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SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, Books I-II

[Translator anonymous, possibly E. Walford; revised by the Rev. A. C. Zenos,
D.D., Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the Theological Seminary at
Hartford, Conn.]


BOOK I.

CHAPTER I: Introduction to the Work.

   EUSEBIUS, surnamed Pamphilus, (1) writing the History of the Church (2)
in ten books, closed it with that period of the emperor Constantine, when
the persecution which Diocletian had begun against the Christians came to
an end. Also in writing the life of Constantine, this same author has but
slightly treated of matters regarding Arius, being more intent on the
rhetorical finish of his composition and the praises of the emperor, than
on an accurate statement of facts. Now, as we propose to write the details
of what has taken place in the churches since his time to our own day, we
begin with the narration of the particulars which he has left out, and we
shall not be solicitous to display a parade of words, but to lay before the
reader what we have been able to collect from documents, and what we have
heard from those who were familiar with the facts as they told them. And
since it has an important bearing on the matter in hand, it will be proper
to enter into a brief account of Constantine's conversion to Christianity,
making a beginning with this event.

CHAPTER II: By what Means the Emperor Constantine became a Christian.

   WHEN Diocletian and Maximian, (1) surnamed Herculius, had by mutual
consent laid aside the imperial dignity, and retired into private life,
Maximian, surnamed Galerius, who had been a sharer with them in the
government, came into Italy and appointed two Caesars, Maximin in the
eastern division of the empire, and Severus in the Italian. In Britain,
however, Constantine was proclaimed emperor, instead of his father
Constantius, who died in the first year of the two hundred and seventy-
first (2) Olympiad, on the 25th of July. And at Rome Maxentius, the son of
Maximian Herculius, was raised by the praetorian soldiers to be a tyrant
rather than an emperor. In this state of things Herculius, impelled by a
desire to regain the sovereignty, attempted to destroy his son Maxentius;
but this he was prevented by the soldiery from effecting, and he soon
afterwards died at Tarsus in Cilicia. At the same time Severus Caesar being
sent to Rome by Galerius Maximian, in order to seize Maxentius, was slain,
his own soldiers having betrayed him. At length Galerius Maximian, who had
exercised the chief authority, (8) also died, having previously appointed
as his successor, his old friend and companion in arms, Licinius, a Dacian
by birth. Meanwhile, Maxentius sorely oppressed the Roman people, treating
them as a tyrant rather than as a king, shamelessly violating the wives of
the nobles putting many innocent persons to death, and perpetrating other
similar atrocities. The emperor Constantine bring informed of this, exerted
himself to free the Romans from the slavery under him (i.e. Maxentius), and
began immediately to consider by what means he might overthrow the tyrant.
Now while his mind was occupied with this great subject, he debated as to
what divinity's aid he should invoke in the conduct of the war. He began to
realize that Diocletian's party had not profited at all by the pagan
deities, whom they had sought to propitiate; but that his own father
Constantius, who had renounced the various religions of the Greeks, had
passed through life far more prosperously. In this state of uncertainty, as
he was marching him. In fact, about that part of the day when the sun after
posing the meridian begins to decline towards the west, he saw a pillar of
light in the heavens, in the form of a cross, on which were inscribed these
words, BY THIS CONQUER. (4) The appearance of this sign struck the emperor
with amazement and scarcely believing his own eyes, he asked those around
him if they beheld the same spectacle; and as they unanimously declared
that they did, the emperor's mind was strengthened by this divine and
marvelous apparition. On the following night in his slumbers he saw Christ
who directed him to prepare a standard according to the pattern of that
which had been seen; and to use it against his enemies as an assured trophy
of victory. In obedience to this divine oracle, he caused a standard in the
form of a cross to be prepared, which is preserved in the palace even to
the present time: and proceeding in his  measures with greater earnestness,
he attacked the enemy and vanquished him before the gates of Rome, near the
Mulvian bridge, Maxentius himself being drowned in the river. This victory
was achieved in the seventh year of the conqueror's reign. (5) After this,
while Lisister Constantia, was residing in the East, the emperor
Constantine, in view of the great blessing he had received, offered
grateful thanksgivings to God as his benefactor; these consisted as were
imprisoned, and causing the confiscated property of the prescribed to be
restored to them; he moreover rebuilt the churches, and abdicated the
imperial authority, died at Salona in Dalmatia. (6)

CHAPTER III: While Constantine favors the Christians, Licinius, his
Calleague, persecutes them.

   Now Constantine, the emperor, having thus embraced Christianity,
conducted himself as a Christian of his profession, rebuilding the
churches, and enriching them with splendid offerings: he also either closed
or destroyed the temples of the pagans, (1) and exposed the images which
were in them to popular contempt. But his colleague Licinius, holding his
pagan tenets, hated Christians; and although from fear of the emperor
Constantine he avoided exciting open persecution, yet he managed to plot
against them covertly, and at length proceeded to harass them without
disguise. This persecution, however, was local, extending only to those
districts where indignant at his conduct Licinius had recourse to an
apology. Having thus propitiated him, he entered into a feigned league of
friendship, self than he committed perjury; for he neither changed his
tyrannical mood nor ceased persecuting Christians. Indeed, he even
prohibited the bishops by law from visiting the uncoverted pagans, lest it
should be made a pretext for known and secret. It was conceded in name but
manifest in fact; for those who were exposed to his persecution suffered
most severely both in their persons and property.

CHAPTER IV: War arises between Constantine and Licinius on Account of the
Christians.

   BY this course he drew upon himself the emperor Constantine's heaviest
displeasure; and they became enemies the pretended treaty of friendship
between them having been violated. Not long afterwards they took up arms
against each other as declared enemies. And after several engagements both
by sea and land, Licinius was at last utterly defeated near Chrysopolis in
Bithynia, a port of the Chalcedonians, and surrendered himself to
Constantine. Accordingly he having taken him alive, treated take up his
abode and live in tranquillity at Thessalonica. He having, however,
remained quiet a short time, managed afterwards to collect some barbarian
mercenaries and made an effort to repair his late disaster by a fresh
appeal to arms. The emperor being made acquainted with his proceedings,
directed that he should be slain, which was carried into effect.
Constantine thus became possessed of the sole dominion and was accordingly
proclaimed sovereign Autocrat, (1) and again sought to promote the welfare
of Christians. This he did in a variety of ways, and Christianity enjoyed
unbroken peace by reason of his efforts. But an internal dissension soon
succeeded this state of repose, the nature and origin of which I shall now
endeavor to describe.

CHAPTER V: The Dispute of Arius with Alexander, his Bishop.

   AFTER Peter, bishop of Alexandria, had suffered martyrdom under
Diocletian, Achillas was installed in the episcopal office, whom Alexander
succeeded, during the period of peace above referred to. He, in the
fearless exercise of his functions for the instruction and government of
the Church, attempted one day in the presence of the presbytery and the
rest of his clergy, to explain, with perhaps too philosophical minuteness,
that great theological mystery--the UNITY of the Holy Trinity. A certain
one of the presbyters under his jurisdiction, whose name was Arius,
possessed of no inconsiderable logical acumen, imaging that the bishop was
subtly teaching the same view of this subject as Sabellius the Libyan, (1)
from love of controversy took the opposite opinion to that of the Libyan,
and as he thought vigorously responded to what was said by the bishop.
'If,' said he, 'the Father begat the Son, he that was begotten had a
beginning of existence: and from this it is evident, that there was a time
when the Son was not. It therefore necessarily follows, that he had his
substance (2) from nothing.'

CHAPTER VI: Division begins in the Church firm this Controversy; and
Alexander Bishop of Alexandria excommunicates Arius and his Adherents.

   HAVING drawn this inference from his novel train of reasoning, he
excited many to a consideration of the question; and thus from a little
spark a large fire was kindled: for the evil which began in the Church at
Alexandria, ran throughout all Egypt, Libya, and the upper Thebes, and at
length diffused itself over the rest of the provinces and cities. Many
others also adopted the opinion of Arius; but Eusebius in particular was a
zealous defender of it: not he of Caesarea, but the one who had before been
bishop of the church at Berytus, and was then somehow in possession of the
bishopric of Nicomedia in Bithynia. When Alexander became conscious of
these things, both from his own observation and from report, being
exasperated to the high of his heresy; at the same time he wrote as follows
to the bishops constituted in the several cities:--

The Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria.

   To our beloved and most honored fellow-Ministers of the Catholic Church
everywhere, Alexander sends greeting in the Lord.

