted, Athanasius
began to think of returning.

   Euzoius, bishop of the Arian heresy in Antioch, endeavored to install
Probatius, a eunuch who held the same sentiments as himself, in Alexandria.
The whole party of Euzoius conspired with him to effect this design; and
Lucius, a citizen of Alexandria, who had been ordained presbyter by George,
endeavored to prejudice the emperor against Athanasius, by representing (3)
that he had been accused of divers crimes and had been condemned to
perpetual banishment by preceding emperors, as the author of the
dissensions and troubles of the Church concerning the Divine Being. Lucius
likewise besought Jovian to appoint another bishop over the church of
Alexandria. The emperor, since he knew the plots which had happened against
Athanasius, attached no credit to the calumny, and with threatening,
commanded Lucius to retire quietly; he also ordered Probatius and the other
eunuchs belonging to his palace, whom he regarded as the originators of
these troubles,  to act more advisedly. From that period Jovian manifested
the greatest friendship towards Athanasius, and sent him back to Egypt,
with directions to govern the churches and people of that country as he
might think fit. It is also said that he passed commendations on the virtue
of the bishop, on his life, his intellectual endowments, and his eloquence.

   Thus, after having been exposed to opposition for a long while, as has
been narrated in the former books, was the Nicene faith fully re-
established under the present government; but further embarrassment awaited
it within a very short period. For, as it appeared afterwards, the whole of
the prediction of Antony the Monk was not fulfilled by the occurrences
which befell the Church during the reign of Constantius; part thereof was
not accomplished until the reign of Valens. It is said that before the
Arians got control of the churches during the reign of Constantius, Antony
had a dream in which he saw mules kicking the altar with their hoofs and
overturning the holy table. On awakening, he immediately predicted that the
Church would be troubled by the introduction of spurious and mixed
doctrines, and by the rebellion of the heterodox. The truth of this
prediction was evidenced by the events which occurred before and after the
period now under review.

CHAP. VI. -- DEATH OF JOVIAN; THE LIFE OF VALENTINIAN, AND HIS CONFIDENCE
IN GOD; HOW HE WAS ADVANCED TO THE THRONE AND SELECTED HIS BROTHER VALENS
TO REIGN WITH HIM; THE DIFFERENCES OF BOTH.

   AFTER Jovian had reigned about eight months, he died suddenly at
Dadastana, a town of Bithynia, while on his road to Constantinople. (4)
Some say that his death was occasioned by eating too plentiful a supper;
others attribute it to the dampness of the chamber in which he slept; for
it had been recently plastered with unslaked lime, and quantities of coals
had been burnt in it during the winter for a preventive; the walls had
become damp and were exceedingly moist.

   On the arrival of the troops at Nicaea in Bithynia, they proclaimed
Valentinian emperor. He was a good man and capable of holding the reins of
the empire. He had not long returned from banishment; for it is said that
Julian, immediately on his accession to the empire, erased the name of
Valentinian from the Jovian legions, as they were called, and condemned him
to perpetual banishment, under the pretext that he had failed in his duty
of leading out the soldiers under his command against the enemy. The true
reason of his condemnation, however, was the following: When Julian was in
Gaul, he went one day to a temple to offer incense. Valentinian (5)
accompanied him, according to an ancient Roman law, which still prevails,
and which enacted that the leader of the Jovians and the Herculeans (that
is to say, the legions of soldiers who have received this appellation in
honor of Jupiter and of Hercules) should always attend the emperor as his
body-guard. When they were about to enter the temple, the priest, in
accordance with the pagan custom, sprinkled water upon them with the branch
of a tree. A drop fell upon the robe of Valentinian; he scarcely could
restrain himself, for he was a Christian, and he rebuked his asperser; it
is even said that he cut off, in view of the emperor, the portion of the
garment on which the water had fallen, and flung it from him. From that
moment Julian entertained inimical feelings against him, and soon after
banished him to Melitine in Armenia, under the plea of misconduct in
military affairs; for he would not have religion regarded as the cause of
the decree, lest Valentinian should be accounted a martyr or a confessor.
Julian treated other Christians, as we have already stated, in the same
manner; for, as was said before, he perceived that to subject them to
hazards only added to their reputation, and tended to the consolidation of
their religion. As soon as Jovian succeeded to the throne, Valentinian was
recalled from banishment to Nicaea; but the death of the emperor in the
meantime took place, and Valentinian, by the unanimous consent of the
troops and those who held the chief positions in the government, was
appointed his successor. When he was invested with the symbols of imperial
power, the soldiers cried out that it was necessary to elect some one to
share the burden of government. To this proposition, Valentinian made the
following reply: "It depended on you alone, O soldiers to proclaim me
emperor; but now that you have elected me, it depends not upon you, but
upon me, to perform what you demand. Remain quiet, as subjects ought to do,
and leave me to act as an emperor in attending to the public affairs."

   Not long after this refusal to comply with the demand of the soldiery,
he repaired to Constantinople, and proclaimed his brother emperor. He gave
him the East as his share of the empire, and reserved to himself the
regions along the Western Ocean, from Illyria to the furthest coasts of
Libya. Both the brothers were Christians, but they differed in opinion and
disposition. For Valens, when he was baptized, employed Eudoxius as his
initiator, and was zealously attached to the doctrines of Arius, and would
readily have compelled all mankind by force to yield to them. Valentinian,
on the other hand, maintained the faith of the council of Nicaea, and
favored those who upheld the same sentiments, without molesting those who
entertained other opinions.

CHAP. VII. -- TROUBLES AGAIN ARISE IN THE CHURCHES, AND THE SYNOD OF
LAMPSACUS IS HELD. THE ARIANS WHO SUPPORTED EUDOXIUS PREVAIL AND EJECT THE
ORTHODOX FROM THE CHURCHES. AMONG THE EJECTED IS MELETIUS OF ANTIOCH.

   When Valentinian was journeying from Constantinople to Rome, (1) he had
to pass through Thrace; and the bishops of Hellespontus and of Bithynia,
with others, who maintained that the Son is consubstantial with the Father,
dispatched Hypatian, bishop of Heraclea in Perinthus, to meet him, and to
request permission to assemble themselves together for deliberation on
questions of doctrine.

   When Hypatian had delivered the message with which he was intrusted,
Valentinian made the following reply: "I am but one of the laity, and have
therefore no right to interfere in these transactions; let the priests, to
whom such matters appertain, assemble where they please." On receiving this
answer through Hypatian, their deputy, the bishops assembled at Lampsacus.

   After having conferred together for the space of two months, they
annulled all that had been decreed at Constantinople, through the
machinations of the partisans of Eudoxius and Acacius. They likewise
declared null and void the formulary of faith which had been circulated
under the false assertion that it was the compilation of the Western
bishops, and to which the signatures of many bishops had been obtained, by
the promise that the dogma of dissimilarity as to substance should be
condemned, -- a promise which had never been performed.

   They decreed that the doctrine of the Son being in substance like unto
the Father, should have the ascendancy; for they said that it was necessary
to resort to the use of the term "like" as indicative of the hypostases of
the Godhead. They agreed that the form of belief which had been confessed
at Seleucia, and set forth at the dedication of the church of Antioch,
should be maintained by all the churches.

   They directed that all the bishops who had been deposed by those who
hold that the Son is dissimilar from the Father, should forthwith be
reinstated in their sees, as having been unjustly ejected from their
churches. They declared that if any wished to bring accusations against
them, they would be permitted to do so, but under the penalty of incurring
the same punishment as that due to the alleged crime, should the accusation
prove to be false. The orthodox bishops of the province and of the
neighboring countries were to preside as judges, and to assemble in the
church, with the witnesses who were to make the depositions. After making
these decisions, the bishops summoned the partisans of Eudoxius, and
exhorted them to repentance; but as they would give no heed to these
remonstrances, the decrees enacted by the council were sent to all the
churches. Judging that Eudoxius would be likely to endeavor to persuade the
emperor to side with him, and would calumniate them, they determined to be
beforehand with him, and to send an account of their proceedings in
Lampsacus to the court.

   Their deputies met the Emperor Valens as he was returning from Heraclea
to Thrace, where he had been traveling in company with his brother, who had
gone on to Old Rome.

   Eudoxius, however, had previously gained over the emperor and his
courtiers to his own sentiments; so that when the deputies of the council
of Lampsacus presented themselves before Valens, he merely exhorted them
not to be at variance with Eudoxius. The deputies replied by reminding him
of the artifices to which Eudoxius had resorted at Constantinople, and of
his machinations to annul the decrees of the council of Seleucia; and these
representations kindled the wrath of Valens to such a pitch, that he
condemned the deputies to banishment, and made over the churches to the
partisans of Eudoxius. He then passed over into Syria, for he feared lest
the Persians should break the truce which they had concluded with Jovian
for thirty years. On finding, however, that the Persians were not disposed
to insurrection, he fixed his residence at Antioch. He sent Meletius, the
bishop, into banishment, but spared Paul, because he admired the sanctity
of his life. Those who were not in communion with Euzoius were either
ejected from the churches, or maltreated and harassed in some other form.

CHAP. VIII.-- REVOLT AND EXTRAORDINARY DEATH OF PROCOPIUS. ELEUSIUS, BISHOP
OF CYZICUS, AND EUNOMIUS, THE HERETIC. EUNOMIUS SUCCEEDS ELEUSIUS.

   IT is probable that a severe persecution might have ensued at this
juncture, had not Procopius commenced a civil war. (1) As he began to play
the tyrant at Constantinople, he soon collected a large army, and marched
against Valens.

   The latter quitted Syria, and met Procopius near Nacolia, a city of
Phrygia, and captured him alive through the treachery of Agelon and
Gomarius, two of his generals.

   Valens put him and his betrayers to a cruel death; and although it is
said that he had sworn to show favor to the two generals, he caused them to
be sawn asunder.

   He commanded Procopius to be fastened by the legs to two trees which
had been bent to the ground, and he allowed these to spring up; when the
trees were left to resume their natural position, the victim was torn in
twain.

   On the termination of this war, Valens retired to Nicaea, and finding
himself in possession of profound tranquillity, he again began to molest
those who differed from him in opinion concerning the Divine nature.

   His anger was unbounded against the bishops of the council of
Lampsacus, because they had condemned the Arian bishops and the formulary
of faith set forth at Ariminum.

   While under the influence of these resentful feelings, he summoned
Eleusius from Syria, and having called together a Synod of bishops who held
his own sentiments, he endeavored to compel him to assent to their
doctrines. Eleusius at first manfully refused compliance. But afterwards,
from the dread of exile and deprivation of his property, as was threatened
by the emperor, he yielded to the mandate. He soon repented of his
weakness, and on his return to Cyzicus he made a public confession of his
fault in the church, and urged the people to choose another bishop, for he
said that he could not discharge the duties of a priesthood after having
been a traitor to his own doctrine. The citizens respected his conduct and
were especially well-disposed to him, so that they did not choose to have
another bishop. Eudoxius, president of the Arians in Constantinople,
however, ordained Eunomius as bishop of Cyzicus; for he expected that by
his great powers of eloquence Eunomius would easily draw the people of
Cyzicus over to his own sentiments. On his arrival at that city he expelled
Eleusius, for he was furnished with an imperial edict to that effect, and
took possession of the churches himself.

   The followers of Eleusius built a house of prayer without the walls of
the city, and here they held their assemblies. I shall soon again have
occasion to revert to Eunomius and the heresy which bears his name.

CHAP.IX.-- SUFFERINGS OF THOSE WHO MAINTAINED THE NICENE FAITH. AGELIUS,
THE RULER OF THE NOVATIANS.

   The Christians who represented the Nicene doctrines and the followers
of the Novatian views (2) were treated with equal severity in the city of
Constantinople.

   They were all ultimately expelled from the city; and the churches of
the Novatians were closed by order of the emperor. The other party had no
churches to be closed, having been deprived of them all during the reign of
Constantius.

   At this period, Agelius who, from the time of Constantius, had governed
the church of the Novatians at Constantinople, was condemned to banishment.
It is said that he was especially remarkable for his course of life
according to the ecclesiastical laws. With respect to his mode of life, he
had attained to the highest degree of philosophy, namely, freedom from
worldly possessions; this was evidenced by his daily conduct; he had but
one tunic, and always walked barefooted. Not long after his banishment, he
was recalled, received the churches under him, and boldly convened churches
through the influence of Marcian, a man of extraordinary virtue and
eloquence, who had formerly been enrolled among the troops of the palace,
but at this period was a presbyter of the Novatian heresy, and the teacher
of grammar to Anastasia and Carosa, (1) the daughters of the emperor. There
are still baths at Constantinople which bear the names of these princesses.
It was for the sake of Marcian alone that the privilege above-mentioned was
conceded to the Novatians.

CHAP. X. -- CONCERNING VALENTINIAN THE YOUNGER  AND GRATIAN. PERSECUTION
UNDER VALENS. THE HOMOOUSIANS, BEING OPPRESSED BY THE ARIANS AND
MACEDONIANS, SEND AN EMBASSY TO ROME?

   ABOUT this period, a son was born to Valentinian in the West, to whom
the emperor gave his own name. Not long after, he proclaimed his son
Gratian emperor; this prince was born before his father held the
government.

   In the meantime, although hailstones of extraordinary magnitude fell in
various places, and although many cities, particularly Nicaea in Bithynia,
were shaken by earthquakes, yet Valens, the emperor, and Eudoxius, the
bishop, paused not in their career, but continued to persecute all
Christians who differed from them in opinion. They succeeded to the utmost
of their expectations in their machinations against those who adhered to
the Nicene doctrines; for throughout the greater time of Valens' rule,
particularly in Thrace, Bithynia, and the Hellespont, and still further
beyond, these Christians had neither churches nor priests. Valens and
Eudoxius then directed their resentment against the Macedonians, who were
more in number than the Christians above mentioned in that region, and
persecuted them without measure.

   The Macedonians, in, apprehension of further sufferings, sent deputies
to various cities, and finally agreed to have recourse to Valentinian and
to the bishop of Rome rather than share in  the faith of Eudoxius and
Valens and their followers; and when this seemed favorable for execution,
they selected three of their own number, -- Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste;
Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus; and Theophilus, bishop of Castabalis, -- and
sent them to the Emperor Valentinian; they likewise intrusted them with a
letter, addressed to Liberius, bishop of Rome, and to the other priests of
the West, in which they entreated them as prelates who had adhered to the
faith approved and confirmed by the apostles, and who before others ought
to watch over religion, to receive their deputies with all confirmation,
and to confer with them about what should be done in the interval until the
affairs of the Church could be approvedly set in order.