   Inasmuch as the Catholic Church is one body, and we are commanded in
the holy Scriptures to maintain ' the bond of unity and peace,' (1) it
becomes us to write, and mutually acquaint one another with the condition
of things among each of us, in order that ' if one member suffers or
rejoices, we may either sympathize with each other, or rejoice together.
(2) Know therefore that there have recently arisen in our diocese lawless
and anti-christian men, teaching apostasy such as one may justly consider
and denominate the forerunner of Antichrist. I wished indeed to consign
this disorder to silence, that if possible the evil might be confined to
the apostates alone, and not go forth into other districts and contaminate
the ears of some of the simple. But since Eusebius, now in Nicomedia,
thinks that the affairs of the Church are under his control because,
forsooth, he deserted his charge at Berytus and assumed authority over the
Church at Nicomedia with impunity, and has put himself at the head of these
apostates, daring oven to send commendatory letters in all directions
concerning them, if by any means he might inveigle some of the ignorant
into this most impious and anti-christian heresy, I felt imperatively
called on to be silent no longer, knowing what is written in the law, but
to inform you of all of these things, that ye might understand both who the
apostates are, and also the contemptible character of their heresy, and pay
no attention to anything that Eusebius should write to you. For now wishing
to renew his former malevolence, which seemed to have been buried in
oblivion by time, he affects to write in their behalf; while the fact
itself plainly shows that he does this for the promotion of his own
purposes. These then are those who have become apostates: Arius, Achillas
Aithales, and Carpones, another Arius, Sarmates, Euzoius, Lucius Julian,
Menas, Helladis, and Gaius; with these also must be reckoned Secundus and
Theonas, who once were called bishops. The dogmas they have invented and
assert, contrary to the Scriptures, are these: That God was not always the
Father, but that there was a period when he was not the Father; that the
Word of God was not from eternity but was made out of nothing; (3) for that
the ever-existing God ('the I AM' -- the eternal One) made him who did not
previously exist, out of nothing; wherefore there was a time when he did
not exist, inasmuch as the Son is a creature and a work. That he is neither
like the Father as it regards his essence, nor is by nature either the
Fathers true Word, or true Wisdom, but indeed one of his works God, whereby
God both made all things and him also. Wherefore he is as to his nature
mutable and susceptible of change, as all other rational creatures are:
hence the Word is alien to and other than the essence of God; and the
Father is inexplicable by the Son, and invisible to him, for neither does
the Word perfectly and accurately know the Father, neither can he
distinctly see him. The Son knows not the nature of his own essence: for he
was made on our account, in order that God might create us by him, as by an
instrument; nor would he ever have existed, unless God had wished to create
us.

   Some one accordingly asked them whether the Word of God could be
changed, as the devil has been? and they feared not to say, 'Yes, he could;
for being begotten, he is susceptible of change' We then, with the bishops
of Egypt and Libya, being assembled together to the number of nearly a
hundred, have anathematized Arius for his shameless avowal of these
heresies, together with all such as have countenanced them. Yet the
partisans of Eusebius have received them; endeavoring to blend falsehood
with truth, and that which is impious with what is sacred. But they shall
not prevail, for the truth must triumph; and 'light has no fellowship with
darkness, nor has Christ any concord with Belial.'(4) Who ever heard such
blasphemies? or what man of any piety is there now hearing them that is not
horror-struck, and stops his ears, lest the filth of these expressions
should pollute his sense of hearing? Who that hears John saying, ' In the
beginning was the Word,' (5) does not condemn those that say, 'There was a
period when the Word was not'? or who, hearing in the Gospel of ' the only-
begotten Son,' and that 'all things were made by him,' will not abhor those
that pronounce the Son to be one of the things made? How can he be one of
the things which were made by himself? Or how can he be the only-begotten,
if he is reckoned among created things? And how could he have had his
existence from nonentities, since the Father has said, 'My heart has
indited a good matter'; (6) and ' I begat thee out of my bosom before the
dawn'? (7) Or how is he unlike the Father's essence, who is 'his perfect
image,' (8) and 'the brightness of his glory' (9) and says: 'He that hath
seen me, hath seen the Father'? Again how if the Son is the Word and Wisdom
of God, was there a period when he did not exist? for that is equivalent to
their saying that God was once destitute both of Word and Wisdom. How can
he be mutable and susceptible of change, who says of himself, ' I am in the
Father, and the Father in me'; (10) and 'I and the Father are one'; (11)
and again by the Prophet, (12) 'Behold me because I am, and have not
changed'? But if any one may also apply the expression to the Father
himself, yet would it now be even more fifty said of the Word; because he
was not changed by having become man, but as the Apostle says, (13) 'Jesus
Christ, the same yesterday, to-day, and forever' But what could persuade
them to say that he was made on our account, when Paul has expressly
declared (14) that 'all things are for him, and by blasphemous assertion
that the Son does not perfectly know the Father; for having once determined
to fight against Christ, they reject even the words of the Lord himself,
when he says, (15) ' As the Father knows me, even so know I the Father' If
therefore the Father but partially knows the Son, it is manifest that the
Son also knows the Father but in part. But if it would be improper to
affirm this, and it be admitted that the Father perfectly knows the Son, it
is evident that as the Father knows his own Word, so also does the Word
know his own Father, whose Word he is. And we, by stating these things, and
unfolding the divine Scriptures, have often confuted them: but again as
chameleons they were changed, striving to apply to themselves that which is
written, 'When the ungodly has reached the depths of iniquity, he becomes
contemptuous.' (16) Many heresies have arisen before these, which exceeding
all bounds in daring, have lapsed into complete infatuation: but these
persons, by attempting in all their discourses to subvert the Divinity of
THE WORD, as having made a nearer approach to Antichrist, have
comparatively lessened the odium of former ones. Wherefore they have been
publicly repudiated by the Church, and anathematized. We are indeed grieved
on account of the perdition of these persons, and especially so because,
after having been previously instructed in the doctrines of the Church,
they have now apostatized from them. Nevertheless we are not greatly
surprised at this, for Hymenaeus and Philetus" fell in like manner; and
before them betrayer. Nor were we without forewarning respecting these very
persons: for the Lord himself said: ' Take heed that no man deceive 'the
time is at hand; Go ye not therefore after them.' (13) And Paul, having
learned these things from the Saviour, wrote, 'That in the latter times
some should apostatize from the faith, giving heed to deceiving spirits,
and doctrines of devils,' (20) who pervert the truth. Seeing then that our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ has himself enjoined this, and has also by
the apostle given us intimation respecting such men, we having ourselves
heard their impiety have in consequence anathematized them, as we before
said, and declared them to be alienated from the Catholic Church and faith.
Moreover we might neither receive any of them, if they should presume to
come to you, nor be induced to put confidence in Eusebius, or any other who
may those who speak or entertain a thought against Christ, as from those
who are resisting God, and are destroyers of the souls of men: neither does
it become us even 'to saute such men,' (21) as the blessed John has
prohibited, 'lest we should at any time be made partakers of their sins.'
Greet the brethren which are with you; those who are with me salute you.

   Upon Alexander's thus addressing the bishops in every city, the evil
only became worse, inasmuch as those to whom he made this communication
were thereby excited to contention. And some indeed fully concurred in and
subscribed to the sentiments expressed in this letter, while others did the
reverse. But Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, was beyond all others moved to
controversy, inasmuch as Alexander in his letter had made a personal and
censorious allusion to him. Now at this juncture Eusebius possessed great
influence, because the emperor resided at Nicomedia. For in fact Diocletian
had a short time previously built a palace there. On this account therefore
many of the bishops paid their court to Eusebius. And he repeatedly wrote
both to Alexander, that he might set aside the discussion which had been
excited, and again receive Arius and his adherents into communion; and also
to the bishops in each city, that they might not concur in the proceedings
of Alexander. By these means confusion everywhere prevailed: for one saw
not only the prelates of the churches engaged in disputing, but the people
also divided, some sliding with one party, and some with the other. To so
disgraceful an extent was this affair carried, that Christianity became a
subject of popular ridicule, even in the very theatres. Those who were at
Alexandria sharply disputed about the highest points of doctrine, and sent
deputations to the bishops of the several dioceses; while those who were of
the opposite faction created a similar disturbance.

   With the Arians the Melitians mingled themselves, who a little while
before had been separated from the Church: but who these [Melitians] are
must now be stated.

   By Peter, bishop of Alexandria, who in the reign of Diocletian suffered
martyrdom, a certain Melitius, bishop of one of the cities in Egypt, in
consequence of many other charges, and more especially because during the
persecution he had denied the faith and sacrificed, was deposed. This
person, being stripped of his dignity, and having nevertheless many
followers, became the leader of the heresy of those who are to this day
called from him Melitians throughout Egypt. And as he had no rational
excuse for his separation from the Church, he pretended that he had simply
been wronged and loaded Peter with calumnious reproaches. Now Peter died
the death of a martyr during the persecution, and so Melitius transferred
his abuse first to Achillas, who succeeded Peter in the bishopric, and
afterwards again to Alexander, the successor of Achillas. In this state of
things among them, the discussion in relation to Arius arose; and Melitius
with his adherents took part with Arius, (22) entering into a conspiracy
with him against the bishop. But as many as regarded the opinion of Arius
as untenable, justified Alexander's decision against him, and thought that
those who favored his views were justly condemned. Meanwhile Eusebius of
Nicomedia and his partisans, with such as favored the sentiments of Arius,
demanded by letter that the sentence of excommunication which had been
pronounced against him should be rescinded; and that those who had been
excluded should be readmitted into the Church, as they held no unsound
doctrine. Thus letters from the opposite parties were sent to the bishop of
Alexandria; and Arius made a collection of those which were favorable to
himself while Alexander did the same with those which were adverse. This
therefore afforded a plausible opportunity of defense to the sects, which
are now prevalent, of the Arians, Eunomians, and such as receive their name
from Macedonius; for these severally make use of these epistles in
Vindication of their heresies.

CHAPTER VII: The Emperor Constantine being grieved at the Disturbance of
the Churches, sends Hosius the Spaniard to Alexandria, exhorting the Bishop
and Arius to Reconciliation and Unity.

   WHEN the emperor was made acquainted with fortune, immediately exerted
himself to extinguish the conflagration which had been kindled, and sent a
letter to Alexander and Arius by a trustworthy person named Hosius, who was
bishop of Cordova, in Spain. The emperor greatly loved this man and held
him in the highest estimation. It will not be out of place to introduce
here a portion of this letter, the whole of which is given in the life of
Constantine by Eusebius. (1)

Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus to Alexander and Arius.

   I am informed that your present controversy originated thus. When you,
Alexander, inquired of your presbyters what each thought on a certain
inexplicable passage of the written Word, rather on a subject improper for
discussion; and you, Arius rashly gave expression to a view of the matter
such as ought either never to have been conceived, or when suggested to
your mind, it became you to bury it in silence. This dispute hating thus
been excited among you, communion (2) has been denied; and the most holy
people being rent into two factions, have departed from the harmony of the
common body. Wherefore let each one of you, showing consideration for the
other, listen to the impartial exhortation of your fellow-servant. And what
counsel does he offer? It was neither prudent at first to agitate such a
question, nor to reply to such a question when proposed: for the claim of
no law demands the investigation of such subjects, but the idle useless
talk of leisure occasions them. And even if they should exist for the sake
of exercising our natural faculties, yet we ought to confine them to our
own consideration, and not incautiously bring them forth in public
assemblies, nor thoughtlessly confide them to the ears of everybody. Indeed
how few are capable either of adequately ex-pounding, or even accurately
understanding the import of matters so vast and profound!

   And even if any one should be considered able to satisfactorily
accomplish this, how large a portion of the people would he succeed in
convincing? Or who can grapple with the subtilties of such investigations
without danger of lapsing into error? It becomes us therefore on such
topics to check loquacity, lest either on account of the weakness of our
nature we should be incompetent to explain the subject proposed; or the
dull understanding of the audience should make them unable to apprehend
dearly what is attempted to be taught: and in the case of one or the other
of these failures, the people must be necessarily involved either in
blasphemy or schism. Wherefore let an unguarded question, and an
inconsiderate answer, on the part of each of you, procure equal forgiveness
from one another. No cause of difference has been started by you beating on
any important precept contained in the Law; nor has any new heresy been
introduced by you in connection with the worship of God; but ye both hold
one and the same judgment on these points, which is the Creed. (3)
Moreover, while you thus pertinaciously contend with one another about
matters of small or scarcely the least importance, it is unsuitable for you
to have charge of so many people of God, because you are divided in
opinion: (4) and not only is it unbecoming, but it is also believed to be
altogether unlawful.

   In order to remind you of your duty by an example of an inferior kind,
I may say: you are well aware that even the philosophers themselves are
united under one sect. Yet they often differ from each other on some parts
of their theories: but although they may differ on the very highest
branches of science, in order to maintain the unity of their body, they
still agree to coalesce. Now, if this is done amongst them, how much more
equitable will it be for you, who have been constituted ministers of the
Most High God, to become unanimous with one another in such a religious
profession. But let us examine with closer consideration, and deeper
attention, what has been already stated. Is it right on account of
insignificant and vain contentions between you about words, that brethren
should be set in opposition against brethren; and that the honorable
communion should be distracted by unhallowed dissension, through our
striving with one another respecting things so unimportant, and by no means
essential? These quarrels are vulgar and rather consistent with puerile
thoughtlessness, than suitable to the intelligence of priests and prudent
men. We should spontaneously turn aside from the temptations of the devil.
The great God and Saviour of us all has extended to all the common light.
Under his providence, allow me, his servant, to bring this effort of mine
to a successful issue; that by my exhortation, ministry, and earnest
admonition, I may lead you, his people, back to unity of communion. (5) For
since, as I have said, there is but one faith among you, and one sentiment
respecting religion, (6) and since the precept of the law, (7) in all its
parts, combines all in one purpose of soul, let not this diversity of
opinion, which has excited dissension among you, by any means cause discord
and schism, inasmuch as it does not affect the force of the law as a whole.
Now, I say these things, not as compelling you all to see exactly alike on
this very insignificant subject of controversy, whatever it may be; since
the dignity (3) of the communion may be preserved unaffected, and the same
fellowship with all be retained, even though there should exist among you
some dissimilarity of sentiment on unimportant matters. For, of course, we
do not all desire the same thing in fore, in regard to divine providence,
let there of the Godhead: (9) but those minute investigations which ye
enter into among yourselves with so much nicety, even if ye should not
concur in one judgment in regard to them, should remain within the sphere
of your own reflection, kept in the secret recesses of the mind. Let then
an ineffable and select bond of general friendship, with faith in the
truth, reverence for God, and a devout observance of his law, remain
unshaken among you. Resume mutual friendship and grace; restore to the
whole people their accustomed familiar embraces; and do ye yourselves, on
the strength of having purified your own souls, again recognize one
another. For friendship often becomes sweeter after the removal of
animosity. Thus restore to me tranquil days, and nights free from care;
that to me also some pleasure in the pure light may be preserved, and a
cheerful serenity during the rest of my life: otherwise, I must necessarily
groan, and be wholly suffused with tears; neither will the remaining period
of my earthly existence be peacefully sustained. For while the people of
God (I speak of my fellow-servants) are severed from one another by so
unworthy and injurious a contest, how is it possible for me to maintain my
usual equanimity? But in order that you may have some idea of my excessive
grief on account of this unhappy difference, listen to what I am about to
state. On my recent arrival at the city of Nicomedia, it was my intention
immediately after to pro-distance on my way, intelligence of this affair
altogether reversed my purpose, lest I should be obliged to see with my own
eyes a condition of things such as I could scarcely bear the report of.
Open to me therefore by your reconciliation henceforth, the way into the
East, which ye have obstructed by your contentions against one another: and
permit me speedily to behold both you and all the rest of the people
rejoicing together; and to express my due thanks to the Divine Being,
because of the general harmony and liberty of all parties, accompanied by
the cordial utterance of your praise. (10)

CHAPTER VIII: Of the Synod which was held at Nicaea in Bithynia, and the
Creed there (1) put forth.

   SUCH admirable and wise counsel did the emperor's letter contain. But
the evil had become too strong both for the exhortations of the emperor,
and the authority of him who was the bearer of his letter: for neither was
Alexander nor Arius softened by this appeal; and moreover there was
incessant strife and tumult among the people. Moreover another local pure
namely in regard to the Passover, which was carried on in the regions of
the East only (2) This arose from some desiring to keep the Feast more in
accordance with the custom of the Jews; while others preferred its mode of
celebration by Christians in general throughout the world. This difference,
however, did not interfere with their communion, although their mutual joy
was necessarily hindered. When, convoked a General Council, (3) summoning
all the bishops by letter to meet him at Nicaea in Bithynia. Accordingly
the bishops assembled out of the various provinces and cities; respecting
whom Eusebius Pamphilus thus writes, word for word, in his third book of
the life of Constantine: (4)

   'Wherefore the most eminent of the ministers of God in all the churches
which have filled Europe, Africa, and Asia, were convened. And one sacred
edifice, dilated as it were by God, contained within it on the same
occasion both Syrians and Cilicians, Phoenicians, Arabs and Palestinians,
and in addition to these, Egyptians, Thebans, Libyans, and those who came
from Mesopotamia. At this synod a Persian bishop was also present, neither
was the Scythian absent from this assemblage. Pontus also and Galatia,
Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Asia and Phrygia, supplied those who were most
distinguished among them. Besides, there met there Thracians and
Macedonians, Achaians and Epirots, and even those who dwelt still further
away than these, and the most celebrated of the Spaniards himself (5) took
his seat among the rest. The prelate (6) of the imperial city was absent on
account of age; but some of his presbyters were present and filled his
place. Such a crown, composed as a bond of peace, the emperor Constantine
alone has ever dedicated to Christ his Saviour, as a thank-offering worthy
of God for victory over his enemies, having appointed this convocation
among us in imitation of the Apostolic Assembly. (7) For among them it is
said were convened "devout men of every nation under heaven; Parthains,
Medes and Elamites, and those who dwelt in Mesopotamia, Judaea and
Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the part of
Libya which is toward Cyrene, strangers from Rome also, both Jews and
proselytes with Cretans and Arabs." That congregation, however, was
inferior in this respect, that all present were not ministers of God:
whereas in this assembly the number of bishops exceeded three hundred; (8)
while the number of the presbyters, deacons, and acolyths (9) and others
who attended them was almost incalculable. Some of these ministers of God
were eminent for their wisdom, some for the strictness of their life, and
patient endurance [of persecution], and others united in themselves all
these distinguished characteristics: some were venerable from their
advanced age, others were conspicuous for their youth and vigor of mind,
and others had but recently entered on their ministerial career. (10) For
all these the emperor appointed an abundant supply of daily food to be
provided.'

   Such is Eusebius' account of those who met on this occasion. The
emperor having completed the festal solemnization of his triumph over
Licinius, cam also in person to Nice.

   There were among the bishops two of extraordinary celebrity Paphnutius,
bishop of Upper Thebes, and Spyridon, bishop of Cyprus: why I have so
particular referred to these two individuals, I shall state hereafter. Many
of the laity were also present, who were practiced in the art of reasoning,
(11) and each eager to advocate the cause of his own party. Eusebius,
bishop of Nicomedia, as was before said, supported the opinion of Arius,
together with Theognis and Maris; of these the former was bishop of Nicaea,
and Maris of Chalcedon in Bithynia. These were powerfully opposed by
Athnasius, a deacon of the Alexandrian church, who was highly esteemed by
Alexander his bishop, and on that account was much envied, as will be seen
hereafter. Now a short time previous to the general assembling of the
bishops, the disputants engaged in preparatory logical contests before the
multitudes; and when many were attracted by the interest of their
discourse, one of the laity, a confessor, (12) who was a man of
unsophisticated understanding reproved these reasoners, telling them that
Christ and his apostles did not teach us dialectics, art, nor vain
subtilties, but simple-mindedness, which is preserved by faith and good
works. As he said this, all present admired the speaker and assented to the
justice of his remarks; and the disputants themselves, after hearing his
plain statement of the truth, exercised a greater degree of moderation:
thus then was the disturbance caused by these logical debates suppressed at
this time.