   When the deputies arrived in Italy, they found that the emperor was in
Gaul, engaged in war against the barbarians. As they considered that it
would be perilous to visit the seat of war in Gaul, they delivered their
letter to Liberius. (3) After having conferred with him concerning the
objects of their embassy, they condemned Arius and those who held and
taught his doctrines; they renounced all heresies opposed to the faith
established at Nicaea; and received the term "consubstantial," as being a
word that conveys the same signification as the expression "like in
substance." When they had presented a confession of faith, analogous to the
above, to Liberius, he received them into communion with himself, and wrote
to the bishops of the East, commending the orthodoxy of their faith, and
detailing what had passed in the conference he had held with them. The
confession of faith made by Eustathius and his companions was as follows: -
-

CHAP. XI.--THE CONFESSION OF EUSTATHIUS, SILVANUS, AND THEOPHILUS, THE
DEPUTIES OF THE MACEDONIANS, TO LIBERIUS, BISHOP OF ROME.

   "To Liberius, our Lord and Brother, and Fellow-minister--Eustathius,
Silvanus, and Theophilus send greeting in the Lord. (4)

   "On account of the mad opinions of the heretics who do not cease to
keep on sowing scandals for the Catholic churches, we who nullify their
every attack confess the Synod which was held at Lampsacus, the one at
Smyrna and the councils held in other places, by the orthodox bishops. We
have furnished letters and sent on an embassy to your Goodness, as likewise
to all the other bishops of Italy and of the West, to confirm and preserve
the Catholic faith, which was established at the holy council of Nicaea, by
the blessed Constantine and three hundred and eighteen God-fearing fathers.

   "This remains, by an unmixed and immovable settlement, until now, and
will remain perpetually in which the term 'consubstantial' is fixed in all
holiness and piety in testimony against the perverseness of Arius. We
confess, each with his own hand, that we with the aforesaid have always
held this same faith, that we still hold it, and that we shall adhere to it
to the last. We condemn Arius, his impious dogmas, and his disciples. We
also condemn the heresies of Patropasianus, (1) of Photinus, of Marcellus,
of Paul of Samosata, and all who maintain such doctrines themselves. We
anathematize all heresies opposed to the aforesaid faith established by the
saintly fathers at Nicaea. We anathematize Arius especially, and condemn
all such decrees as were enacted at Ariminum, in opposition to the
aforesaid faith established by the holy council of Nicaea. We were formerly
deluded by the guile and perjury of certain parties, and subscribed to
these decrees when they were transmitted to Constantinople from Nicaea, a
city of Thrace."

   After this confession they subjoined a copy of the entire formulary of
Nicaea to their own creed, and, having received from Liberius a written
account of all that they had transacted, they sailed to Sicily.

CHAP. XII. -- COUNCILS OF SICILY AND OF TYANA. THE SYNOD WHICH WAS EXPECTED
TO BE HELD IN CILICIA IS DISSOLVED BY VALENS. THE PERSECUTION AT THAT TIME.
ATHANASIUS THE GREAT FLEES AGAIN, AND IS IN CONCEALMENT; BY THE LETTER OF
VALENS HE REAPPEARS, AND GOVERNS THE CHURCHES IN EGYPT.

   A Council was convened at Sicily; (2) and after the same doctrines had
been confirmed as those set forth in the confession of the deputies, the
assembly was dissolved.

   At the same time, a council was held at Tyana; and Eusebius, bishop of
Caesarea in Cappadocia, Athanasius, bishop of Ancyra, Pelagius, bishop of
Laodicea, Zeno, bishop of Tyre, Paul, bishop of Emesa, Otreus, bishop of
Melitene, and Gregory, bishop of Nazianzen, were present with many others,
who, during the reign of Jovian, had assembled at Antioch, and determined
to maintain the doctrine of the Son being consubstantial with the Father.
The letters of Liberius and the Western bishops were read at this council.
These letters afforded high satisfiction to the members of the council; and
they wrote to all the churches, desiring them to peruse the decrees of the
bishops in Asia, (2) and the documents written by Liberius and the bishops
of Italy, of Africa, of Gaul, and of Sicily, which had been intrusted to
the deputies of the council of Lampsacus. They urged them to reflect on the
great number of persons by whom these documents had been drawn up, and who
were far more in number than the members of the council of Ariminum, and
exhorted them to be of one mind, and to enter into communion with them, to
signify the same by writing, and finally to assemble together at Tarsus in
Cilicia before the end of the spring. On a fixed date which they
prescribed, they urged one another to convene. On the approach of the
appointed day, when the Synod was on the point of assembling at Tarsus,
about thirty-four of the Asiatic bishops came together in Curia, in the
province of Asia, commended the design of establishing uniformity of belief
in the Church, but objected to the term "consubstantial," and insisted that
the formularies of faith set forth by the councils of Antioch and Seleucia,
and maintained by Lucian, the martyr, and by many of their predecessors,
with dangers and tensions, ought to obtain the ascendancy over all others.

   The emperor, at the instigation of Eudoxius, prevented by letter the
council from being convened in Cilicia, and even prohibited it under severe
penalties. He also wrote to the governors of the provinces, commanding them
to eject all bishops from their churches who had been banished by
Constantine (3) and who had again taken up their priesthood under the
Emperor Julian. On account of this order, those who were at the head of the
government of Egypt were anxious to deprive Athanasius of his bishopric and
expel him from the city; for no light punishment was inserted in the
imperial letters; for unless the injunctions were fulfilled, all the
magistrates equally, and the soldiers under them, and counselors were
condemned to the payment of much money and also threatened with bodily
maltreatment. (4)

   The majority of Christians of the city, however, assembled and besought
the governor not to banish Athanasius without further consideration of the
terms of the imperial letter, which merely specified all bishops who had
been banished by Constantius and recalled by Julian and it was manifest
that Athanasius was not of this number, inasmuch as he had been recalled by
Constantius and had resumed his bishopric; but Julian, at the very time
that all the other bishops had been recalled, persecuted him, and finally
Jovian recalled him. The governor was by no means convinced by these
arguments; nevertheless, he restrained himself and did not give way to the
use of force. The people ran together from every quarter; there was much
commotion and perturbation throughout the city; an insurrection was
expected; he therefore advised the emperor of the facts and allowed the
bishop to remain in the city. Some days afterwards, when the popular
excitement had seemingly abated, Athanasius secretly quitted the city at
dusk, and concealed himself somewhere. The very same night, the governor of
Egypt and the military chief took possession of the church in which
Athanasius generally dwelt, and sought him in every part of the edifice,
and even on the roof, but in vain; for they had calculated upon seizing the
moment when the popular commotion had partially subsided and when the whole
city was wrapt in sleep, to execute the mandate of the emperor, and to
transport Athanasius quietly from the city.

   Not to have found Athanasius naturally excited universal astonishment.
Some attributed his escape to a special revelation from above; others to
the advice of some of his followers; both had the same result; but more
than human prudence seems to have been requisite to foresee and to avoid
such a plot. Some say, that as soon as the people gave indications of being
disposed to sedition, he concealed himself among the tombs of his
ancestors, being apprehensive lest he should be regarded as the cause of
any disturbances that might ensue; and that he afterwards retreated to some
other place of concealment.

   The Emperor Valens, soon after, wrote to grant permission for him to
return and hold his church. It is very doubtful, whether, in making this
concession, Valens acted according to his own inclination. I rather imagine
that, on reflecting on the esteem in which Athanasius was universally held,
he feared to excite the displeasure of the Emperor Valentinian, who was
well-known to be attached to the Nicene doctrines; or perhaps he was
apprehensive of a commotion on the part of the many admirers of the bishop,
lest some innovation might injure the public affairs.

   I also believe that the Arian presidents did not, on this occasion,
plead very vehemently against Athanasius; for they considered that, if he
were ejected from the city, he would probably traduce them to the emperors
and then would have an occasion for conference with respect to them, and
might possibly succeed in persuading Valens to adopt his own sentiments,
and in arousing the anger of the like-minded Valentinian against
themselves.

   They were greatly troubled by the evidences of the virtue and courage
of Athanasius, which had been afforded by the events which had transpired
during the reign of Constantius. He had, in fact, so skilfully evaded the
plots of his enemies, that they had been constrained to consent to his
reinstallation in the government of the churches of Egypt; and yet he could
scarcely be induced to return from Italy, although letters had been
dispatched by Constantius to that effect.

   I am convinced that it was solely from these reasons that Athanasius
was not expelled from his church like the other bishops, who were subjected
to as cruel a persecution as ever was inflicted by pagans.

   Those who would not change their doctrinal tenets were banished; their
houses of prayer were taken from them, and placed in the possession of
those who held opposite sentiments. Egypt alone was, during the life of
Athanasius, exempted from this persecution.

CHAP. XIII. -- DEMOPHILUS, AN ARIAN, BECAME BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE AFTER
EUDOXIUS. THE PIOUS ELECT EVAGRIUS. ACCOUNT OF THE PERSECUTION WHICH
ENSUED.

   ABOUT this time the Emperor Valens went to Antioch on the Orontes;
while he was on his journey Eudoxius died, after having governed the
churches of Constantinople during the space of eleven years. (1) Demophilus
was immediately ordained as his successor by the Arian bishops. The
followers of the Nicene doctrines, believing that the course of events was
in their power, elected Evagrius as their bishop. He had been ordained by
Eustathius, who had formerly governed the church of Antioch in Syria, and
who having been recalled from banishment by Jovian, lived in a private
manner at Constantinople, and devoted himself to the instruction of those
who held his sentiments, exhorting them to perseverance in their view of
the Divine Being. The Arian heretics were stirred to revolt, and commenced
a violent persecution against those who had participated in the ordination
of Evagrius. The Emperor Valens, who was then at Nicomedia, on being
apprised of the occurrences that had taken place in Constantinople since
the death of Eudoxius, was fearful lest any interest of the city should
suffer by sedition, and therefore sent thither as many troops as he thought
requisite to preserve tranquillity.

   Eustathius was arrested by his command and banished to Bizya, a city of
Thrace, and Evagrius was exiled to some other region. And such was the
manner of this event.

CHAP. XIV. -- ACCOUNT OF THE EIGHTY PIOUS DELE-  GATES IN NICOMEDIA, WHOM
VALENS BURNED WITH THE VESSEL IN MID-SEA.

   THE Arians, as is customary with the prosperous, because more insolent,
(1) persecuted unmercifully all Christians whose religious sentiments were
opposed to their own.

   These Christians being exposed to bodily injuries, and betrayed to
magistrates and prisons, and finding themselves moreover gradually
impoverished by the frequent fines, were at length compelled to appeal for
redress to the emperor. Although exceedingly angry, the emperor did not
openly manifest any wrath, but secretly commanded the prefect to seize and
slay the whole deputation. But the prefect, being apprehensive that a whole
popular insurrection would be excited if he were to put so many good and
religious men to death without any of the forms of justice, pretended that
they were to be sent into exile, and under this pretext compelled them to
embark on board a ship, to which they assented with the most perfect
resignation. When they had sailed to about the center of the bay, which was
called Astacius, the sailors, according to the orders they had received,
set fire to the vessel and leaped into the tender. A wind arising, the ship
was blown along to Dacibiza, a place on the sea-coast of Bithynia; but no
sooner had it neared the shore, than it was utterly consumed with all the
men on board.

CHAP. XV. -- DISPUTES BETWEEN EUSEBIUS, BISHOP OF CAESAREA, AND BASIL THE
GREAT. HENCE THE ARIANS TOOK COURAGE AND CAME TO CAESAREA, AND WERE
REPULSED.

   WHEN Valens quitted Nicomedia, he went on to Antioch; (2) and in
passing through Cappadocia he did all in his power, according to custom, to
injure the orthodox and to deliver up the churches to the Arians. He
thought to accomplish his designs the more easily on account of a dispute
(3) which was then pending between Basil and Eusebius, who then governed
the church of Caesarea. This dissension had been the cause of Basil's
departing from Pontus, where he lived conjointly with some monks who
pursued the philosophy. The people and some of the most powerful and the
wisest men in the city began to regard Eusebius with suspicion,
particularly as they considered him the cause of the withdrawal of one who
was equally celebrated for his piety and his eloquence; and they
accordingly began to plan a secession and the holding of separate church.
In the meantime Basil, fearing to be a source of further trouble to the
Church, which was already rent by the dissensions of heretics, remained in
retirement in the monasteries at Pontus. The emperor and the bishops of the
Arian heresy, who were always attached to his suite, were more inspirited
in their designs by the absence of Basil and the hatred of the people
towards Eusebius. But the event was contrary to their judgment. On the
first intelligence of the intention of the emperor to pass through
Cappadocia, Basil quitted Pontus and returned to Caesarea, where he
effected a reconciliation with Eusebius, and by his eloquence he
opportunely aided the Church. The projects of Valens were thus defeated,
and he returned with his bishops without having accomplished any of his
designs.

CHAP. XVI. -- BASIL BECOMES BISHOP OF CAESAREA AFTER EUSEBIUS; HIS BOLDNESS
TOWARDS THE EMPEROR AND THE PREFECT.

   SOME time after, the emperor again visited Cappadocia, and found that
Basil was administering the churches there after the death of Eusebius. (4)
He thought of expelling him, but was unwillingly restrained from his
intention. It is said that the night after he had formed his plans his wife
was disturbed by a frightful dream, and that his only son Galates was cut
off by a rapid disease. The death of this son was universally attributed to
the vengeance of God as a punishment of his parents for the machinations
that had been carried on against Basil. Valens himself was of this opinion,
and, after the death of his son, offered no further molestation to the
bishop.

   When the prince was sinking under the disease, and at the point of
death, the emperor sent for Basil and requested him to pray to God for his
son's recovery. For as soon as Valens had arrived at Caesarea, the prefect
had sent for Basil and commanded him to embrace the religious sentiments of
the emperor, menacing him with death in case of non-compliance. Basil
replied that it would be great gain to him and the grant of the highest
favor to be delivered as quickly as possible from the bondage of the body.
The prefect gave him the rest of the day and the approaching night for
deliberation, and advised him not to rush imprudently into obvious danger,
but that he should come on the day after and declare his opinion. "I do not
require to deliberate," replied Basil. "My determination will be the same
to-morrow as it is to-day; for since I am a creature I can never be induced
to worship that which is similar to myself and worship it as God; neither
will I conform to your religion, nor to that of the emperor. Although your
distinction may be great, and although you have the honor of ruling no
inconsiderable portion of the empire, yet I ought not on these accounts to
seek to please men, and, at the same time, belittle that Divine faith which
neither loss of goods, nor exile, nor condemnation to death would ever
impel me to betray. Inflictions of this nature have never excited in my
mind one pang of sorrow. I possess nothing but a cloak and a few books. I
dwell on the earth as a traveler. The body through its weakness would have
the better of all sensation and torture after the first blow."

   The prefect admired the courage evinced in this bold reply, and
communicated the circumstance to the emperor. On the festival of the
Epiphany, the emperor repaired to the church with the rulers and his
guards, presented gifts at the holy table, and held a conference with
Basil, whose wisdom and whose order and arrangement in the conduct of the
priesthood and the church elicited his praise.

   Not long after, however, the calumny of his enemies prevailed, and
Basil was condemned to banishment. The night for the execution of the edict
was at hand; the son of the emperor suddenly fell ill with a pressing and
dangerous fever. The father prostrated himself on the earth and wept over
the son who was still alive, and not knowing what other measures to take
towards effecting the recovery of his son, he dispatched some of his
attendants to Basil to come and visit the prostrate child; because he
himself feared to summon the bishop, on account of the injury just
inflicted upon him. Immediately on the arrival of Basil, the boy began to
rally; so that many maintain that his recovery would have been complete,
had not some heretics been summoned to pray with Basil for the restoration
of the boy. It is said that the prefect, likewise, fell ill; but that on
his repentance, and on prayer being offered to God, he was restored to
health. The instances above adduced are quite inadequate to convey an idea
of the wonderful endowments of Basil; his extreme addiction to the
philosophic life and astonishing powers of eloquence attracted great
celebrity.

CHAP. XVII. -- FRIENDSHIP OF BASIL AND OF GREGORY, THE THEOLOGIAN; BEING
PEERS IN WISDOM, THEY DEFEND THE NICENE DOCTRINES.

   BASIL and Gregory were contemporaries, and they were recognized to be
equally intent, so to speak, upon the cultivation of the virtues. (1) They
(2) had both studied in their youth at Athens, under Himerius and
Proaeresius, the most approved sophists of the age; and afterwards at
Antioch, under Libanius, the Syrian. But as they subsequently conceived a
contempt for sophistry and the study of the law, they determined to study
philosophy according to the law of the Church. After having spent some time
in the pursuit of the sciences, taught by pagan philosophers, they entered
upon the study of the commentaries which Origen and the best approved
authors who lived before and after his time, have written in explanation of
the Sacred Scriptures.

   They rendered great assistance to those who, like themselves,
maintained the Nicene doctrines, for they manfully opposed the dogmas of
the Arians, proving that these heretics did not rightly understand either
the data upon which they proceeded, nor the opinions of Origen, upon which
they mainly depended. These two holy men divided the perils of their
undertaking, either by mutual agreement, or, as I have been informed, by
lot. The cities in the neighborhood of Pontus fell to the lot of Basil; and
here he founded numerous monasteries, and, by teaching the people, he
persuaded them to hold like views with himself. After the death of his
father, Gregory acted as bishop of the small city of Nazianzus, (3) but
resided on that account in a variety of places, and especially at
Constantinople. Not long after he was appointed by the vote of many priests
to act as president of the people there; for there was then neither bishop
nor church in Constantinople, and the doctrines of the council of Nicaea
were almost extinct.

CHAP. XVIII. -- THE PERSECUTION WHICH OCCURRED AT ANTIOCH, ON THE ORONTES.
THE PLACE OF PRAYER IN EDESSA, CALLED AFTER THE APOSTLE THOMAS; THE
ASSEMBLY THERE, AND CONFESSION OF THE INHABITANTS OF EDESSA.

   THE emperor went to Antioch, and entirely ejected from the churches of
that city and of the neighboring cities all those who adhered to the Nicene
doctrines; (4) moreover, he oppressed them with manifold punishments; as
some affirm, he commanded many to be put to death in various ways, and
caused others to be cast into the river Orontes. Having heard that there
was a magnificent oratory at Edessa, named after the Apostle Thomas, he
went to see it. He beheld the members of the Catholic Church assembled for
worship in the plain before the walls of the city; for there, too, they had
been deprived of their houses of prayer. It is said that the emperor
reproached the prefect thoroughly and struck him on the jaw with his fist
for having permitted these congregations contrary to his edict. Modestus
(for this was the name of the prefect), although he was himself a heretic,
secretly warned the people of Edessa not to meet for prayer on the
accustomed spot the next day; for he had received orders from the emperor
to punish all who should be seized. He uttered such threats with the
forethought that none, or at least but a few, would incur danger, and with
the desire to appease the wrath of the monarch. But the people of Edessa,
totally disregarding the threat, ran together with more than their
customary zeal, and filled the usual place of meeting.

   Modestus, on being apprised of their proceedings, was undecided as to
what measures ought to be adopted, and repaired in embarrassment to the
plain with the throng. A woman, leading a child by the hand, and trailing
her mantle in a way unbefitting the decency of women, forced her way
through the files of the soldiers who were conducted by the prefect, as if
bent upon some affair of importance. Modestus remarked her conduct, ordered
her to be arrested, and summoned her into his presence, to inquire the
cause of her running. She replied that she was hastening to the plain where
the members of the Catholic Church were assembled. "Know you not," replied
Modestus, "that the prefect is on his way thither for the purpose of
condemning to death all who are found on the spot?" "I have heard so,"
replied she, "and this is the very reason of my haste; for I am fearful of
arriving too late, and thus losing the honor of martyrdom for God." The
governor having asked her why she took her child with her, she replied, "In
order that he may share in the common suffering, and participate in the
same reward." Modestus, struck with astonishment at the courage of this
woman, went to the emperor, and, acquainting him with what had occurred,
persuaded him not to carry out a design which he showed to be disgraceful
and disastrous. Thus was the Christian faith confessed by the whole city of
Edessa.

CHAP. XIX. -- DEATH OF THE GREAT ATHANASIUS; THE ELEVATION OF LUCIUS, WHO
WAS ARIAN-MINDED, TO THE SEE; THE NUMEROUS CALAMITIES HE BROUGHT UPON THE
CHURCHES IN EGYPT;  PETER, WHO SERVED AFTER ATHANASIUS, PASSED   OVER TO
ROME.

   ATHANASIUS, bishop of the church of Alexandria, died about this period,
after having completed his high-priesthood in about forty-six years. (1)
The Arians having received early intelligence of his death, Euzoius,
president of the Arians at Antioch, and Magnus, the chief treasurer, were
sent by the emperor, and lost no time in seizing and imprisoning Peter,
whom Athanasius had appointed to succeed him in the bishopric; and they
forthwith transferred the government of the church to Lucius.

   Hence those in Egypt suffered more grievously than those in other
places, and misfortunes piled upon misfortunes oppressed the members of the
Catholic Church; for as soon as Lucius settled in Alexandria, he attempted
to take possession of the churches; he met with opposition from the people,
and the clergy and holy virgins were accused as originators of the
sedition. Some made their escape as if the city had fallen into the hands
of an enemy; others were seized and imprisoned. Some of the prisoners were
afterwards dragged from the dungeons to be torn with hooks and thongs,
while others were burned by means of flaming torches. It seemed wonderful
how they could possibly survive the tortures to which they were subjected.
Banishment or even death itself would have been preferable to such
sufferings. Peter, the bishop, made his escape from prison; and embarking
on board a ship, proceeded to Rome, the bishop of which church held the
same sentiments as himself. Thus the Arians, although not many in number,
remained in possession of the churches. At the same time, an edict was
issued by the emperor, enacting that as many of the followers of the Nicene
doctrines should be ejected from Alexandria and the rest of Egypt, as might
be directed by Lucius. Euzoius, having thus accomplished all his designs,
returned to Antioch.

CHAP. XX. -- PERSECUTION OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS, AND OF THE DISCIPLES OF ST.
ANTONY. THEY WERE ENCLOSED IN A CERTAIN ISLAND ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR
ORTHODOXY; THE MIRACLES WHICH THEY WROUGHT.

   Lucius went with the general of the soldiers in Egypt, against the
monks in the desert; (2) for he imagined that if he could overcome their
opposition by interrupting the tranquillity which they loved, he would meet
with fewer obstacles in drawing over to his party the Christians who
inhabited the cities. The monasteries of this country were governed by
several individuals of eminent sanctity, who were strenuously opposed to
the heresy of Arius. The people, who were neither willing nor competent to
enter upon the investigation of doctrinal questions, received their
opinions from them, and thought with them; for they were persuaded that men
whose virtue was manifested by their deeds were in possession of truth. We
have heard that the leaders of these Egyptian ascetics were two men of the
name of Macarius, of whom mention has already been made, (1) Pambo and
Heraclides, and other disciples of Antony.

   On reflecting that the Arians could never succeed in establishing an
ascendency over the Catholic Church, unless the monks could be drawn over
to their party, Lucius determined to have recourse to force to compel the
monks to side with him, since he was unable to persuade them. But here
again his scheme failed; for the monks were prepared to subject their necks
to the sword rather than to swerve from the Nicene doctrines. It is related
that, at the very time that the soldiers were about to attack them a man
whose limbs were withered and who was unable to stand on his feet was
carried to them; and that when they had anointed him with oil, and
commanded him in the name of Christ, whom Lucius persecuted, to arise and
go to his house, he suddenly became whole. This miraculous cure openly
manifested the necessity of adopting the sentiments of those to whom God
himself had testified as possessing the truth, while Lucius was condemned,
in that God heard their prayers and had healed the sick.

   But the plotters against the monks were not led to repentance by this
miracle; on the contrary, they arrested these holy men by night, and
conveyed them to an island of Egypt, concealed in the swamps. The
inhabitants of this island had never heard of the Christian faith, and were
devoted to the service of demons: the island contained a temple of great
antiquity which was held in great reverence. It is said that when the monks
landed on the island, the daughter of the priest, who was possessed of a
devil, went to them. The girl ran screaming towards them; and the people of
the island, astonished at her sudden and strange conduct, followed. When
she drew near the ship in which were the holy messengers, she flung herself
pleadingly upon the ground, and exclaimed supplicatingly in a loud voice,
"Wherefore are you come to us, O servants of the great God? for we have
long dwelt in this island as our residence; we have troubled no one.
Unknown to men, we have   concealed ourselves here, and are everywhere
surrounded by these marshes. If, however, it please you, accept our
possessions, and fix your abode here; we will quit the island."

   Such were her utterances. Macarius and his companions rebuked the
demon, and the girl became sane. Her father and all her house, with the
inhabitants of the island, immediately embraced Christianity, and after
demolishing their temple, they transformed it into a church. On these
occurrences being reported at Alexandria, Lucius was overcome with
immoderate grief; and, fearing lest he should incur the hatred of his own
partisans, and be accused of warring against God, and not against man, he
sent secret orders for Macarius and his companions to be re-conveyed to
their own dwellings in the wilderness. Thus did Lucius occasion troubles
and commotions in Egypt.

   About the same period, Didymus the philosopher and several other
illustrious men acquired great renown. Struck by their virtue, and by that
of the monks, the people followed their doctrines and opposed those of the
partisans of Lucius.

   The Arians, though not so strong in point of numbers as the other
party, grievously persecuted the church of Egypt.

CHAP. XXI. -- LIST OF THE PLACES IN WHICH THE NICENE DOCTRINES WERE
REPRESENTED; FAITH MANIFESTED BY THE SCYTHIANS; VETRANIO, THE LEADER OF
THIS RACE.

   ARIANISM met with similar opposition at the same period in Osroene; but
in the Cappadocias, Providence allotted such a divine and most educated
pair of men, -- Basil, the bishop of Caesarea in that country, and Gregory,
bishop of Nazianzen. (2) Syria and the neighboring provinces, and more
especially the city of Antioch, were plunged into confusion and disorder;
for the Arians were very numerous in these parts, and had possession of the
churches. The members of the Catholic Church were not, however, few in
number. They were called Eustathians and Paulinists, and were under the
guidance of Paulinus and Meletius, as has been before stated. It was
through their instrumentality that the church of Antioch was preserved from
the encroach-merits of the Arians, and enabled to resist the zeal of the
emperor and of those in power about him. Indeed, it appears that in all the
churches which were governed by brave men, the people   did not deviate
from their former opinions.

   It is said that this was the cause of the firmness with which the
Scythians adhered to their faith. There are in this country a great number
of cities, villages, and fortresses. The metropolis is called Tomi; it is a
large and populous city, and lies on the sea-shore to the left of one
sailing to the sea, called the Euxine.

   According to an ancient custom which still prevails, all the churches
of the whole country are under the sway of one bishop. (1)

   Vetranio ruled over these churches at the period that the emperor
visited Tomi. Valens repaired to the church, and strove, according to his
usual custom, to gain over the bishop to the heresy of Arius; but this
latter manfully opposed his arguments, and after a courageous defense of
the Nicene doctrines, quitted the emperor and proceeded to another church,
whither he was followed by the people. Almost the entire city bad crowded
to see the emperor, for they expected that something extraordinary would
result from this interview with the bishop.

   Valens was extremely offended at being left alone in the church with
his attendants, and in resentment, condemned Vetranio to banishment. Not
long after, however, he recalled him, because, I believe, he apprehended an
insurrection; for the Scythians were offended at the absence of their
bishop.

   He well knew that the Scythians were a courageous nation, and that
their country, by the position of its places, possessed many natural
advantages which rendered it necessary to the Roman Empire, for it served
as a barrier to ward off the barbarians.

   Thus was the intention of the ruler openly frustrated by Vetranio. The
Scythians themselves testify that he was good in all other respects and
eminent for the virtue of his life.

   The resentment of the emperor was visited upon all the clergy except
those of the Western churches; for Valentinian, who reigned over the
Western regions, was an admirer of the Nicene doctrines, and was imbued
with so much reverence for religion, that he never imposed any commands
upon the priests, nor ever attempted to introduce any alteration for better
or for worse in ecclesiastical regulations. Although he had become one of
the best of emperors, and had shown his capacity to rule affairs, he
considered that ecclesiastical matters were beyond the range of his
jurisdiction.

CHAP. XXII. -- AT THAT TIME, THE DOCTRINE OF THE HOLY GHOST WAS AGITATED,
AND IT WAS DECIDED THAT HE IS TO BE CONSIDERED CONSUBSTANTIAL WITH THE
FATHER AND THE SON.

   A QUESTION was renewed at this juncture which had previously excited
much inquiry and now more; namely, whether the Holy Ghost is or is not to
be considered consubstantial with the Father and the Son?