   On the following day all the bishops were assembled together in one
place; the emperor arrived soon after and on his entrance stood in their
midst, and would not take his place, until the bishops by bowing intimated
their desire that he should be seated: such was the respect and reverence
which the emperor entertained for these men. When a silence suitable to the
occasion had been observed, the emperor from his seat began to address them
words of exhortation to harmony and unity, and entreated each to lay aside
all private pique. For several of them had brought accusations against one
another and many had even presented petitions to the emperor the day
before. But he, directing their attention to the matter before them, and on
account of which they were assembled, ordered these petitions to be burnt;
merely observing that ' Christ enjoins him who is anxious to obtain
forgiveness, to forgive his brother.' When therefore he had strongly
insisted on the maintenance of harmony and peace, he sanctioned again their
purpose of more closely investigating the questions at issue. But it may be
well to hear what Eusebius says on this subject, in his third book of the
Life of Constantine. (13) His words are these:

   'A variety of topics having been introduced by each party and much
controversy being excited from the very commencement, the emperor listened
to all with patient attention, deliberately and impartially considering
whatever was advanced. He in par supported the statements which were made
on either side, and gradually softened the asperity of those who
contentiously opposed each other conciliating each by his mildness and
affability. And as he addressed them in the Greek language, for he was not
unacquainted with it, he was at once interesting and persuasive, and
wrought conviction on the minds of some, and prevailed on others by
entreaty, those who spoke well he applauded. And inciting all to unanimity
at length he succeeded in bringing them into similarity of judgment, and
conformity of opinion on all the controverted points: so that there was not
only unity in the confession of faith, but also a general agreement as to
the time for the celebration of the feast of Salvation. (14) Moreover the
doctrines which had thus the common consent, were confirmed by the
signature of each individual.'

   Such in his own words is the testimony respecting these things which
Eusebius has left us in writing; and we not unfitly have used it, but
treating what he has said as an authority, have introduced it here for the
fidelity of this history. With this end also in view, that if any one
should condemn as erroneous the faith professed at this council of Nicaea,
we might be unaffected by it, and put no confidence in Sabinus the
Macedonian, (15) who calls all those who were  convened there ignoramuses
and simpletons. For this Sabinus, who was bishop of the Macedonians at
Heraclea in Thrace, having made a collection of the decrees published by
various Synods of bishops, has treated those who composed the Nicene
Council in particular with contempt and derision; not perceiving that he
thereby charges Eusebius himself with ignorance, who made a like confession
after the closest scrutiny. And in fact some things he has willfully passed
over, others he has perverted, and on all he has put a construction
favorable to his own views. Yet he commends Eusebius Pamphilus as a
trustworthy witness, and praises the emperor as capable in stating
Christian doctrines: but he still brands the faith which was declared at
Nicaea, as having been set forth by ignorant persons, and such as had no
intelligence in the matter. And thus he voluntarily contemns the words of a
man whom he himself pronounces a wise and true witness: for Eusebius
declares, that of the ministers of God who were present at the Nicene
Synod, some were eminent for the word of wisdom, others for the strictness
of their life; and that the emperor himself being But the agreement of
faith, assented to with loud acclamation at the great council of Nicaea is
this:

   'We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible: -- and substance of the Father; God of God and Light
of light; true God of true God; begotten, not made, consubstantial (17)
with the Father: by whom all things were made, both which are in heaven and
on earth: who for the sake of us men, and on account of our salvation,
descended became incarnate, and was made man; suffered, arose again the
third day, and ascended into the heavens and will come again to judge the
living and the dead. [We] also [believe] in the Holy Spirit. But the holy
Catholic and Apostolic church anathematizes those who say "There was a time
when he was not," and "He was not before he was begotten" and "He was made
from that which did not exist," and those who assert that he is of other
substance or essence than the Father, or that he was created, or is
susceptible of change.' (18)

   This creed was recognized and acquiesced in by three hundred and
eighteen [bishops]; and being, as Eusebius says, unanimous is expression
and sentiment, they subscribed it. Five only would not receive it,
objecting to the term homoousios, 'of the same essence,' or consubstantial:
these were Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nice, Maris of
Chalcedon, Theonas of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemais. 'For,' said
they 'since that is consubstantial which is from another either by
partition, derivation or germination; by germination, as a shoot from the
roots; by derivation as children from their parents; by division, as two or
three vessels of gold from a mass, and the Son is from the Father by none
of these modes: therefore they declared themselves unable to assent to this
creed.' Thus hating scoffed at the word consubstantial, they would not
subscribe to the deposition of Arius. Upon this the Synod anathematized
Arius, and all who adhered to his opinions prohibiting him at the same time
from entering into Alexandria. At the same time an edict of the emperor
sent Arius himself into exile, together with Eusebius and Theognis and
their followers; Eusebius and Theognis, however, a short time after their
banishment, tendered a written declaration of their change of sentiment,
and concurrence in the faith of the consubstantiality of the Son with the
Father, as we shall show as we proceed. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, bihop
of Caesarea in Palestine, who had held aloof for a short time, after mature
consideration whether he ought to receive this definition of the faith, at
length acquiesced in it, and subscribed it with all the rest: he also sent
to the people under his charge a copy of the Creed, with an explanation of
the word homoousios, that no one might impugn his motives on account of his
previous hesitation. Now what was written by Eusebius was as follows in his
own words:

   'You have probably had some intimation, beloved, of the transactions of
the great council convened at Nicaea, in relation to the faith of the
Church, inasmuch as rumor generally outruns true account of that which has
really taken might form an incorrect estimate of the matter, we have deemed
it necessary to submit to you, in the first place, an exposition of the
faith pro-with certain additions to its expression. The declaration of
faith set forth by us, which when read in the presence of our most pious
emperor, seemed to meet with universal approbation, was thus expressed:

   '"According as we received from the bishops who preceded us, both in
our instruction (19) [in the knowledge of the truth], and when we were
baptized; as also we have ourselves learned from the sacred Scriptures: and
in accordance with what we have both believed and taught while discharging
the duties of presbyter and the episcopal office itself, so now we believe
and present to you the distinct avowal of our faith. It is this:

   '"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible:--and begotten Son, born before all creation, (20)
begotten of God the Father, before all ages, by whom also all things were
made; who on account of our salvation became incarnate, and lived among
men; and who suffered and rose again and the dead. We believe also in one
Holy Spirit. We believe in the existence and subsistence of each of these
[persons]: that the Father is truly Father, the Son truly Son, and the Holy
Gospel, said, (21) 'Go and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.' Concerning these
doctrines we steadfastly maintain their truth, and avow our full confidence
in them such also have been our sentiments hitherto, and such we shall
continue to hold until death and in an unshaken adherence to this faith, we
anathematize every impious heresy. In the presence of God Almighty, and of
our Lord Jesus Christ we testify, that thus we have believed and thought
from our heart and soul, since we have possessed a right estimate of
ourselves; and that we now think and speak what is perfectly in accordance
with the truth. We are moreover prepared to prove to you by undeniable
evidences, and to convince you that in time past we have thus believed, and
so preached."

   ' When these articles of faith were proposed, there seemed to be no
ground of opposition: nay, our most pious emperor himself was the first to
admit that they were perfectly correct, and that he himself had entertained
the sentiments contained in them; exhorting all present to give them their
assent, and subscribe to these very articles, thus agreeing in a unanimous
profession of them, with the insertion, however, of that single word
"homoousios" (consubstantial), an expression which the emperor himself
explained, as not indicating corporeal affections or properties; and
consequently that the Son did not subsist from the Father either by
division or abscission: for said he, a nature which is immaterial and
incorporeal cannot possibly be subject to any corporeal affection; hence
our conception of such things can only be in divine and mysterious terms.
Such was the philosophical view of the subject taken by our most wise and
pious sovereign; and the bishops on account of the word homoousious, drew
up this formula of faith.

The Creed (22)

   '"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
visible and invisible: --and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the
only-begotten of the Father, that is of the substance of the Father; God of
God, Light of light, true God of true God; begotten not made,
consubstantial with the Father; by (23) whom all things were made both
which are in heaven and on earth; who for the sake of us men, and on
account of our salvation, descended, became incarnate, was made man,
suffered and rose again on the third day; he ascended into the heavens, and
will come to judge the living when he was not,' or ' He did not exist
before he was begotten,' or ' He was made of nothing' or assert that 'He is
of other substance or essence than the Father,' or that the Son of God is
created, or mutable, or susceptible of change, the Catholic and apostolic
Church of God anathematizes."