   Many contentions and debates ensued on this subject, similar to those
which had been held concerning the nature of God the Word. Those who
asserted that the Son is dissimilar from the Father, and those who insisted
that He is similar in substance to the Father, came to one common opinion
concerning the Holy Ghost; for both parties maintained that the Holy Ghost
differs in substance, and that He is but the Minister and the third in
point of order, honor, and substance. Those, on the contrary, who believed
that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, held also the same view
about the Spirit. This doctrine was nobly maintained in Syria by
Apolinarius, bishop of Laodicea; in Egypt by Athanasius, (3) the bishop;
and in Cappadocia and in the churches of Pontus by Basil  (4) and Gregory.
(5) The bishop of Rome, on learning that this question was agitated with
great acrimony, and that it of course was augmented daily by controversies,
wrote to the churches of the East and urged them to receive the doctrine
upheld by the Western clergy; namely, that the three Persons of the Trinity
are of the same substance and of equal dignity. The question having been
thus decided by the Roman churches, peace was restored, and the inquiry
appeared to have an end.

CHAP. XXIII. -- DEATH OF LIBERIUS, BISHOP OF ROME. HE IS SUCCEEDED BY
DAMASUS AND SYRICIUS . (6) ORTHODOX DOCTRINES PREVAIL EVERYWHERE THROUGHOUT
THE WEST, EXCEPT AT MILAN, WHERE AUXENTIUS IS THE HIGH-PRIEST. SYNOD HELD
AT ROME, BY WHICH AUXENTIUS IS DEPOSED; THE DEFINITION WHICH IT SENT BY
LETTER.

   ABOUT this period Liberius died, (7) and Damasus succeeded to the see
of Rome. (8) A deacon named Ursicius, who had obtained some votes in his
favor, but could not endure the defeat, therefore caused himself to be
clandestinely ordained by some bishops of little note, and endeavored to
create a division among the people and to hold a separate church. He
succeeded in effecting this division, and some of the people respected him
as bishop, while the rest adhered to Damasus. This gave rise to much
contention and revolt among the  people, which at length proceeded to the
evil of wounds and murder. The prefect of Rome was obliged to interfere,
and to punish many of the people and of the clergy; and he put an end to
the attempt of Ursicius. (1)

   With respect to doctrine, however, no dissension arose either at Rome
or in any other of the Western churches. The people unanimously adhered to
the form of belief established at Nicaea, and regarded the three persons of
the Trinity as equal in dignity and in power.

   Auxentius and his followers differed from the others in opinion; he was
then president of the church in Milan, and, in conjunction with a few
partisans, was intent upon the introduction of innovations, and the
maintenance of the Arian dogma of the dissimilarity of the Son and of the
Holy Ghost, according to the inquiry which had last sprung up, in
opposition to the unanimous agreement of the Western priests. The bishops
of Gaul and of Venetia having reported that similar attempts to disturb the
peace of the Church were being made by others among them, the bishops of
several provinces assembled not long after at Rome, and decreed that
Auxentius and those who held his sentiments should be aliens from their
communion. They confirmed the traditional faith established by the council
of Nicaea, and annulled all the decrees that had been issued at Ariminum
contrary to that faith, under the plea that these decrees had not received
the assent of the bishop of Rome, nor of other bishops who agreed with
them, and that many who had been present at the Synod, had disapproved of
the enactments there made by them. That such was the decision really formed
by the Synod is testified by the epistle (2) addressed by Damasus, the
Roman bishop, and the rest of the assembly, to the bishops of Illyria. It
is as follows: (3) --

   "Damasus, Valerius, (4) and the other bishops of the holy assembly
convened at Rome to the dearly beloved brethren settled in IIlyria,
greeting in the Lord.

   "We believe that you uphold and teach to the people our holy faith,
which is rounded on the doctrine of the apostles. This faith differs in no
respect from that defined by the Fathers; neither is it allowable for the
priests of God, whose right it is to instruct the wise, to have any other
thought. We have, however, been informed by some of our brethren of Gaul
and of Venice, that certain individuals are bent upon the introduction of
heresy.

   "All bishops should diligently guard against this evil, lest some of
their flock should be led by inexperience, and others by simplicity, to
oppose the proper interpretations.

   "Those who devise strange doctrines ought not to be followed; but the
opinions of our fathers ought to be retained, whatever may be the diversity
of judgment around us.

   "Hence Auxentius, bishop of Milan, has been publicly declared to be
condemned pre-eminently in this matter. It is right, therefore, that all
the teachers of the Roman world should be of one mind, and not pollute the
faith by divers conflicting doctrines.

   "For when the malice of the heretics first began to mature itself, as
the blasphemy of the Arians has even now done, -- may it be far from us, --
our fathers to the number of three hundred and eighteen elect, after making
an investigation in Nicaea, erected the wall against the weapons of the
devil, and repelled the deadly poison by this antidote.

   "This antidote consists in the belief, that the Father and the Son have
one Godhead, one virtue, and one substance (chrh^ma). It is also requisite
to believe that the Holy Ghost is of the same hypostasis. We have decreed
that those who hold any other doctrines are to be aliens from our
communion.

   "Some have decreed to discolor this saving definition and adorable
view; but in the very beginning, some of the persons who made the
innovation at the council of Ariminum, or who were compelled to vote for
the change, have since, in some measure, made amends by confessing that
they were deceived by certain specious arguments, which did not appear to
them to be contrary to the principles laid down by our fathers at Nicaea.
The number of individuals congregated at the council of Ariminum proves
nothing in prejudice of orthodox doctrines; for the council was held
without the  sanction of the bishops at Rome, whose opinion, before that of
all others, ought to have been received, and without the assent either of
Vincentius, who during a very long series of years guarded the episcopate
without spot, or of many other bishops who agreed with those last
mentioned.

   "Besides, as has been before stated, those very persons who seemed
inclined to something illusory, testified their disapprobation of their own
proceedings as soon as they made use of a better judgment. Therefore your
purity must see that this alone is the faith which was established at
Nicaea upon the authority of the apostles, and which must ever be retained
inviolate, and that all bishops, whether of the East, or of the West, who
profess the Catholic religion, ought to consider it an honor to be in
communion with us. We believe that it will not be long before those who
maintain other sentiments will be excluded from communion, and deprived of
the name and dignity of bishop; so that the people who are now oppressed by
the yoke of those pernicious and deceitful principles, may have liberty to
breathe. For it is not in the power of these bishops to rectify the error
of the people, inasmuch as they are themselves held by error. Let,
therefore, the opinion of your honor also be in accord with all the priests
of God, in which we believe you to be holy and firm. That we ought so to
believe along with you will be proved by the exchange of letters with your
love."

CHAP. XXIV.--CONCERNING ST. AMBROSE AND HIS ELEVATION TO THE HIGH
PRIESTHOOD; HOW HE PERSUADED THE PEOPLE TO PRACTICE PIETY. THE NOVATIANS OF
PHRYGIA AND THE PASSOVER.

   The clergy of the West having thus anticipated the designs of those who
sought to introduce innovations among them, (1) carefully continued to
preserve the inviolability of the faith which had from the beginning been
handed down to them. With the solitary exception of Auxentius and his
partisans, there were no individuals among them who entertained heterodox
opinions. Auxentius, however, did not live long after this period. At his
death a sedition arose among the people concerning the choice of a bishop
for the church of Milan, and the city was in danger. Those who had aspired
to the bishopric, and been defeated in their expectations, were loud in
their menaces, as is usual in such commotions.

   Ambrosius, who was then the governor of the province, being fearful of
the movement of the people, went to the church, and exhorted the people to
cease from contention, to remember the laws, and to re-establish concord
and the prosperity which springs from peace. Before he had ceased speaking,
all his auditors at once suppressed the angry feelings by which they had
been mutually agitated against each other, and directed the vote of the
bishopric upon him, as a fulfillment of his counsel to harmony. They
exhorted him to be baptized, for he was still uninitiated, and begged him
to receive the priesthood. After he had refused and declined, and
unfeignedly fled the business, the people still insisted, and declared that
the contention would never be appeased unless he would accede to their
wishes; and at length intelligence of these transactions was conveyed to
the court. It is said that the Emperor Valentinian prayed, and returned
thanks to God that the very man whom he had appointed governor had been
chosen to fill a priestly office. When he was informed of the earnest
desires of the people and the refusal of Ambrosius, he inferred that events
had been so ordered by God for the purpose of restoring peace to the church
of Milan, and commanded that Ambrosius should be or-dained as quickly as
possible. (2) He was initiated and ordained at the same time, and forthwith
proceeded to bring the church under his sway to unanimity of opinion
concerning the Divine nature; for, while under the guidance of Auxentius,
it had long been rent by dissensions on this subject. We shall hereafter
have occasion to speak of the conduct of Ambrosius after his ordination,
and of the courageous and holy manner in which he discharged the functions
of the priesthood.

   About this period, the Novatians of Phrygia, contrary to their ancient
custom, began to celebrate the festival of the Passover on the same day as
the Jews. Novatius, the originator of their heresy, refused to receive
those who repented of their sins into communion, and it was in this respect
alone that he innovated upon the established doctrine. But he and those who
succeeded him celebrated the feast of the Passover after the vernal
equinox, according to the custom of the Roman church. Some Novatian
bishops, however, assembled about this time at Pazi, a town of Phrygia,
near the source of the river Sangarus, and agreeing not to follow, in this
point of discipline, the practice of those who differed in doctrine from
them, established a new law; they determined upon keeping the feast of
unleavened bread, and upon celebrating the Passover on the same days as the
Jews. Agelius, the bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople, and the
bishops of the Novatians at Nicaea, Nicomedia, and Cotyaeum, a noted city
of Phrygia, did not take part in this Synod, although the Novatians
consider them to be lords and colophons, so to speak, of the transactions
affecting their heresy and their churches. How for this reason, these
innovators advanced into divergence, and having cut themselves off, formed
a separate church, I will speak of at the fight time.

CHAP. XXV.--CONCERNING APOLINARIUS: FATHER AND SON OF THAT NAME.
VITALIANUS, THE PRESBYTER. ON BEING DISLODGED FROM ONE KIND OF HERESY, THEY
INCLINE TO OTHERS.

   ABOUT this period, Apolinarius openly devised a heresy, to which his
name has since been given. (3) He induced many persons to secede from the
Church, and formed separate assemblies. Vitalius, a presbyter of Antioch
and one of the priests of Meletius, concurred with him in the confirmation
of his peculiar opinion. In other respects, Vitalius was conspicuous in
life and conduct, and was zealous in watching over those committed to his
pastoral superintendence; hence he was greatly revered by the people. He
seceded from communion with Meletius, joined Apolinarius and presided over
those at Antioch who had embraced the same opinions; by the sanctity of his
life he attracted a great number of followers, who are still called
Vitalians by the citizens of Antioch It is said he was led to secede from
the Church from resentment at the contempt that was manifested towards him
by Flavian, then one of his fellow-presbyters, but who was afterwards
raised to the bishopric of Antioch. Flavian having prevented him from
holding his customary interview with the bishop, he fancied himself
despised and entered into communion with Apolinarius, and held him as his
friend. From that period the members of this sect have formed separate
churches in various cities, under their own bishops, and have established
laws differing from those of the Catholic Church. Besides the customary
sacred order, they sang some metrical songs composed by Apolinarius; for,
in addition to his other learning he was a poet, and skilled in a great
variety of meters, and by their sweetness he induced many to cleave to him.
Men sang his strains at convivial meetings and at their daily labor, and
women sang them while engaged at the loom. But, whether his tender poems
were adapted for holidays, festivals, or other occasions, they were all
alike to the praise and glory of God. Damasus, bishop of Rome, and Peter,
bishop of Alexandria, were the firsts to learn that the heresy was creeping
among the people, and at a council held at Rome (1) they voted it to be
foreign to the Catholic Church. It is said that it was as much from
narrowness of mind as from any other cause that Apolinarius made an
innovation in doctrine. For when Athanasius, who administered the church of
Alexandria, was on his road back to Egypt from the place whither he had
been banished by Constantine, he had to pass through Laodicea, and that
while in that city he formed an intimacy with Apolinarius, which terminated
in the strictest friendship. As, however, the heterodox considered it
disgraceful to hold communion with Athanasius, George, the bishop of the
Arians in that city, ejected Apolinarius in a very insulting manner from
the church, under the plea that he had received Athanasius contrary to the
canons and holy laws. The bishop did not rest here, but  reproached him
with crimes which he had committed and repented of at a remote period. For
when Theodotus, the predecessor of George, regulated the church of
Laodicea, Epiphanius, the sophist, recited a hymn which he had composed in
honor of Dionysus. Apolinarius, who was then a youth and a pupil of
Epiphanius, went to hear the recitation, accompanied by his father, whose
name also was Apolinarius, and who was a noted grammarian. After the
exordium, Epiphanius, according to the custom always observed at the public
recitation of hymns, directed the uninitiated and the profane to go out of
doors. But neither Apolinarius the younger nor the eider, nor, indeed, any
of the Christians who were present, left the audience. When Theodotus, the
bishop, heard that they had been present during the recitation, he was
exceedingly displeased; he, however, pardoned the laymen who had committed
this error, after they had received a moderate reproof. With respect to
Apolinarius, father and son, he convicted them both publicly of their sin,
and ejected them from the church; for they both belonged to the clergy, the
father  being a presbyter, and the son a reader of the Holy Scriptures.
After some time had elapsed, and when-the father and son had evinced by
tears and fasting a degree of repentance adequate to their transgression,
Theodotus restored them to their offices in the church. When George
received the same bishopric, he excommunicated Apolinarius, and treated him
as alien to the Church on account of his having, as before stated, received
Athanasius into communion. It is said that Apolinarius besought him
repeatedly to restore him to communion, but that he was inexorable.
Apolinarius, overcome with grief, disturbed the Church, and by innovations
in doctrines introduced the aforesaid heresy; (2) and he thought by means
of his eloquence to revenge himself on his enemy by proving that George had
deposed one who was more deeply acquainted with the Sacred Scriptures than
himself. Thus do the private animosities of the  clergy from time to time
greatly injure the Church, and divide religion into many heresies. And this
is a proof; for had George, like Theodotus, received Apolinarius on his
repentance into communion, I believe that we should never have heard of the
heresy that bears his name. Men are prone, when loaded with opprobrium and
contempt, to resort to rivalries and innovations; whereas when treated with
justice, they become moderate, and remain in the same position.

CHAP. XXVI.--EUNOMIUS AND HIS TEACHER AETIUS, THEIR AFFAIRS AND DOCTRINES.
THEY WERE THE FIRST WHO BROACHED ONE IMMERSION FOR THE BAPTISM.

   About this time, Eunomius, (1) who had held the church in Cyzicus in
place of Eleusius, and who presided over the Arian heresy, devised another
heresy besides this, which some have called by  his name, but which is
sometimes denominated the Anomian heresy. Some assert that Eunomius was the
first who ventured to maintain that divine baptism ought to be performed by
one immersion, and to corrupt, in this manner, the apos-tolical tradition
which has been carefully handed down to the present day. He invented, it is
said, a mode of discipline contrary to that of the Church, and disguised
the innovation under gravity and greater severity. He was an artist in
words and contentions, and delighted in arguments. The generality of those
who entertain his sentiments have the same predilections. They do not
applaud a good course of life or manner or mercy towards the needy, unless
exhibited by persons of their own sect, so much as skill in disputation and
the power of triumphing in debates. Persons possessed of these
accomplishments are accounted pious above all others among them. Others
assert, I believe more truthfully, that Theophronius, a native of Cap-
padocia, and Eutychius, both zealous propagators of this heresy, seceded
from communion with Eunomius during the succeeding reign, and innovated
about the other doctrines of Eunomius and about the divine baptism. They
asserted that baptism ought not to be administered in the name of the
Trinity, but in the name of the death of Christ. It appears that Eunomius
broached no new opinion on the subject, but was from the beginning firmly
attached to the sentiments of Arius, and remained so. After his elevation
to the bishopric of Cyzicus, he was accused by his own clergy of
introducing innovations in doctrine. Eudoxius, ruler of the Arian heresy at
Constantinople, summoned him and obliged him to give an account of his
doctrines to the people; finding, however, no fault in him, Eudoxius
exhorted him to return to Cyzicus. Eunomius, however, replied, that he
could not remain with people who regarded him with suspicion; and, it is
said, seized the opportunity for secession, although it seems that, in
taking this step he was really actuated by the resentment he felt at the
refusal which Aetius, his teacher, had met with, of being received into
communion. Eunomius, it is added, dwelt with Aetius, and never deviated
from his original sentiments. Such are the conflicting accounts of various
individuals; some narrate the circumstances in one way, and some in
another. But whether it was Eunomius, or any other person, who first made
these innovations upon the tradition of baptism, it seems to me that such
innovators, whoever they may have been, were alone in danger, according to
their own representation, of quitting this life without having received the
divine baptism; for if, after they had been baptized according to the mode
recommended from the beginning, they found it impossible to rebaptize
themselves, it must be admitted that they introduced a practice to which
they had not themselves submitted, and thus undertook to administer to
others what had never been administered to them by themselves nor by
others. Thus, after having laid down the dogma by some non-existent
principle and private assumption, they proceeded to bestow upon others what
they had not themselves received. The absurdity of this assumption is
manifest from their own confession; for they admit that the uninitiated
have not the power to baptize others. Now, according to their opinion, he
who has not been baptized in conformity with their tradition is unbaptized
as one not properly initiated, and they confirm this opinion by their
practice, inasmuch as they rebaptize all those who join their sect,
although previously initiated according to the tradition of the Catholic
Church. These varying dogmas are the sources of innumerable troubles to
religion; and many are deterred from embracing Christianity by the
diversity of opinion which prevails in matters of doctrine.

   The disputes daily became stronger, and, as in the beginning of
heresies, they grew; for they had leaders who were not deficient in zeal or
power of words; indeed, it appears that the greater part of the Catholic
Church would have been subverted by this heresy, had it not found opponents
in Basil and Gregory, the Cappadocians. The reign of Theodosius began a
little while after; he banished the founders of heretical sects from the
populous parts of the empire to the more desert regions.

   But, lest those who read my history should be ignorant of the precise
nature of the two heresies to which I have more especially alluded, I think
it necessary to state that Aetius, the Syrian, was the originator of the
heresy usually attributed to Eunomius; and that, like Arius, he maintained
that the Son is dissimilar from the Father, that He is a created being, and
was created out of what had no previous existence. Those who held these
views were formerly called Aetians; but afterwards, during the reign of
Constantius, when, as we have stated, some parties maintained that the Son
is consubstantial with the Father, and others that He is like in substance
to the Father, and when the council of Ariminum had decreed that the Son is
only to be considered like unto the Father, Actius was condemned to
banishment, as guilty of impiety and blasphemy against God. For some time
subsequently his heresy seemed to have been suppressed; for neither any
other man of note, nor even Eunomius, ventured openly upon undertaking its
defense. But when Eunomius was raised to the church of Cyzicus in place of
Eleusius, he could no longer quietly restrain himself, and in open debate
he brought forward again the tenets of Aetius. Hence, as it often happens
that the names of the original founders of heretical sects pass into
oblivion, the followers of Eunomius were designated by his own name,
although he merely renewed the heresy of Aetius, and promulgated it with
greater boldness than was done by him who first handed it down.

CHAP. XXVII.--ACCOUNT GIVEN, BY GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN, OF APOLINARIUS AND
EUNOMIUS IN A LETTER TO NECTARIUS. THEIR HERESY WAS DISTINGUISHED BY THE
PHILOSOPHY OF THE MONKS WHO WERE THEN LIVING, FOR THE HERESY OF THESE TWO
HELD NEARLY THE ENTIRE EAST.

   IT is obvious that Eunomius and Aetius held the same opinions. In
several passages of his writings, Eunomius boasts and frequently testifies
that Aetius was his instructor. Gregory, bishop of Nazianzen, speaks in the
following terms of Apolinarius in a letter addressed to Nectarius, the
leader of the church in Constantinople: (1) "Eunomius, who is a constant
source of trouble among us, is not content with being a burden to us
himself, but would consider himself to blame if he did not strive to drag
every one with him to the destruction whither he is hastening. Such
conduct, however, may be tolerated in some degree. The most grievous
calamity against which the Church has now to struggle arises from the
audacity of the Apolinarians. I know not how your Holiness could have
agreed that they should be as free to hold meetings as we ourselves. You
have been fully instructed by the grace of God, in the Divine mysteries,
and not only understand the defense of the Word of God, but also whatever
innovations have been made by heretics against the sound faith; yet it may
not be amiss for your revered Excellency to hear from our narrowness, that
a book written by Apolinarius has fallen into my hands, in which the
proposition surpasses all forms of heretical pravity. He affirms that the
flesh assumed for the transformation of our nature, under the dispensation
of the only begotten Son of God was not acquired for this end; but that
this carnal nature existed in the Son from the beginning. He substantiates
this evil hypothesis by a misapplication of the following words of
Scripture: 'No man hath ascended up into heaven.' (2) He alleges from this
text, that Christ was the Son of man before He descended from heaven, and
that when He did descend, He brought with Him His own flesh which He had
already possessed in heaven which was before the ages and essentially
united. He also states another apostolic saying: 'The second man is from
heaven.' (3) He, moreover, maintains that the man who came down from heaven
was destitute of intellect (nou^s), but that the Deity of the only begotten
Son fulfilled the nature of intellect, and constituted the third part of
the human compound. The body and soul (psuchh`) formed two parts, as in
other men, but there was no intellect, but the Word of God filled the place
of intellect. Nor does this end the awful spectacle; for the most grievous
point of the heresy is, that he asserts that the only-begotten God, the
Judge of all men, the Giver of life, and the Destroyer of death, is Himself
subject to death; that He suffered in His own Godhead, and that in the
resurrection of the body in the third day, the Godhead also was raised from
the dead with the body; and that it was raised again from the dead by the
Father. It would take too long to recount all the other extravagant
doctrines propounded by these heretics." What I have said may, I think,
suffice to show the nature of the sentiments maintained by Apolinarius and
Eunomius. If any one desire more detailed information, I can only refer him
to the works on the subject written either by them or by others concerning
these men. I do not profess easily to understand or to expound these
matters, as it seems to me the fact that these dogmas did not prevail and
make further advance is to be attributed, in addition to the causes
mentioned, especially to the monks of that period; for all those
philosophers in Syria, Cappadocia, and the neighboring provinces, were
sincerely attached to the Nicene faith. The eastern regions, however, from
Cili-cia to Phoenicia, were endangered by the heresy of Apolinarius. The
heresy of Eunomius was spread from Cilicia and the mountains of Taurus as
far as the Hellespont and Constantinople. These two heretics found it easy
to attract to their respective parties the persons among whom they dwelt,
and those of the neighborhood. But the same fate awaited them that had been
experienced by the Arians; for the people admired the monks who manifested
their virtue by works and believed that they held right opinions, while
they turned away from those who held other opinions, as impious and as
holding spurious doctrines. In the same way the Egyptians were led by the
monks to oppose the Arians.

CHAP. XXVIII.--OF THE HOLY MEN WHO FLOURISHED AT THIS PERIOD IN EGYPT.
JOHN, OR AMON, (2) BENUS, THEONAS, COPRES, HELLES, ELIAS, APELLES,ISIDORE,
SERAPION, DIOSCORUS AND EULOGIUS.

   As this period was distinguished by many holy men, (2) who devoted
themselves to a life of philosophy, it seems requisite to give some account
of them, for in that time there flourished a very great abundance of men
beloved of God. There was not, it appears, a more celebrated man in Egypt
than John. He had received from God the power of discerning the future and
the most hidden things as clearly as the ancient prophets, and he had,
moreover, the gift of healing those who suffered with incurable afflictions
and diseases. Or was another eminent man of this period; he had lived in
solitude from his earliest youth, occupying himself continually in singing
the praises of God. He subsisted on herbs and roots, and his drink was
water, when he could find it. In his old age he went, by the command of
God, to Thebaeus, where he presided over several monasteries, nor was he
without part in divine works. By means of prayer alone he expelled diseases
and devils. He knew nothing of letters, nor did he need books to support
his memory; for whatever he received into his mind was never afterwards
forgotten.

   Ammon, the leader of the monks called Tabennesiotians, dwelt in the
same region, and was followed by about three thousand disciples. genus and
Theonas likewise presided over monastic orders, and possessed the gift of
foreknowledge and of prophecy. It is said that though Theonas was versed in
all the learning of the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans, he practiced
silence for the space of thirty years. Benus was never seen to manifest any
signs of anger, and never heard to swear, or to utter a false, a vain, a
rash, or a useless word.

   Copres, Helles, and Elias also flourished at this period. It is said
that Copres had received from God the power of healing sickness and divers
diseases, and of overcoming demons. Helles had from his youth upwards been
trained in the monastic life, and he wrought many wonderful works. He could
carry fire in his bosom without burning his clothes. He excited his fellow-
monks to the practice of virtue by representing that with a good conduct,
the display of miracles would follow. Elias, who practiced philosophy near
the city of Antinouos, was at this period about a hundred and ten years of
age; before this he said he had passed seventy years alone in the desert.
Notwithstanding his advanced age, he was unremitting in the practice of
fasting and courageous discipline. Apelles flourished at the same period,
and performed numerous miracles in the Egyptian monasteries, near the city
of Acoris. He at one time worked as a smith, for this was his trade; and
one night the devil undertook to tempt him to incontinence, by appearing
before him in the form of a beautiful woman; Apelles, however, seized the
iron which was heating in the furnace, and burnt the face of the devil, who
screamed like a wild bird and ran away.

   Isidore, Scrapion, and Dioscorus, at this period, were among the most
celebrated fathers of the monks. Isidore caused his monastery to be closed,
so that no one could obtain egress or ingress, and supplied the wants of
those within the walls. Serapion lived in the neighborhood of Arsenoites,
and had about a thousand monks under his guidance. He taught all to earn
their provisions by their labors and to provide for others who were poor.
During harvest-time they busied themselves in reaping for pay; they set
aside sufficient corn for their own use, and shared it with the rest of the
monks. Dioscorus had not more than a hundred disciples; he was a presbyter,
and applied himself with great exactness to the duties of his priesthood;
he examined and carefully questioned those who presented themselves as
candidates for participation in the holy mysteries, so that they might
purify their minds and not be without a consciousness of any evil they
might have committed. The presbyter Eulogius was still more scrupulous in
the dispensation of the Divine mysteries. It is said that, when he was
officiating in the priestly office, he could discern what was in the minds
of those who came to him, so that he could clearly detect sin, and the
secret thoughts of each one of his audience. He excluded from the altar all
who had perpetrated crime or formed evil resolutions, and publicly
convicted them of sin; but, on their purifying themselves by repentance, he
again received them into communion.

CHAP. XXIX.--CONCERNING THE MONKS OF THEBAIS APOLLOS, DOROTHEUS; CONCERNING
PIAMMON, JOHN, MARK, MACARIUS, APOLLODORUS, MOSES, PAUL, WHO WAS IN FERMA,
PACHO, STEPHEN, AND PIOR.

   APOLLOS flourished about the same period in Thebais. He early devoted
himself to a life of philosophy; and after having passed forty years in the
desert, he shut himself up, by the command of God, in a cave formed at the
foot of a mountain, near a very populous district. By the multitude of his
miracles, he soon became distinguished, and was the head of many monks for
he directed them profitably by his instructions. Timothy, who conducted the
church of Alexandria, has given us a history of his method of discipline
and of what divine and marvelous deeds he was a worker; he also narrates
the lives of other approved monks, many of whom I have mentioned. (1)

   In that time many good monks, to the number of about two thousand,
preached philosophy in the neighborhood of Alexandria; some in a district
called the Hermitage, and others more towards Mareotis and Libya.
Dorotheus, a native of Thebes, was among the most celebrated of these
monks. He spent the day in collecting stones upon the seashore, which he
used in erecting cells to be given to those who were unable to build them.
During the night, he employed himself in weaving baskets of palm leaves;
and these he sold, to obtain the means of subsistence. He ate six ounces of
bread with a few vegetables daily, and drank nothing but water. Having
accustomed himself to this extreme abstinence from his youth, he continued
to observe it in old age. He was never seen to recline on a mat or a bed,
nor even to place his limbs in an easy attitude, or willingly to surrender
himself to sleep. Sometimes, from natural lassitude, his eyes would
involuntarily close when he was at his daily labor or his meals; and when
nodding during his eating, the food would fall from his mouth. One day,
being utterly overcome by drowsiness, he fell down on the mat; he was
displeased at finding himself in this position, and said, in an undertone
of voice, "If angels are persuaded to sleep, you will persuade also the
zealous." Perhaps he might have said this to himself, or perhaps to the
demon who had become an impediment to his zealous exercises. He was once
asked by a person who came to him while he was exhausting himself, why he
destroyed his body. "Because it destroys me," was his reply.