   'Now this declaration of faith being propounded by them, we did not
neglect to investigate the distinct sense of the expressions "of the
substance of the Father, and consubstantial with the Father" Whereupon
questions were put forth and answers, and the meaning of these terms was
dearly defined; when it was generally admitted that ousias (of the essence
or substance) simply implied that the Son is of the Father indeed, but does
not subsist as a part of the Father. To this interpretation of the sacred
doctrine which declares that the Son is of the Father, but is not a part of
his substance, it seemed right to us to assent. We ourselves therefore
concurred in this exposition; nor do we cavil at the word "homoousios"
hating regard to peace, and fearing to lose a right understanding of the
matter. On the same grounds we admitted also the expression" begotten, not
made": "for made," said they, "is a term applicable in consequently he is
no creature like those which were made by him, but is of a substance far
excelling any creature; which substance the Divine Oracles teach was
begotten of the Father by such a mode of generation as cannot be explained
nor even conceived by any creature." Thus also the declaration that "the
Son is consubstantial with the Father" having been discussed, it was agreed
that this must not be understood in a corporeal sense, or in any way
analogous to mortal creatures; inasmuch as it is neither by division of
substance, nor by abscission nor by any change of the Father's substance
and power, since the underived nature of the Father is inconsistent with
all these things. That he is consubstantial with the Father then simply
Father only who begat him; and that he is of no other substance or essence
but of the Father. To which doctrine, explained in this way, it appeared
right to assent, especially since we knew that some eminent bishops and
learned writers among the ancients have used the term "homoousios" in their
theological discourses concerning the nature of the Father and the Son.
Such is what I have to state to you in reference to the articles of faith
which have been promulgated; and in which we have all concurred, not
without due examination, but according to the senses assigned, which were
investigated in the presence of our most highly favored emperor, and for
the reasons mentioned approved. We by them after the declaration of faith
inoffensive; because it prohibits the use of illegitimate (24) terms, from
which almost all the distraction and commotion of the churches have arisen.
Accordingly, since no divinely inspired Scripture contains the expressions,
"of things which do not exist," and "there was a time when he was not," and
such other phrases as are therein subjoined, it seemed unwarrantable to
utter and teach them: and moreover this decision received our sanction the
rather from the consideration that we have never heretofore been accustomed
to employ these terms. We deemed it incumbent on us, beloved, to acquaint
you with the caution which has characterized both our examination of and
concurrence in these things: and that on justifiable grounds we resisted to
the last moment the introduction of certain objectionable expressions as
long as these were not acceptable; and received them without dispute, when
on mature deliberation as we examined the sense of the words, they appeared
to agree with what we had originally proposed as a sound confession of
faith.'

   Such was the letter addressed by Eusebius Pamphilus to the Christians
at Caesarea in Pales-time. At the same time the Synod itself also, with one
accord, wrote the following epistle to the church of the Alexandrians, and
to believers in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.

CHAPTER IX: The Letter of the Synod, relative to its Decisions: and the
Condemnation of Arius and those who agreed with him.

   To the holy, by the grace of God, and great church of the Alexandrians,
and to our beloved; brethren throughout Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, the
bishops assembled at Nicaea, constituting the great and holy Synod, send
greeting in the Lord.

   Since, by the grace of God, a great and holy Synod has been convened at
Nicaea, our most pious sovereign Constantine having summoned us out of
various cities and provinces for that purpose, it appeared to us
indispensably necessary that a letter should be written to you on the part
of the sacred Synod; in order that ye may know what subjects were brought
under consideration and examined, and what was eventually determined on and
decreed.

   In the first place, then, the impiety and guilt of Arius and his
adherents were examined into, in the presence of our most religions emperor
Constantine: and it was unanimously derided that his impious opinion should
be anathematized, with all the blasphemous expressions he has uttered, in
affirming that' the Son of God sprang from noting,' and that 'there was a
time when he was not'; saying moreover that 'the Son of God, because
possessed of free will, was capable either of vice or virtue; and calling
him a creature and a work. All these sentiments the holy Synod has
anathematized, having scarcely patience to endure the hearing of such an
impious opinion, or, rather, madness, and such blasphemous words. But the
conclusion of our proceedings against him you must either have been
informed of already or will soon learn; for we would not seem to trample on
a man who has received the chastisement which his crime deserved. Yet so
contagious has his pestilential error proved, as to drag into perdition
Theonas, bishop of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemais; for they have
suffered the same condemnation as himself. But when the grace of God
delivered us from those execrable dogmas, with all their impiety and
blasphemy, and from those there still remained the contumacy of Melitius
[to be dealt with] and those who had been ordained by him; and we now state
to you, beloved brethren, what resolution the Synod came to on this point.
It was decreed, the Synod being moved to great clemency towards Melitius,
although strictly speaking he was wholly undeserving of favor, that he
remain in his own city but exercise no authority either to ordain or
nominate for ordination; and that he appear in no other district or city on
this pretense, but simply retain a nominal dignity. That those who had
received appointments from him, after having been confirmed by a more
legitimate ordination, should be admitted to communion on these conditions:
that they should continue to hold their rank and ministry, but regard
themselves as inferior in every respect to all those who have been ordained
and established in each place and church by out most-honored fellow-
minister, Alexander, so that they shall have no authority to propose or
nominate whom they please, or to do anything at all without the concurrence
of some bishop of the Catholic Church who is one of Alexander's suffragans.
On the other hand, such as by the grace of God and your prayers have been
found in no schism, but have continued in the Catholic Church blameless,
shall have authority to nominate and ordain those who are worthy of the
sacred office, (1) and to act in all things according to ecclesiastical law
and usage. When it may happen that any of those holding preferments in the
church die, then let these who have been thus recently admitted be advanced
to the dignity of the deceased, provided that they should appear worthy,
and that the people should elect them, the bishop of Alexandria also
ratifying their choice. This privilege is conceded to all the others
indeed, but to Melitius personally we by no means grant the same license,
on account of his former disorderly conduct, and because of the rashness
and levity of his character, in order that no authority or jurisdiction
should be given him as a man liable again to create similar disturbances.
These are the things which specially affect Egypt, and the most holy church
of the Alexandrians: and if any other canon or ordinance has been
established, our Lord and most-honored fellow-mini-details inasmuch as he
has been a participator in whatever is transacted, and has had the
principal direction of it. We have also gratifying intelligence to
communicate to you relative to unity of judgment on the subject of the most
holy feast of Easter: for this point also has been happily settled through
your prayers; so that all the brethren in the East who have heretofore kept
this festival when the Jews did, will henceforth conform to the Romans and
to us, and to all who from the earliest time have observed our period of
celebrating Easter. Rejoicing therefore in these conclusions and in the
general unanimity and peace, as well as in the extirpation of all heresy,
receive with the greater honor and more abundant love our fellow-minister
and your bishop Alexander, who has greatly delighted us by his presence,
and even at his advanced age has undergone extraordinary exertions in order
that peace might be re-established among you. Pray on behalf of us all,
that the things decided as just may be inviolably maintained through
Almighty God, and our Lord Jesus Christ, together with the Holy Spirit; to
whom be glory for ever. Amen. Adherents, but the very expressions of his
tenets; and that having agreed among themselves respecting the celebration
of Easter, they readmitted the heresiarch Melitius into communion,
suffering him to retain his episcopal rank, but divesting him of all
authority to act as a bishop. It is for this reason I suppose that even at
the present time the Melitians in Egypt are separated from the church,
because the Synod deprived Melitius of all power. It should be observed
moreover that Arius had written a treatise on his own opinion which he
entitled Thalia: but the character of the book is loose and dissolute,
similar in its style and metres to the songs of Sotades. (2) This
production also the Synod condemned at the same time. Nor was it the Synod
alone that took the trouble to write letters to the churches announcing the
restoration of peace, but the emperor Constantine himself also wrote

The Emperor's Letter.

   Constantine Augustus, to the Catholic church of the Alexandrians.
Beloved brethren, hail! We have received from Divine Providence the
inestimable blessing of being relieved from all error, and united in the
acknowledgment of one and the same faith. The devil will no longer have any
power against us, since all that which he had malignantly devised for our
destruction has been entirely overthrown from the foundations. The splendor
of truth has dissipated at the command of God those dissensions, schisms,
tumults and so to speak, deadly poisons of discord. Wherefore we all
worship one true God, and believe that he is. But in order that this might
be done, by divine admonition I assembled at the city of Nicaea most of the
bishops; with whom I myself also, who am but one of you, and who rejoice
exceedingly in being your fellow-servant, undertook the investigation of
the truth. Accordingly, all points which seemed in consequence of ambiguity
to furnish any pretext for dissension, have been discussed and accurately
examined. And may the Divine Majesty pardon the fearful enormity of the
blasphemies which some were shamelessly uttering concerning the mighty
Saviour, our life and hope; declaring and confessing that they believe
things contrary to the divinely inspired Scriptures. While more than three
hundred bishops remarkable for their moderation and intellectual keenness,
were unanimous in their confirmation of one and the same faith, which
according to the truth and legitimate construction of the law of God can
only be the faith; Arius alone beguiled by the subtlety of the devil was
discovered to be the sole disseminator of this mischief, first among you,
and afterward with unhallowed purposes among others also. Let us therefore
embrace that doctrine which the Almighty has presented to us: let us return
to our beloved brethren from whom an irreverent servant of the devil has
separated us: let us go with all speed to the common body and our own
natural members. For this is becoming your penetration, faith and sanctity;
that since the error has been proved to be due to him who is an enemy to
the truth, ye should return to the divine favor. For that which has
commended itself to the judgment of three hundred bishops cannot be other
than the doctrine of God; seeing that the Holy Spirit dwelling in the minds
of so many dignified persons has effectually enlightened them respecting
the Divine will. Wherefore let no one vacillate or linger, but let all with
alacrity return to the undoubted path of duty; that when I shall arrive
among you, which will be as soon as possible, I may with you return due
thanks to God, the inspector of all things, for having revealed the pure
faith, and restored to you that love for which ye have prayed. May God
protect you, beloved brethren.