   Piammon and John presided over two celebrated Egyptian monasteries near
Diolcus. They were presbyters who discharged their priesthood very
carefully and reverently. It is said that one day, when Piammon was
officiating as priest, he beheld an angel standing near the holy table and
writing down in a book the names of the monks who were present, while he
erased the names of those who were absent. John had received from God such
power over sufferings and diseases, that he healed the gouty and restored
the paralytic.

   A very old man, named Benjamin, was practicing philosophy very
brilliantly about this period, in the desert near Scetis. God had bestowed
upon him the power of relieving the sick of every disease without medicine,
by the touch only of his hand, or by means of a little oil consecrated by
prayer. The story is, that he was attacked by a dropsy, and his body was
swollen to such a size that it became necessary, in order to carry him from
his cell, to enlarge the door. As his malady would not admit of his lying
in a recumbent posture, he remained, during eight months, seated on a very
large skin, and continued to heal the sick, without regretting that his own
recovery was not effected. He comforted those who came to visit him, and
requested them to pray for his soul; adding that he cared little for his
body, for it had been of no service to him when in health, and could not,
now that it was diseased, be of any injury to him.

   About the same time the celebrated Mark, Marcarius the younger,
Apollonius, and Moses, an Egyptian, dwelt at Scetis. It is said that Mark
was, from his youth upwards, distinguished by extreme mildness and
prudence; he committed the Sacred Scriptures to memory, and manifested such
eminent piety that Macarius himself, the presbyter of Celliae, (2) declared
that he had never given to him what priests present to the initiated at the
holy table, but that an angel administered it to him whose hand up to the
forearm he declares himself to have seen.

   Macarius had received from God the power of dispelling demons. A murder
which be had unintentionally committed was the original cause of his
embracing a life of philosophy. He was a shepherd, and led his flock to
graze on the banks of Lake Mareotis, when in sport he slew one of his
companions. Fearful of being delivered up to justice, he fled to the
desert. Here he concealed himself during three years, and afterwards
erected a small dwelling on the spot, in which he dwelt twenty-five years.
He was accustomed to say that he owed much to the calamity that had
befallen him in early life, and even called the unintentional murder he had
committed a salutary deed, inasmuch as it had been the cause of his
embracing philosophy and a blessed mode of life.

   Apollonius, after passing his life in the pursuits of commerce, retired
in his old age to. Scetis. On reflecting that he was too old to learn
writing or any other art, he purchased with his own money a supply of every
kind of drug, and of food suited for the sick, some of which he carried
until the ninth hour to the door of every monastery, for the relief of
those who were suffering from disease. Finding this practice advantageous
to himself, he adopted this mode of life; and when he felt death
approaching he delivered his drugs to one whom he exhorted to go and do as
he had done.

   Moses was originally a slave, but was driven from his master's house on
account of his immorality. He joined some robbers, and became leader of the
band. After having perpetrated many evil deeds and dared some murders, by
some sudden conversion he embraced the monastic life, and attained the
highest point of philosophy. As the healthful and vigorous habit of body
which had been induced by his former avocations acted as a stimulus to his
imagination and excited a desire for pleasure, he resorted to every
possible means of macerating his body; thus, he subsisted on a little bread
without cooked food, subjected himself to severe labor, and prayed fifty
times daily; he prayed standing, without bending his knees or closing his
eyes in sleep. He sometimes went during the night to the cells of the monks
and secretly filled their pitchers with water, and this was very laborious,
for he had sometimes to go ten, sometimes twenty, and sometimes thirty and
more, stadia in quest of water. Notwithstanding all  his efforts to
macerate his body, it was long before he could subdue his natural vigor of
constitution. It is reported that robbers once broke into the dwelling
where he was practicing philosophy; he seized and bound them, threw the
four men across his shoulders, and bore them to the church, that the monks
who were there assembled might deal with them as they thought fit, for he
did not consider himself authorized to punish any one. For they say so
sudden a conversion from vice to virtue was never before witnessed, nor
such rapid attainments in monastical philosophy. Hence God rendered him an
object of dread to the demons, and he was ordained presbyter over the monks
at Scetis. After a life spent in this manner, he died at the age of
seventy-five, leaving behind him numerous eminent disciples.

   Paul, Pachon, Stephen, and Moses, of whom the two latter were Libyans,
and Pior, who was an Egyptian, flourished during this reign. Paul dwelt at
Ferme, a mountain of Scetis, and presided over five hundred ascetics. He
did not labor with his hands, neither did he receive alms of any one,
except such food as was necessary for his subsistence. He did nothing but
pray, and daily offered up to God three hundred prayers. He placed three
hundred pebbles in his  bosom, for fear of omitting any of these prayers;
and, at the conclusion of each, he took away  one of the pebbles. When
there were no pebbles remaining, he knew that he had gone through the whole
course of his prescribed prayers.

   Pachon also flourished during this period at Scetis. He followed this
career from youth to extreme old age, without ever being found unmanly in
self-control by the appetites of the body, the passions of the soul, or a
demon,-in short, in all those things which the philosopher should conquer.

   Stephen dwelt at Mareotis near Marmarica. During sixty years, through
exactness, he attained the perfection of asceticism, became very noted as a
monk, and was intimate with Antony the Great. He was very mild and prudent,
and his usual style of conversation was sweet and profitable, and well
calculated to comfort the souls of the afflicted, to transform them into
good spirits, if even they had previously been depressed by griefs which
seemed necessary. He behaved similarly about his own afflictions. He was
troubled with a severe and incurable ulcer, and surgeons were employed to
operate upon the diseased members. During the operation Stephen employed
himself in weaving palm leaves, and exhorted those who were around him not
to concern themselves about his sufferings. He told them to have no other
thought than that God does nothing but for our good, and that his
affliction would tend to his real welfare, inasmuch as it would perhaps
atone for his sins, it being better to be judged in this life than in the
life to come.

   Moses was celebrated for his meekness, his love, and his power of
healing of sufferings by prayer. Pior determined, from his youth, to devote
himself to a life of philosophy; and, with this view, quitted his father's
house after having made a vow that he would never again look upon any of
his relations. After fifty years had expired, one of his sisters heard that
he was still alive, and she was so transported with joy at this unexpected
intelligence, that she could not rest till she had seen him. The bishop of
the place where she resided was so affected by the groans and tears of the
aged woman, that he wrote to the leaders of the monks in the desert of
Scetis, desiring them to send Pior to him. The superiors accordingly
directed him to repair to the city of his birth, and he could not say nay,
for disobedience was regarded as unlawful by the monks of Egypt, and I
think also by other monks. He went with another monk to the door of his
father's house, and caused himself to be announced. When he heard the door
being opened, he closed his eyes, and calling his sister by name, he said
to her, "I am Pior, your brother; look at me as much as you please." His
sister was delighted beyond measure at again beholding him, and returned
thanks to God. He prayed at the door where he stood, and then returned to
the place where he lived; there he dug a well, and found that the water was
bitter, but he persevered in the use of it till his death. Then the height
to which he had carried his self-denial was known; for after he died,
several attempted to practice philosophy in the place where he had dwelt,
but found it impossible to remain there. I am convinced that, had it not
been for the principles of philosophy which he had espoused, he could
easily have changed the water to a sweet taste by prayer; for he caused
water to flow in a spot where none had existed previously. It is said that
some monks, under the guidance of Moses undertook to dig a well, but the
expected vein did not appear, nor did any depth yield the water, and they
were about to abandon the task, when, about midday, Pior joined them; he
first embraced them, and then rebuked their want of faith and littleness of
soul; he then descended into the pit they had excavated; and, after
engaging in prayer, struck the ground thrice with a rod. A spring of water
soon after rose to the surface, and filled the whole excavation. After
prayer, Pior departed; and though the monks urged him to break his fast
with them, he refused, alleging that he had not been sent to them for that
purpose, but merely in order to perform the act he had effected. (1)

CHAP. XXX. -- MONKS OF SCETIS: ORIGEN, DIDYMUS, CRONION, ORSISIUS,
PUTUBATUS, ARSION, SERA-PION, AMMON, EUSEBIUS, AND DIOSCORUS, THE BRETHREN-
WHO ARE CALLED LONG, AND EVAGRIUS THE PHILOSOPHER.

   AT this period, Origen, one of the disciples of Antony the Great, was
still living at a great age, in the monasteries of Scetis. (2) Also,
Didymus, and Cronion, who was about one hundred and ten years of age,
Arsisius the Great, Putubatus, Arsion, and Serapion, all of whom had been
contemporary with Antony the Great. They had grown old in the exercise of
philosophy, and were at this period presiding over the monasteries. There
were some holy men among them who were young and middle aged, but who were
celebrated for their excellent and good qualities. Among these were
Ammonius, Eusebias, and Dioscorus. They were brothers, but on account of
their height of stature were called the "Long Brothers." (3) It is said
that Ammon attained the summit of philosophy, and consequently overcame the
love of ease and pleasure. He was very studious, and had read the works of
Origen, of Didymus, and of other ecclesiastical writers. From his youth to
the day of his death he never tasted anything, with the exception of bread,
that had been prepared by means of fire. He was once chosen to be ordained
bishop; and after urging every argument that could be devised in rejection
of the honor, but in vain, he cut off one of his ears, and said to those
who had come for him, "Go away. Hence-forward the priestly law forbids my
ordination, for the person of a priest should be perfect." Those who had
been sent for him accordingly departed; but, on ascertaining that the
Church does not observe the Jewish law in requiring a priest to be perfect
in all his members, but merely requires him to be irreprehensible in point
of morals, they returned to Ammon, and endeavored to take him by force. He
protested to them that, if they attempted any violence against him, he
would cut out his tongue; and, terrified at this menace, they immediately
took their departure. Ammon was ever after surnamed Parotes. Some time
afterwards, during the ensuing reign, the wise Evagrius formed an intimacy
with him. Evagrius (4) was a wise man, powerful in thought and in word, and
skillful in discerning the arguments which led to virtue and to vice, and
capable in urging others to imitate the one, and to eschew the other. His
eloquence is fully attested by the works he has left behind him. (5) With
respect to his moral character, it is said that he was totally free from
all pride or superciliousness, so that he was not elated when just
commendations were awarded him, nor displeased when unjust reproaches were
brought against him. He was a citizen of Iberia, near the Euxine. He had
philosophized and studied the Sacred Scriptures under Gregory, bishop of
Nazianzen, and had filled the office of archdeacon when Gregory
administered the church in Constantinople. He was handsome m person, and
careful in his mode of attire; and hence an acquaintanceship he had formed
with a certain lady excited the jealousy of her husband, who plotted his
death. While the plot was about being carried forward into deed, God sent
him while sleeping, a fearful and saving vision in a dream. It appeared to
him that he had been arrested in the act of committing some crime, and that
he was bound hand and foot in irons. As he was being led before the
magistrates to receive the sentence of condemnation, a man who held in his
hand the book of the Holy Gospels addressed him, and promised to deliver
him from his bonds, and confirmed this with an oath, provided he would quit
the city. Evagrius touched the book, and made oath that he would do so.
Immediately his chains appeared to fall off, and he awoke. He was convinced
by this divine dream, and fled the danger. He resolved upon devoting
himself to a life of asceticism, and proceeded from Constantinople to
Jerusalem. Some time after he went to visit the philosophers of Scetis, and
gladly determined to live there.

CHAP. XXXI.--CONCERNING THE MONKS OF NITRIA, AND THE MONASTERIES CALLED
CELLS; ABOUT THE ONE IN RHINOCORURA; ABOUT MELAS, DIONYSIUS, AND SOLON.

   THEY call this place Nitria. It is inhabited by a great number of
persons devoted to a life of philosophy, and derives its name from its
vicinity to a village in which nitre is gathered. It contains about fifty
monasteries, built tolerably near to each other, some of which are
inhabited by monks who live together in society, and others by monks who
have adopted a solitary mode of existence. More in the interior of the
desert, about seventy stadia from this locality, is another place called
Cellia, (1) throughout which numerous little dwellings are dispersed hither
and thither, and hence its name; but at such a distance that those who
dwell in them can neither see nor hear each other. They assemble together
on the first and last days of each week; and if any monk happen to be
absent, it is evident that he has been left behind involuntarily, having
been hindered by suffering some disease; they do not all go immediately to
see and nurse him, but each one in turn at different times, and bearing
whatever each has suitable for disease. Except for such a cause, they
seldom converse together, unless, indeed, there be one among them capable
of communicating further knowledge concerning God and the salvation of the
soul. Those who dwell in the cells are those who have attained the summit
of philosophy, and who are therefore able to regulate their own conduct, to
live alone, and are separated from the others for the sake of quietude.
This is what I had briefly to state concerning Scetis and its philosophers.
Some one would probably censure my writing as prolix, were I to enter into
further details concerning their mode of life; for they have   established
individual courses of life, labors, customs, exercises, abstinence, and
time, divided naturally according to the age of the individual.

   Rhinocorura was also celebrated at this period, an account of the holy
men, not from abroad, but who were natives of the place. I have heard (2)
that the most eminent philosophers among them were Melas, who then
administered the church of the country; Dionysius, who presided over a
monastery situated to the north of the city; and Solon, the brother and
successor to the bishopric of Melas. It is said that when the decree for
the ejection of all priests opposed to Arianism was issued, the officers
appointed to apprehend Melas found him engaged as the lowest servant, in
trimming the lights of the church, with a girdle soiled with oil on his
cloak, and carrying the wicks. When they asked him for the bishop, he
replied that he was within, and that he would conduct them to him. As they
were fatigued with their journey, he led them to the episcopal dwelling,
made them sit down at table, and gave them to eat of such things as he had.
After the repast, he supplied them with water to wash their hands; for he
served the guests, and then told them who he was. Amazed at his conduct,
they confessed the mission on which they had arrived; but from respect to
him, gave him full liberty to go where-ever he would. He, however, replied
that he would not shrink from the sufferings to which the other bishops who
maintained the same sentiments as himself were exposed, and that he was
willing to go into exile. Having philosophized from his youth, he had
exercised himself in all the monastic virtues.

   Solon quitted the pursuits of commerce to embrace a monastic life, a
measure which tended greatly to his welfare; for under the instruction of
his brother and other ascetics, he progressed rapidly in piety towards God,
and in goodness towards his neighbor. The church of Rhinocorura having been
thus, from the beginning, under the guidance of such exemplary bishops,
never afterwards swerved from their precepts, and produced good men. The
clergy of this church dwell in one house, sit at the same table, and have
everything in common.

CHAP. XXXII. -- MONKS OF PALESTINE: HESYCAS, EPIPHANIUS, WHO WAS AFTERWARDS
IN CYPRUS, AMMONIUS, AND SILVANUS.

   MANY monastical institutions flourished in Palestine, (3) Many of those
whom I enumerated under the reign of Constantius were still cultivating the
science. They and their associates attained the summit of philosophical
perfection, and added still greater reputation to their monasteries; and
among them Hesycas, (4) a companion of Hilarion, and Epiphanius, afterwards
bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, deserve to be particularly noticed. Hesycas
devoted himself to a life of philosophy in the same locality where his
master had formerly resided; and Epiphanius (1) fixed his abode near the
village of Besauduc, which was his birthplace, in the government of
Eleutheropolis. Having been instructed from his youth by the most
celebrated ascetics, and having on this account passed the most of his time
in Egypt, Epiphanius became most celebrated in Egypt and Palestine by his
attainments in monastic philosophy, and was chosen by the inhabitants of
Cyprus to act as bishop of the metropolis of their island. Hence he is, I
think, the most revered man under the whole heaven, so to speak; for he
fulfilled his priesthood in the concourse of a large city and in a seaport;
and when he threw himself into civil affairs, he conducted them with so
much virtue that he became known in a little while to all citizens and
every variety of foreigner; to some, because they had seen the man himself,
and had experience of his manner of living; and to others, who had learned
it from these spectators. Before he went to Cyprus, he resided for some
time, during the present reign, in Palestine.

   At the same period in the monasteries, Salamines, Phuscon, Malachion,
and Crispion, four brethren, were highly distinguished: they practiced
philosophy near Bethelia, a village of Gaza; they were of a resident noble
family, and had been instructed in philosophy by Hilarion. It is related
that the brothers were once journeying homewards, when Malachion was
suddenly snatched away and became invisible; soon afterwards, however, he
reappeared and continued the journey with his brothers. He did not long
survive this occurrence, but died in the flower of his youth. He was not
behind men of advanced age in the philosophy of virtuous life and of piety.

   Ammonius lived at a distance of ten stadia from those last mentioned;
he dwelt near Capharcobra, the place of his birth, a town of Gaza. He was
very exact and courageous in carrying through asceticism. I think that
Silvanus, a native of Palestine, to whom, on account of his high virtue, an
angel was once seen to minister, practiced philosophy about the same time
in Egypt. Then he lived at Mount Sinai, and afterwards founded at Gerari,
in the wady, a very extensive and most noted coenobium for many good men,
over which the excellent Zacharias subsequently presided.

CHAP. XXXIII. -- MONKS OF SYRIA AND PERSIA: BATTHEUS, EUSEBIUS, BARGES,
HALAS, ABBO, LAZARUS, ABDALEUS, ZENO, HELIODORUS, EUSEBIUS OF CARRAE,
PROTOGENES, AND AONES.

   LET US pass thence to Syria and Persia, (2) the parts adjacent to
Syria. We shall find that the monks of these countries emulated those of
Egypt in the practice of philosophy. Battheus, Eusebius, Barges, Halas,
Abbos, Lazarus, who attained the episcopal dignity, Abdaleus, Zeno, and
Heliodorus, flourished in Nisibis, near the mountain called Sigoron. When
they first entered upon the philosophic career, they were denominated
shepherds, because they had no houses, ate neither bread nor meat, and
drank no wine; but dwelt constantly on the mountains, and passed their time
in praising God by prayers and hymns, according to the law of the Church.
At the usual hours of meals, they each took a sickle, and went to the
mountain to cut some grass on the mountains, as though they were flocks in
pasture; and this served for their-repast. Such was their course of
philosophy. Eusebius voluntarily shut himself up in a cell to philosophize,
near Carrae. (3) Protogenes dwelt in the same locality, and ruled the
church there after Vitus who was then bishop. This is the celebrated Vitus
of whom they say that when the Emperor Constantine first saw him, he
confessed that God had frequently shown this man in appearances to him and
enjoined him to obey implicitly what he should say. Aones had a monastery
in Phadana; this was the spot where Jacob, the grandson of Abraham, on his
journey from Palestine, met the damsel whom he afterwards married, and
where he rolled away the stone, that her flock might drink of the water of
the well. It is said that Aones was the first who introduced the life apart
from all men, and the severe philosophy into Syria, just as it was first
introduced by Antony into Egypt.

CHAP. XXXIV. -- MONKS OF EDESSA: JULIANUS, EPHRAIM SYRUS, BARUS, AND
EULOGIUS; FURTHER, THE MONKS OF COELE-SYRIA: VALENTINUS, THEODORE, MEROSAS,
BASSUS, BASSONIUS; AND THE HOLY MEN OF GALATIA AND CAPPADOCIA, AND
ELSEWHERE; WHY THOSE SAINTS UNTIL RECENTLY WERE LONG-LIVED.

   GADDANAS and Azizus dwelt with Aones, and emulated his virtues. (4)
Ephraim the Syrian, who was an historian, and has been noticed (5) in our
own recital of events under the reign of Constantius, was the most renowned
philosopher in this time, together with Julian, in the neighborhood of
Edessa and its adjacent regions. Barses (6) and Eulogius were both, at a
later period than that to which we are referring, ordained bishops, but not
of any city; for the title was merely an honorary one, conferred on them as
a compensation for their excellent conduct; and they were ordained in their
own monasteries. Lazarus, to whom we have already alluded, was ordained
bishop in the same manner. Such were the most celebrated philosophers of
asceticism who flourished in Syria, Persia, and the neighboring countries,
so far, at least, as I have been able to ascertain. The course common to
all, so to speak, consisted in diligent attention to the state of the soul,
which by means of fasting, prayer, and hymns to God, they kept in constant
preparation to quit the things of this world. They devoted the greater part
of their time to these holy exercises, and they wholly despised worldly
possessions, temporal affairs, and the ease and adornment of the body. Some
of the monks carried their self-denial to an extraordinary height.
Battheus, for instance, by excessive abstinence and fasting, had worms
crawl from his teeth; Halas, again, had not tasted bread for eighty years;
and Heliodorus passed many nights without yielding to sleep, and added
thereto seven days of fasting.

   Although Coele-Syria and Upper Syria, with the exception of the city of
Antioch, was slowly converted to Christianity, it was not lacking in
ecclesiastical philosophers, whose conduct appeared the more heroic from
their having to encounter the enmity and hatred of the inhabitants of the
place. And they nobly refrained from resistance, or resorting to the law,
but spiritedly endured the insults and blows inflicted by the pagans. Such,
I found, was the course pursued by Valentian, who, according to some
accounts, was born at Emesa, but according to others, at Arethusa. Another
individual of the same name distinguished himself by similar conduct, as
likewise Theodore. Both were from Titti, which is of the home of the
Apameans; not less distinguished were Marosas, a native of Nechilis,
Bassus, Bassones, and Paul. This latter was from the village of Telmison.
He rounded many communities in many places, and introduced the method
essential to the knowledge of philosophy, and finally established the
greatest and most distinguished community of monks in a place called
Jugatum. Here, after a long and honorable life, he died, and was interred.
Some of the monks who have practiced philosophy in a distinguished and
divine way have survived to our own days; indeed, most of those to whom
allusion has been made enjoyed a very long term of existence; and I am
convinced that God added to the length of their days for the express
purpose of further-ins the interests of religion. They were instrumental in
leading nearly the whole Syrian nation, and most of the Persians and
Saracens, to the proper religion, and caused them to cease from paganism.
After beginning the monastic philosophy there, they brought forward many
like themselves.

   I suppose that Galatia, Cappadocia, and the neighboring provinces
contained many other ecclesiastical philosophers at that time, for these
regions formerly had zealously embraced our doctrine. These monks, for the
most part, dwelt in communities in cities and villages, for they did not
habituate themselves to the tradition of their predecessors. The severity
of the winter, which is always a natural feature of that country, would
probably make a hermit life impracticable. Leontius and Prapidius were, I
understand, the most celebrated of these monks. The former afterwards
administered the church of Ancyra, and the latter, a man of very advanced
age, performed the episcopal functions in several villages. He also
presided over the Basileias, the most celebrated hospice for the poor. It
was established by Basil, bishop of Caesarea, from whom it received its
name in the beginning, and retains it until to-day.

CHAP. XXXV. -- THE WOODEN TRIPOD AND THE SUCCESSION OF THE EMPEROR, THROUGH
A KNOWLEDGE OF ITS LETTERS. DESTRUCTION OF THE PHILOSOPHERS; ASTRONOMY.

   Such is the information which I have been enabled to collect concerning
the ecclesiastical philosophers of that time. As to the pagans, they were
nearly all exterminated about the period to which we have been referring.
(1) Some among them, who were reputed to excel in philosophy, and who
viewed with extreme displeasure the progress of the Christian religion,
were devising who would be the successor of Valens on the throne of the
Roman Empire, and resorted to every variety of mantic art for the purpose
of attaining this insight into futurity. After various incantations, they
constructed a tripod of laurel wood, and they wound up with the invocations
and words to which they are accustomed; so that the name of the emperor
might be shown by the collection of letters which were indicated, letter by
letter, through the machinery of the tripod and the prophecy. They were
gaping with open mouth for Theodore, a man who held a distinguished
military appointment in the palace. He was a pagan and a learned man. The
disposition of the letters, coming as far as the delta of his name,
deceived the philosophers. They hence expected that Theodore would very
soon be the emperor. When their undertaking was informed upon, Valens was
as unbearably incensed, as if a conspiracy had been formed against his
safety. Therefore all were arrested; Theodore and the constructors of the
tripod were commanded to be put to death, some with fire, others with the
sword. Likewise for the same reason the most brilliant philosophers of the
empire were slain; since the wrath of the emperor was unchecked, the death
penalty advanced even to those who were not philosophers, but who wore
garments similar to theirs; hence those who applied themselves to other
pursuits would not clothe themselves with the crocotium or tribonium, on
account of the suspicion and fear of danger, so that they might not seem to
be pursuing magic and sorcery. I do not in the least think that the emperor
will be more blamed by right-thinking people for such wrath and cruelty
than the philosophers, for their rashness and their unphilosophical
undertaking. The emperor, absurdly supposing that he could put his
successor to death, spared neither those who had prophesied nor the subject
of their prophecy, as they say he  did not spare those who bore the same
name Theodore, -- and some were men of distinction, --whether they were
precisely the same or similar in beginning with (?) and ending with (?).
The philosophers, on the other hand, acted as if the deposition and
restoration of emperors had depended solely on them; for if the imperial
succession was to be considered dependent on the arrangement of the stars,
what was requisite but to await the accession of the future emperor,
whoever he might be? or if the succession was regarded as dependent on the
will of God, what right had man to meddle? For it is not the function of
human foreknowledge or zeal to understand God's thought; nor if it were
right, would it be well for men, even if they be the wisest of all, to
think that they can plan better than God. If it were merely from rash
curiosity to discern the things of futurity that they showed such lack of
judgment as to be ready to be caught in danger, and to despise the laws
anciently established among the Romans, and at a time when it was not
dangerous to conduct pagan worship and to sacrifice; in this they thought
differently from Socrates; for when unjustly condemned to drink poison, he
refused to save himself by violating the laws in which he had been born and
educated, nor would he escape from prison, although it was in his power to
do so.

CHAP. XXXVI. -- EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SARMATIANS; DEATH OF VALENTINIAN IN
ROME; VALENTINIAN THE YOUNGER PROCLAIMED; PERSECUTION OF THE PRIESTS;
ORATION OF THE PHILOSOPHER THEMISTIUS, ON ACCOUNT OF WHICH VALENS WAS
DISPOSED TO TREAT THOSE WHO DIFFERED FROM HIM MORE HUMANELY.

Such subjects as the above, however, are best left to the examination and
decision of individual judgment.

   The Sarmatians (1) having invaded the western parts of the empire,
Valentinian levied an army to oppose them. As soon, however, as they heard
of the number and strength of the troops raised against them, they sent an
embassy to solicit peace. When the ambassadors were ushered into the
presence of Valentinian, he asked them whether all the Sarmatians were
similar to them. On their replying that the principal men of the nation had
been selected to form the embassy, the emperor exclaimed, in great fury, "A
terrible thing do our subjects endure, and a calamity is surrounding the
Roman government, if the Sarmatians, a barbarous race, of whom these are
your best men, do not love to abide by themselves, but are emboldened to
invade my government, and presume to make war at all against the Romans."
He spoke in this strain for some time in a very high pitch of voice, and
his rage was so violent and so unbounded, that at length he burst
simultaneously a blood-vessel and an artery. He lost, in consequence, a
great quantity of blood, and expired soon after in a fortress of Gaul. (2)
He was about fifty-four years of age, and had, during thirteen years,
guided the reins of government with good results and much distinction. Six
days after his death his youngest son, who bore the same name as himself,
was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers; and soon afterwards Valens and
Gratian, his brother, formally assented to this election, although they
were at first irritated at the soldiers having transferred the symbols of
government to him without their previous consent.

   During this period Valens had fixed his residence at Antioch in Syria,
and became more hostile to those who differed from him in opinion
concerning the divine nature, and he vexed them more severely and
persecuted them. The philosopher Themistius pronounced an oration in his
presence, in which he admonished him that he ought not to wonder at the
dissension concerning ecclesiastical doctrines, for it was more moderate
and less than among the pagans, for the opinions among them are multiform;
and that, in the number of dogmas leading to perpetual disputes,
necessarily the difference about them makes more contentions and
discussions; and accordingly it might probably be pleasing to God not to be
so easily known, and to have a divergence of opinion, so that each might
fear Him the rather, since an accurate knowledge of Him is so unattainable.
And in the attempt to summarize this vastness, one would tend to conclude
how great He is and how good He is. (3)

CHAP. XXXVII. --CONCERNING THE BARBARIANS BEYOND THE DANUBE, WHO WERE
DRIVEN OUT BY THE HUNS, AND ADVANCED TO THE ROMANS, AND THEIR CONVERSION TO
CHRISTIANITY; ULPHILAS AND ATHANARICHUS; OCCURRENCES BETWEEN THEM; WHENCE
THE GOTHS RECEIVED ARIANISM.