   Thus wrote the emperor to the Christians of Alexandria, assuring them
that the exposition of the faith was neither made rashly nor at random, but
that it was dictated with much research, and after strict investigation:
and not that some things were spoken of, while others were suppressed in
silence; but that whatever could be fittingly advanced in support of any
opinion was fully stated. That nothing indeed was precipitately determined,
but all was previously discussed with minute accuracy; so that every point
which seemed to furnish a pretext for ambiguity of meaning, or difference
of opinion, was thoroughly sifted, and its difficulties removed. In short
he terms the thought of all those who were assembled there the thought of
God, and does not doubt that the unanimity of so many eminent bishops was
effected by the Holy Spirit. Sabinus, however, the chief of the heresy of
the Macedonians, willfully rejects these authorities, and calls those who
were convened there ignorant and illiterate persons; nay, he almost accuses
Eusebius of Caesarea himself of ignorance: nor does he reflect, that even
if those who constituted that synod had been laymen, yet as being
illuminated by God, and the grace of the Holy Spirit, they were utterly
unable to err from the truth? Nevertheless, hear farther what the emperor
decreed in another circular both against Arius and those who held his
opinions, sending it in all directions to the bishops and people.

Another Epistle of Constantine.

   Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to the bishops and people.--Since
Arius has imitated wicked and impious persons, it is just that he should
undergo the like ignominy. Wherefore as Porphyry, (4) that enemy of piety,
for having composed licentious treatises against religion, found a suitable
recompense, and such as thenceforth branded him with infamy, overwhelming
him with deserved reproach, his impious writings also having been
destroyed; so now it seems fit both that Arius and such as hold his
sentiments should be denominated Porphyrians, that they may take their
appellation from those whose conduct they have imitated. And in addition to
this, if any treatise composed by Arius should be discovered, let it be
consigned to the flames, in order that not only his depraved doctrine may
be suppressed, but also that no memorial of him may be by any means left.
This therefore I decree, that if any one shall be detected in concealing a
book compiled by Arius, and shall not instantly being it forward and burn
it, the penalty for this offense shall be death; for immediately after
conviction the criminal shall suffer capital punishment. May God preserve
you!

Another Epistle. (5)

   Constantine Augustus, to the Churches. Having experienced from the
flourishing condition of public affairs, how great has been the grace of
divine power, I judged this to be an object above all things claiming my
care, that one faith, with sincere love, and uniform piety toward Almighty
God should be maintained amongst the most blessed assemblies of the
Catholic Church. But inasmuch as I perceived that this could not be firmly
and permanently established, unless all, or at least the greatest part of
the bishops could be convened in the same place, and every point of our
most holy religion should be discussed by them in council; therefore as
many as possible were assembled, and I myself also as one of you was
present; for I will not deny what I especially rejoice in, that I am your
fellow-servant. All points were then minutely investigated, until a
decision acceptable to Him who is the inspector of all things, was
published for the promotion of uniformity of judgment and practice; so that
nothing might be henceforth left for dissension or controversy in matters
of faith. There also the question having been considered relative to the
most holy day of Easter, it was determined by common consent that it should
be proper that all should celebrate it on one and the same day everywhere.
For what can be more appropriate, or what more solemn, than that this feast
from which we have received the hope of immortality, should be invariably
kept in one order, and for an obvious reason among all? And in the first
place, it seemed very unworthy of this most sacred feast, that we should
keep it following the custom of the Jews; a people who having imbrued their
hands in a most heinous outrage, have thus polluted their souls, and are
deservedly blind. Having then cast aside their usage, we are free to see to
it that the celebration of this observance should occur in future in the
more correct order which we have kept from the first day of the Passion
until the present time. Therefore have nothing in common with that most
hostile people the Jews. We have received from the Saviour another way; for
there is set before us both a legitimate and accurate course in our holy
religion: unanimously pursuing this, let us, most honored brethren,
withdraw ourselves from that detestable association. For it is truly absurd
for them to boast that we are incapable of rightly observing these things
without their instruction. For on what subject will they be competent to
form a correct judgment, who after that murder of their Lord, having been
bereft of their senses, are led not by any national motive, but by an
ungovernable impulse, wherever their innate fury may drive them? Thence it
is therefore, that even in this particular they do not perceive the truth,
so that they constantly erring in the utmost degree, instead of making a
suitable correction, celebrate the Feast of Passover a second time in the
same year. (8) Why then should we follow the example of those who are
acknowledged to be infected with grievous error? Surely we should never
suffer Easter to be kept twice in one and the same year! But even if these
considerations were not laid before you, it became your prudence at all
times to take heed, both by diligence and prayer, that the purity of your
soul should in nothing have communion, or seem to do so with the customs of
men so utterly depraved. Moreover this should also be considered, that in a
matter so important and of such religious significance, the slightest
disagreement is most irreverent. For our Saviour left us but one day to be
observed in commemoration of our deliverance, that is the day of his most
holy Passion: he also wished his Catholic Church to be one; the members of
which, however much they may be scattered in various places, are
notwithstanding cherished by one Spirit, that is by the will of God. Let
the on the same days some should be observing fasts, while others are
celebrating feasts; and after the days of Easter some should indulge in
festivities and enjoyments, and others submit to appointed fastings. On
this account therefore Divine Providence directed that an appropriate
correction should be effected, and uniformity  of practice established, as
I suppose you are all aware.

   Since then it was desirable that this should be so amended that we
should have nothing in common with that nation of parricides, and of those
who slew their Lord; and since the order is a becoming one which is
observed by all the churches of the western, southern, and northern parts,
and by some also in the eastern; from these considerations for the present
all thought it to be proper, and I pledged myself that it would be
satisfactory to your prudent penetration, that what is observed with such
general unanimity of sentiment in the city of Rome, throughout Italy,
Africa all Egypt, Spain, France, Britain, Libya, the whole of Greece, and
the dioceses of Asia, Pontus, and Cilicia, your intelligence also would
cheerfully accept; reflecting too that not only is there a greater number
of churches in the places before mentioned, but also that this in
particular is a most sacred obligation, that all should in common desire
whatever strict reason seems to demand, and what has no communion with the
perjury of the Jews. But to sum up matters briefly, it was determined by
common consent that the most holy festival of Easter should be solemnized
on one and the same day; for it is not even seemly that there should be in
such a hallowed solemnity any difference: and it is more commendable to
adopt that opinion in which there will be no intermixture of strange error,
or deviation from what is right. These things therefore being thus
consistent, do you gladly receive this heavenly and truly divine command:
for whatever is done in the sacred assemblies of the bishops is referable
to the Divine will. Wherefore, when ye have indicated the things which have
been prescribed to all our beloved brethren, it behooves you to and to
establish this observance of the most holy day: that when I arrive at the
long and earnestly desired view of your order I may be able to celebrate
the sacred festival with you on one and the same day; and may rejoice with
you for all things, in seeing Satanic cruelty frustrated by divine power
through our efforts, while your faith, peace and concord are everywhere
flourishing. May God preserve you, beloved brethren.

Another Epistle to Eusebius. (7)

Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Eusebius.

   Since an impious purpose and tyranny have even to the present time
persecuted the servants of God our Saviour, I have been credibly informed
and am fully persuaded, most beloved brother, that all our sacred edifices
have either by neglect gone to decay, or from dread of impending danger
have not been adorned with becoming dignity. But now that liberty has been
restored, and that persecuting dragon Licinius has by the providence of the
Most High Divine that the divine power has been made manifest to all, and
at the same time that those who either through fear or unbelief fell into
any sins, having acknowledged the living God, will come to the true and
right course of life. Wherefore enjoin the churches over which you yourself
and deacons whom you know, to be diligent about the sacred edifices, either
by repairing those which remain standing, or enlarging them, or by erecting
new ones wherever it may be requisite. And do you yourself ask, and the
rest through you, the necessary supplies both from the governors of the
provinces, and the officers of the praetorian prefecture: for directions
have been given to them to execute with all diligence the orders of your
holiness. May God preserve you, beloved brother.

   These instructions, concerning the building of churches were sent by
the emperor to the bishops in every province: but what he wrote to Eusebius
of Palestine respecting the preparation of some copies of the Scriptures,
we may ascertain from the letters themselves: (8) Victor Constantine
Maximus Augustus, to Eusebius of Caesarea.

   In the city which derives its name from us, a very great multitude of
persons, through the assisting providence of our Saviour God, have united
themselves to the most holy Church, so that it has received much increase
there. It is therefore requisite that more churches should have conceived.
I have thought fit to intimate this to your prudence, that you should order
to be transcribed on well-prepared parchment, by competent writers
accurately acquainted with their art, fifty copies of the Sacred
Scriptures, both legibly described, and of a portable size, the provision
and use of which you know to be needful for the instruction of the Church.
Letters have also been despatched from our clemency, to the financial agent
(9) of the diocese that he be careful to provide all things necessary for
the preparation of them. That these copies may be got ready as quickly as
possible, let it be a task for your diligence: and you are authorized, on
the warrant of this our letter, to use two of the public carriages for
their conveyance: for thus the copies which are most satisfactorily
transcribed, may be early conveyed for our inspection, one of the deacons
of your church fulfilling this commission; who when he has reached us shall
experience our bounty. May God preserve you, beloved brother.

Another Epistle to Macarius. (10)

   Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Macarius of Jerusalem. -- Such
is the grace of our Saviour, that no supply of words seems to be adequate
to the expression of its present manifestation. For that the monument (11)
of his most holy passion, long since hidden under the earth, should have
lain concealed for a period of so many years, until, through the
destruction of the common enemy of all, (12) it should shine forth to his
own servants after their having regained their freedom, exceeds all
admiration. For if all those who throughout the whole habitable earth are
accounted wise, should be convened in one and the same place, desiring to
say something worthy of the event, they would fall infinitely short of the
least part of it; for the apprehension of this wonder as far transcends
every nature capable of human reasoning, as heavenly things are mightier
than human. Hence therefore this is always my especial aim, that as the
credibility of the truth daily demonstrates itself by fresh miracles, so
the souls of us all should become more diligent respecting the holy law,
with modestly and unanimous eagerness. But I desire that you should be
fully aware of what I concave is pretty generally known, that it is now my
chief care, that we should adorn with magnificent structures that hollowed
spot which by God's appointment I have disencumbered of a most disgraceful
addition (13) of an idol, as of some grievous burden; which was consecrated
indeed from the beginning in the purpose of God, but has been more
manifestly sanctified since he has brought to light the evidence of the
Saviour's passion. Wherefore it is becoming your prudence to make such
arrangements, and provision of everything necessary, that not only a church
(14) should be built in itself superior to any elsewhere, but that the rest
of its parts also may be such that all the most splendid edifices in every
city may be excelled by this. With regard to the workmanship and chaste
execution of the walls, know that we have entrusted the care of these
things to our of the province: for my piety has ordered that artificers and
workmen, and whatever other things they may be informed from your sagacity
to be necessary for the structure, shall through their care be immediately
sent. Respecting the columns or the marbles, whatever you may judge to be
more precious and useful, do you yourself after having inspected the plan
take care to write to us; that when we shall understand from your letter
how many things and of what kind there may be need of, these may be
conveyed to you from all quarters: for it is but just that the most
wonderful place in the world, should be adorned in accordance with its
dignity. But I wish to know from you, whether you consider that the vault
of the basilica should be fretted, or constructed on some other plan: for
if it is to be fretted, it can also be decorated with gold. It remains that
your holiness should inform the officers before mentioned as soon as
possible, not only concerning the marbles and columns, but also concerning
the fretted vault, if indeed you should deride this to be the more
beautiful. May-God preserve you, beloved brother

   The emperor having also written other letters of a more oratorical
character against Arius and his adherents, caused them to be everywhere
published throughout the cities, exposing him to ridicule, and taunting him
with irony. Moreover, writing to the Nicomedians against Eusebius and
Theognis, he censures the misconduct of Eusebius, not only on account of
his Arianism, but because also having formerly been well-affected to the
ruler, he had traitorously conspired against his affairs. He then exhorts
them to elect another bishop instead of him. But I thought it would be
superfluous to insert here the letters respecting these things, because of
their length: those who wish to do so may find them elsewhere and give them
a perusal. This is sufficient notice of these transactions.

CHAPTER X: The Emperor also summons to the Synod Acesius, Bishop of the
Novatians.

   THE emperors diligence induces me to mention another circumstance
expressive of his mind, and serving to show how much he desired peace. For
aiming at ecclesiastical harmony, bishop of the sect of Novatians. Now,
when the declaration of faith had been written out and subscribed by the
Synod, the emperor asked Acesius whether he would also agree to this creed
to the settlement of the day on which Easter should be observed. He
replied, 'The Synod has determined nothing new, my prince: for thus
heretofore, even from the beginning, from the times of the apostles, I
traditionally received the definition of the faith, and the time of the
celebration of Easter.' When, therefore, the emperor further asked him, '
For what reason then do you separate yourself from communion with the rest
of the Church?' he related what had taken place during the persecution
under Decius; and referred to the rigidness of that austere canon which
declares, that it is not right persons who after baptism have committed a
sin, which the sacred Scriptures denominate 'a sin unto death' (1) to be
considered worthy of participation in the sacraments: (2) that they should
indeed be exhorted to  repentance, but were not to expect remission from
the priest, but from God, who is able and has authority to forgive sins.
(3) When Acesius had thus spoken, the emperor said to him, ' Place a
ladder, Acesius, and climb alone into heaven.' (4) Neither Eusebius
Pamphilus nor any other has ever mentioned these things: but I heard them
from a man by no means prone to falsehood, who was very old, and simply
stated what had taken place in the council in the course of a narrative.
From which I conjecture that those who have passed by this occurrence in
silence, were actuated by motives which have influenced many other
historians: for they frequently suppress important facts, either from
prejudice against some, or partiality towards others.

CHAPTER XI: Of the Bishop Paphnutius.

   As we have promised above (1) to make some mention of Paphnutius and
Spyridon, it is time to speak of them here. Paphnutius then was bishop of
one of the cities in Upper Thebes: he was a man so favored divinely that
extraordinary miracles were done by him. In the time of the persecution he
had been deprived of one of his eyes. The emperor honored this man
exceedingly, and often sent for him to the place, and kissed the part where
the eye had been torn out. So great devoutness characterized the emperor
Constantine. Let this single fact respecting Paphnutius suffice: I shall
now explain another thing which came to pass in consequence of his advice,
both for the good of the Church and the honor of the clergy. It seemed fit
to the bishops to introduce a new law into the Church, that those who were
in holy orders, I speak of bishops, presbyters, and deacons, should have no
conjugal intercourse with the wives whom they had married while still
hymen. (2) Now when discussion on this matter was impending, Paphnutius
having arisen in the midst of the assembly of bishops, earnestly entreated
them not to impose so heavy a yoke on the ministers of religion: asserting
that 'marriage itself is honorable, and the bed undefiled'; (3) urging
before God that they ought not to injure the Church by too stringent
restrictions. 'For all men,' said he, 'cannot bear the practice of rigid
continence; neither perhaps would the chastity of the wife of each be
preserved': and he termed the intercourse of a man with his lawful wife
chastity. It would be sufficient, he thought, that such as had previously
entered on their sacred calling should abjure matrimony, according to the
an-dent tradition of the Church: but that none should be separated from her
to whom, while yet unordained, he had been united. And these sentiments he
expressed, although himself without experience of marriage, and, to speak
plainly, without ever having known a woman: for from a boy he had been
brought up in a monastery, (4) and was specially renowned above all men for
his chastity. The whole assembly of the clergy assented to the reasoning of
Paphnutius: wherefore they silenced all further debate on this point,
leaving it to the discretion of those who were husbands to exercise
abstinence if they so wished in reference to their wives. Thus much
concerning Paphnutius.

CHAPTER XII: Of Spyridon, Bishop of the Cypriots.

   WITH respect to Spyridon, so great was his sanctity while a shepherd,
that he was thought worthy of being made a Pastor of men: and having been
assigned the bishopric of one of the cities in Cyprus named Trimithus, on
account of his extreme humility he continued to feed his sheep during his
incumbency of the bishopric. Many extraordinary things are related of him:
I shall however record but one or two, lest I should seem to wander from my
sub-carry off some of the sheep. But God who came to the sheep and found
the men with their hands tied behind them, he understood what was done: and
after having prayed he liberated the thieves, earnestly admonishing and
exhorting them to support themselves by honest labor, and not to take
anything unjustly. He then gave them a ram, and sent them away, humorously
adding, 'that ye may not appear to have watched all night in vain.' This is
one of the miracles in connection with Spyridon. Another was of this kind.
He had a virgin daughter named Irene, who was a partaker of her father's
piety. An acquaintance entrusted to her keeping an ornament of considerable
value: she, to guard it more securely, hid what had been deposited with her
in the ground, and not long afterwards died. Subsequently the owner of the
property came to claim it; and not finding the virgin, he began an excited
conversation with the father, at times accusing him of an attempt to
defraud him, and then again beseeching him to restore the deposit. The old
man, regarding this person's loss as his own misfortune, went to the tomb
of his daughter, and called upon God to show him before its proper season
the promised resurrection. Nor was he disappointed in his hope: for the
virgin again retiring appeared to her father, and having pointed out to him
the spot where she had hidden the ornament, she once more departed. Such
characters as these adorned the churches in the time of the emperor
Constantine. These details I obtained from many inhabitants of Cyprus. I
have also found a treatise composed in Latin by the presbyter Rufinus, from
which I have collected these and some other things which will be hereafter
adduced. (1)

CHAPTER XIII: Of Eutychian the Monk.