   This remarkable oration of Themistius disposed the emperor to be
somewhat more humane, and the punishments became in consequence less severe
than before. He would not have wholly withdrawn his wrath from the priests
unless the anxieties of public affairs had supervened, and not permitted
him to pursue them further. (1) For the Goths, who inhabited the regions
beyond the Ister, and had conquered other barbarians, having been
vanquished and driven from their country by the-Huns, had passed over into
the Roman boundaries. The Huns, it is said, were unknown to the Thracians
of the Ister and the Goths before this period; for though they were
dwelling secretly near to one another, a lake of vast extent was between
them, and the inhabitants on each side of the lake respectively imagined
that their own country was situated at the extremity of the earth, and that
there was nothing beyond them but the sea and water. It so happened,
however, that an ox, tormented by insects, plunged into the lake, and was
pursued by the herdsman; who, perceiving for the first time that the
opposite bank was inhabited, made known the circumstance to his fellow-
tribesmen. Some, however, relate that a stag was fleeing, and showed some
of the hunters who were of the race of the Hurts the way which was
concealed superficially by the water. On arriving at the opposite bank, the
hunters were struck with the beauty of the country, the serenity of the
air, and the adaptedness for cultivation; and they reported what they had
seen to their king. The Hurts then made an attempt to attack the Goths with
a few soldiers; but they afterwards raised a powerful army, conquered the
Goths in battle, and took possession of their whole country. The vanquished
nation, being pursued by their enemies, crossed over into the Roman
territories. They passed over the river, and dispatched an embassy to the
emperor, assuring him of their co-operation in any warfare in which he
might engage, provided that he would assign a portion of land for them to
inhabit. Ulphilas, the bishop of the nation, was the chief of the embassy.
The object of his embassy was fully accomplished, and the Goths were
permitted to take up their abode in Thrace. Soon after contentions broke
out among them, which led to their division into two parts, one of which
was headed by Athanaric, and the other by Phritigernes. They took up arms
against each other, and Phritigernes was vanquished, and implored the
assistance of the Romans. The emperor having commanded the troops in Thrace
to assist and to ally with him, a second battle was fought, and Athanaric
and his party were put to flight. In acknowledgment of the timely succor
afforded by Valens, and in proof of his fidelity to the Romans,
Phritigernes embraced the religion of the emperor, and persuaded the
barbarians over whom he ruled to follow his example. It does not, however,
appear to me that this is the only reason that can be advanced to account
for the Goths having retained, even to the present day, the tenets of
Arianism. For Ulphilas, their bishop, originally held no opinions at
variance with those of the Catholic Church; for during the reign of
Constantius, though he took part, as I am convinced, from thoughtlessness,
at the council of Constantinople, in conjunction with Eudoxius and Acacius,
yet he did not swerve from the doctrines of the Nicaean council. He
afterwards, it appears, returned to Constantinople, and, it is said,
entered into disputations on doctrinal topics with the chiefs of the Arian
faction; and they promised to lay his requests before the emperor, and
forward the object of his embassy, if he would conform to their opinions.
Compelled by the urgency of the occasion, or, possibly, thinking that it
was better to hold such views concerning the Divine nature, Ulphilas
entered into communion with the Arians, and separated himself and his whole
nation from all connection with the Catholic Church. For as he had
instructed the Goths in the elements of religion, and through him they
shared in a gentler mode of life, they placed the most implicit confidence
in his directions, and were firmly convinced that he could neither do nor
say anything that was evil. He had, in fact, given many signal proofs of
the greatness of his virtue. He had exposed himself to innumerable perils
in defense of the faith, during the period that the aforesaid barbarians
were given to pagan worship. He taught them the use of letters, and
translated the Sacred Scriptures into their own language. It was on this
account, that the barbarians on the banks of the Ister followed the tenets
of Arius. At the same period, there were many of the subjects of
Phritigernes who testified to Christ, and were martyred. Athanaric resented
that his subjects had become Christian under the persuasion of Ulphilas;
and because they had abandoned the cult of their fathers, he subjected many
individuals to many punishments; some he put to death after they had been
dragged before tribunals and had nobly confessed the doctrine, and others
were slain without being permitted to utter a single word in their own
defense. It is said that the officers appointed by Athanaric to execute his
cruel mandates, caused a statute to be constructed, which they placed
chariot, and had it conveyed to the tents of those who were suspected of
having embraced Christianity, and who were therefore commanded to worship
the statue and offer sacrifice; if they refused to do so, the men and the
tents were burnt together. But I have heard that an outrage of still
greater atrocity was perpetrated at this period. Many refused to obey those
who were compelling them by force to sacrifice. Among them were men and
women; of the latter some were leading their little children, others were
nourishing their new-born infants at the breast; they fled to their church,
which was a tent. The pagans set fire to it, and all were destroyed.

   The Goths were not long in making peace among themselves; and in
unreasonable excitement, they then began to ravage Thrace and to pillage
the cities and villages. Valens, on inquiry, learned by experiment how
great a mistake he had made; for he had calculated that the Goths would
always be useful to the empire and formidable to its enemies, and had
therefore neglected the reinforcement of the Roman ranks. He had taken gold
from the cities and villages under the Romans, instead of the usual
complement of men for the military service. On his expectation being thus
frustrated, he quilted Antioch and hastened to Constantinople. Hence the
persecution which he had been carrying on against Christians differing in
opinion from himself, had a truce. Euzoius, president of the Arians, died,
and Dorotheus was proposed for his government.

CHAP. XXXVIII. --CONCERNING MANIA, THE PHYLARCH OF THE SARACENS. WHEN THE
TREATY WITH THE ROMANS WAS DISSOLVED, MOSES, THEIR BISHOP, WHO HAD BEEN
ORDAINED BY THE CHRISTIANS, RENEWED IT. NARRATIVE CONCERNING THE
ISHMAELITES AND THE SARACENS, AND THEIR GOODS; AND HOW THEY BEGAN TO BE
CHRISTIANIZED THROUGH ZOCOMUS, THEIR PHYLARCH.

   About this period the king of the Saracens died, (1) and the peace
which had previously existed between that nation and the Romans was
dissolved. Mania, (2) the widow of the late monarch, after attaining to the
government of her race, led her troops into Phoenicia and Palestine, as far
as the regions of Egypt lying to the left of those who sail towards the
source of the Nile, and which are generally denominated Arabia. This war
was by no means a contemptible one, although conducted by a woman. The
Romans, it is said, considered it so arduous and so perilous, that the
general of the Phoenician troops applied for assistance to the general of
the entire cavalry and infantry of the East. This latter ridiculed the
summons, and undertook to give battle alone. He accordingly attacked Mania,
who commanded her own troops in person; and he was rescued with difficulty
by the general of the troops of Palestine and Phoenicia. Perceiving the
extremity of the danger, this general deemed it unnecessary to obey the
orders he had received to keep aloof from the combat; he therefore rushed
upon the barbarians, and furnished his superior an opportunity for safe
retreat, while he himself yielded ground and shot at those who fled, and
beat off with his arrows the enemies who were pressing upon him. This
occurrence is still held in remembrance among the people of the country,
and is celebrated in songs by the Saracens.

   As the war was still pursued with vigor, the Romans found it necessary
to send an embassy to Mania to solicit peace. It is said that she refused
to comply with the request of the embassy, unless consent were given for
the ordination of a certain man named Moses, who practiced philosophy in a
neighboring desert, as bishop over her subjects. This Moses was a man of
virtuous life, and noted for performing the divine and miraculous signs. On
these conditions being announced to the emperor, the chiefs of the army
were commanded to seize Moses, and conduct him to Lucius. The monk
exclaimed, in the presence of the rulers and the assembled people, "I am
not worthy of the honor of bearing the name and dignity of chief priest;
but if, notwithstanding my unworthiness God destines me to this office, I
take Him to witness who created the heavens and the earth, that I will not
be ordained by the imposition of the hands of Lucius, which are defiled
with the blood of holy men." Lucius immediately rejoined, "If you are
unacquainted with the nature of my creed, you do wrong in judging me before
you are in possession of all the circumstances of the case. If you have
been prejudiced by the calumnies that have been circulated against me, at
least allow me to declare to you what are my sentiments; and do you be the
judge of them." "Your creed is already well known to me," replied Moses;
"and its nature is testified by bishops, presbyters, and deacons, who are
suffering grievously in exile, and the mines. It is clear that your
sentiments are opposed to the faith of Christ, and to all orthodox
doctrines concerning the Godhead." (1) Having again protested, upon oath,
that he would not receive ordination from them, he went to the Saracens. He
reconciled them to the Romans, and converted many to Christianity, and
passed his life among them as a priest, although he found few who shared in
his belief.

   This is the tribe which took its origin and had its name from Ishmael,
the son of Abraham; and the ancients called them Ishmaelites after their
progenitor. As their mother Hagar was a slave, they afterwards, to conceal
the opprobrium of their origin, assumed the name of Saracens, as if they
were descended from Sara, the wife of Abraham. Such being their origin,
they practice circumcision like the Jews, refrain from the use of pork, and
observe many other Jewish rites and customs. If, indeed, they deviate in
any respect from the observances of that nation, it must be ascribed to the
lapse of time, and to their intercourse with the neighboring nations.
Moses, who lived many centuries after Abraham, only legislated for those
whom he led out of Egypt. The inhabitants of the neighboring countries,
being strongly addicted to superstition, probably soon corrupted the laws
imposed upon them by their forefather Ishmael. The ancient Hebrews had
their community life under this law only, using therefore unwritten
customs, before the Mosaic legislation. These people certainly served the
same gods as the neighboring nations, honoring and naming them similarly,
so that by this likeness with their forefathers in religion, there is
evidenced their departure from the laws of their forefathers. As is usual,
in the lapse of time, their ancient customs fell into oblivion, and other
practices gradually got the precedence among them. Some of their tribe
afterwards happening to come in contact with the Jews, gathered from them
the facts of their true origin, returned to their kinsmen, and inclined to
the Hebrew customs and laws. From that time on, until now, many of them
regulate their lives according to the Jewish precepts. Some of the Saracens
were converted to Christianity not long before the present reign. They
shared in the faith of Christ by intercourse with the priests and monks who
dwelt near them, and practiced philosophy in t the neighboring deserts,
and who were distinguished by the excellence of their life, and by their
miraculous works. It is said that a whole tribe, and Zocomus, their chief,
were converted to Christianity and baptized about this period, under the
following circumstances: Zocomus was childless, and went to a certain monk
of great celebrity to complain to him of this calamity; for among the
Saracens, and I believe other barbarian nations, it was accounted of great
importance to have children. The monk desired Zocomus to be of good cheer,
engaged in prayer on his behalf, and sent him away with the promise that if
he would believe in Christ, he would have a son. When this promise was
confirmed by God, and when a son was born to him, Zocomus was initiated,
and all his subjects with him. From that period this tribe was peculiarly
fortunate, and became strong in point of number, and formidable to the
Persians as well as to the other Saracens. Such are the details that I have
been enabled to collect concerning the conversion of the Saracens and their
first bishop.

CHAP. XXXIX. -- PETER, HAVING RETURNED FROM ROME, REGAINS THE CHURCHES OF
EGYPT, AFTER LUCIUS HAD GIVEN WAY; EXPEDITION OF VALENS INTO THE WEST
AGAINST THE SCYTHIANS.

   THOSE in every city who maintained the Nicene doctrine now began to
take courage, and more particularly the inhabitants of Alexandria in Egypt.
Peter (2) had returned thither from Rome with a letter from Damasus,
confirmatory of the tenets of Nicaea and of his own ordination; and he was
installed in the government of the churches in the place of Lucius, who
sailed away to Constantinople after his eviction. The Emperor Valens very
naturally was so distracted by other affairs, that he had no leisure to
attend to these transactions. He had no sooner arrived at Constantinople
than he incurred the suspicion and hatred of the people. The barbarians
were pillaging Thrace, and were even advancing to the very suburbs, and
attempted to make an assault on the very walls, with no one to hinder them.
The city was indignant at this inertness; and the people even charged the
emperor with being a party to their attack, because he did not sally forth,
but delayed offering battle. At length, when he was present at the sports
of the Hippodrome, the people openly and loudly accused him of neglecting
the affairs of the state, and demanded arms that they might fight in their
own defense. Valens, offended at these reproaches, immediately undertook an
expedition against the barbarians; but he threatened to punish the
insolence of the people on his return, and also to take vengeance on them
for having formerly supported the tyrant Procopius.

CHAP. XL. -- SAINT ISAAC, THE MONK, PREDICTS THE DEATH OF VALENS. VALENS IN
HIS FLIGHT ENTERS A CHAFF-HOUSE,IS CONSUMED, AND SO YIELDS UP HIS LIFE.

WHEN Valens was on the point of departing from Constantinople, (1) Isaac, a
monk of great virtue, who feared no danger in the cause of God, presented
himself before him, and addressed him in the following words: "Give back, O
emperor, to the orthodox, and to those who maintain the Nicene doctrines,
the churches of which you have deprived them, and the victory will be
yours." The emperor was offended at this act of boldness, and commanded
that Isaac should be arrested and kept in chains until his return, when he
meant to bring him to justice for his temerity. Isaac, however, replied,
"You will not return unless you restore the churches." And so in fact it
came to pass. For when Valens marched out with his army, the Goths
retreated while pursued. In his advances he passed by Thrace, and came to
Adrianople. When at not great distance from the barbarians, he found them
encamped in a secure position; and yet he had the rashness to attack them
before he had arranged his own legions in proper order. His cavalry was
dispersed, his infantry compelled to retreat; and, pursued by the enemy, he
dismounted from his horse, and with a few attendants entered into a small
house or tower, where he secreted himself. The barbarians were in full
pursuit, and went beyond the tower, not suspecting that he had selected it
for his place of concealment. As the last detachment of the barbarians was
passing by the tower, the attendants of the emperor let fly a volley of
arrows from their covert, which immediately led to the exclamation that
Valens was concealed within the building. Those who were a little in
advance heard this exclamation, and made known the news with a shout to
those companions who were in advance of them; and thus the news was
conveyed till it reached the detachments which were foremost in the
pursuit. They returned, and encompassed the tower. They collected vast
quantities of wood from the country around, which they piled up against the
tower, and finally set fire to the mass. A wind which had happened to arise
favored the progress of the conflagration; and in a short period the tower,
with all that it contained, including the emperor and his attendants, was
utterly destroyed. Valens was fifty years of age. He had reigned thirteen
years conjointly with his brother, and three by himself.


Taken from "The Early Church Fathers and Other Works" originally published
by Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. in English in Edinburgh, Scotland, beginning in
1867. (LNPF II/II, Schaff and Wace). The digital version is by The
Electronic
Bible Society, P.O. Box 701356, Dallas, TX 75370, 214-407-WORD.

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