   I HAVE heard moreover concerning Eutychian, a devout person who
flourished about the same time; who also belonged to the Novatian church,
yet was venerated for the performance of similar miracles. I shall
unequivocally state my authority for this narrative, nor will I attempt to
conceal it, even though I give offense to some parties. It was Auxanon, a
very aged presbyter of the Novatian church; who when quite a youth
accompanied Acesius to the Synod at Nicaea, and related to me what I have
said concerning him. His life extended from that period to the reign of
Theodosius the Younger; and when I was a mere youth he recounted to me the
acts of Eutychian, enlarging much on the divine grace which was manifested
in him: but one circumstance he alluded to, which occurred in the reign of
Constantine, peculiarly worthy of mention. One of those military
attendants, whom the emperor calls his domestic [or body] guards having
been suspected of treasonable practices, sought his safety in flight. The
indignant monarch ordered that he should be put to death, wherever he might
be found: who, having been arrested on the Bithynian Olympus, was bound
with heavy and painful chains and kept imprisoned near those parts of
Olympus where Eutychian was leading a solitary life, and healing both the
bodies and souls of many. The aged Auxanon being then very young was with
him, and was being trained by him in the discipline of the monastic life.
Many persons came to this Eutychian, entreating him to procure the release
of the prisoner by interceding for him with the emperor. For the fame of
the miracles done by Eutychian had reached the ears of the emperor. He
readily promised to go to the sovereign; but as the chains inflicted
intolerable suffering, those who interested themselves on his behalf
declared that death caused by the effect of his chains would anticipate
both the emperor's vengeance and any intercession that might be made for
the prisoner. Accordingly Eutychian sent to the jailers requesting them to
relieve the man; but they having answered that they should bring themselves
into danger by relieving a criminal, he went himself to the prison,
attended by Auxanon; and as they refused to open the jail, the grace which
rested on Eutychian was rendered more conspicuous: for the gates of the
prison opened of their own accord, while the jailers had the keys in their
custody. As soon as Eutychian, together with Auxanon, had entered the
prison, to the great astonishment of all then present the fetters
spontaneously fell from the prisoner's limbs. He then proceeded with Aux-
anon to the city which was anciently called Byzantium but afterwards
Constantinople, where having been admitted into the imperial palace, he
saved the man from death; for the emperor, entertaining great veneration
for Eutychian, readily granted his request. This indeed occurred some time
after [the period to which this part of our history refers].

   The bishops who were convened at the council of Nicaea, after having
drawn up and enrolled certain other ecclesiastical regulations which they
are accustomed to term canons, again departed to their respective cities:
and as I conceive it will be appreciated by lovers of learning, I shall
here subjoin the names of such as were present, as far as I have been able
to ascertain them, with the province and city over which they severally
presided, and likewise the date at which this assembly took place. Hosius,
who was I believe bishop of Cordova in Spain, as I have before stated. Vito
and Vicentius, presbyters of Rome, Alexander, bishop of Egypt, Eustathius
of Antiochia Magna, Macarius of Jerusalem, and Harpocration of Cynopolis:
the names of the rest are fully reported in The Synodicon (1) of
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. This Synod was convened (as we have
discovered from the notation of the date prefixed to the record of the
Synod) in the consulate of Paulinus and Julian, on the 20th day of May, and
in the 636th year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian. (2)
Accordingly the work of the council was accomplished. It should be noted
that after the council the emperor went into the western parts of the
empire.

CHAPTER XIV: Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis Bishop of Nicaea,
who had been banished for agreeing in Opinion with Arius, having published
their Recantation, and assented to the Creed, are reinstated in their Sees.

   EUSEBIUS (1) and Theognis having sent a penitential confession to the
principal bishops, were by an imperial edict recalled from exile and
restored to their own churches, displacing those who had been ordained in
their places; Eusebius [displacing] Amphion, and Theognis Chrestus. This is
a copy of their written retraction:

   'We having been sometime since condemned by your piety, without a
formal trial, ought to bear in silence the decisions of your sacred
adjudication. But since it is unreasonable that we by silence should
countenance caluminators against ourselves, we on this account declare that
we entirely concur with you in the faith; and also that, after having
closely considered the import of the term consubstantial, we have been
wholly studious of peace, having never followed the heresy. After
suggesting whatever entered our thought for the security of the churches,
and fully assuring those under our influence, we subscribed the declaration
of faith; we did not subscribe the anathematizing; not as objecting to the
creed, but as disbelieving the party accused to be such as was represented,
having been satisfied on this point, both from his own letters to us, and
from personal conversations. But if your holy council was convinced, we not
opposing but concurring in your decisions, by this statement give them our
full assent and confirmation: and this we do not as wearied with our exile,
but to shake off the suspicion of heresy. If therefore ye should now think
fit to restore us to your presence, ye will have us on all points
conformable, and acquiescent in your decrees: especially since it has
seemed good to your piety to deal tenderly with and recall even him who was
primarily accused. It would be absurd for us to be silent, and thus give
presumptive evidence against ourselves, when the one who seemed responsible
has been permitted to clear himself from the charges brought against him.
Vouchsafe then, as is consistent with that Christ-loving piety of yours, to
remind our most religious emperor, to present our petitions, and to
determine speedily concerning us in a way becoming yourselves.'

   Such was the language of the recantation of Eusebius and Theognis; from
which I infer that they had subscribed the articles of faith which had been
set forth, but would not become parties to the condemnation of Arius. It
appears also that Arius was recalled before them; but, although this may be
true, yet he had been forbidden to enter Alexandria. This is evident from
the fact that he afterwards devised a way of return for himself, both into
the church and into Alexandria, by having made a fictitious repentance, as
we shall show in its proper place.

CHAPTER XV: After the Synod, on the Death of Alexander, Athanasius is
constituted Bishop of Alexandria.

   A LITTLE after this, Alexander bishop of Alexandria having died, (1)
Athanasius was set over that church. Rufinus relates, that this
[Athanasius] when quite a boy, played with others of his own age at a
sacred game: this was an imitation of the priesthood and the order of
consecrated persons. In this game therefore Athanasius was allotted the
episcopal chair, and each of the other lads personated either a presbyter
or a deacon. The children engaged in this sport on the day in which the
memory of the martyr and bishop Peter was celebrated. Now at that time
Alexander bishop of Alexandria happening to pass by, observed the play in
which they were engaged, and having sent for the children, enquired from
them the part each had been assigned in the game, conceiving that something
might be portended by that which had been done. He then gave directions
that the children should be taken to the church, and instructed in
learning, but especially Athanasius; and having afterwards ordained him
deacon on his becoming of adult age, he brought him to Nicaea to assist him
in the disputations there when the Synod was convened. This account of
Athanasius Rufinus has given in his own writings; nor is it improbable that
it took place, for many transactions of this kind have often occurred.
Concerning this matter it will suffice to have said the above. (2)

CHAPTER XVI: The Emperor Constantine having enlarged the Ancient Byzantium,
calls it Constantinople.

   AFTER the Synod the emperor spent some time in recreation, and after
the public celebration of his twentieth anniversary of his accession, (1)
he immediately devoted himself to the reparation of the churches. This he
carried into effect in other cities as well as in the city named after him,
which being previously called Byzantium, he enlarged, surrounded with
massive walls, (2) and adorned with various edifices; and having rendered
it equal to imperial Rome, he named it Constantinople, establishing by law
that it should be designated New Rome. This law was engraven on a pillar of
stone erected in public view in the Strategium, (3) near the emperor's
equestrian statue. (4) He built also in the same city two churches, one of
which he named Irene, and the other The Apostles. (5) Nor did he only
improve the affairs of the Christians, as I have said, but he also
destroyed the superstition of the heathens; for he brought forth their
images into public view to ornament the city of Constantinople, and set up
the Delphic tripods publicly in the Hippodrome. It may indeed seem now
superfluous to mention these things, since they are seen before they are
heard of. But at that time the Christian cause received its greatest
augmentation; for Divine Providence preserved very many other things during
the times of the emperor Constantine. (6) Eusebius Pamphilus has in
magnificent terms recorded the praises of the emperor; (7) and I considered
it would not be ill-timed to advert thus to them as concisely as possible.

CHAPTER XVII: The Emperor's Mother Helena having came to Jerusalem,
searches for and finds the Cross Christ, and builds a Church.

   HELENA, the emperor's mother (from whose name having made Drepanum,
once a village, a city, the emperor called it Helenopolis), being divinely
directed by dreams went to Jerusalem. Finding that which was once
Jerusalem, desolate 'as a Preserve for autumnal fruits,' (1) according to
the prophet, she sought carefully the sepulchre of Christ, from which he
arose after his burial; and after much difficulty, by God's help she
discovered it. What the cause of the difficulty was I will explain in a few
words. Those who embraced the Christian faith, after the period of his
passion, greatly venerated this tomb; but those who hated Christianity,
having covered the spot with a mound of earth, erected on it a temple to
Venus, and set up her image there, not caring for the memory of the place.
(2) This succeeded for a long time; and it became known to the emperor's
mother. Accordingly she having caused the statue (3) to be thrown down, the
earth to be removed, and the ground entirely cleared, found three crosses
in the sepulchre: one of these was that blessed cross on which Christ had
hung, the other two were those on which the two thieves that were crucified
with him had died. With these was also found the tablet (4) of Pilate, on
which he had inscribed in various characters, that the Christ who was
crucified was king of the Jews. Since, however, it was doubtful which was
the cross they were in search of, the emperor's mother was not a little
distressed; but from this trouble the bishop of Jerusalem, Macarius,
shortly relieved her. And he solved the doubt by faith, for he sought a
sign from God and obtained it. The sign was this: a certain woman of the
neighborhood, who had been long afflicted with disease, was now just at the
point of death; the bishop therefore  arranged it so that each of the
crosses should be  brought to the dying woman, believing that she  would be
healed on touching the precious cross. Nor was he disappointed in his
expectation: for the two crosses having been applied which were not the
Lord's, the woman still continued in a dying state; but when the third,
which was the true cross, touched her, she was immediately healed, and
recovered her former strength. In this manner then was the genuine cross
discovered. The emperor's mother erected over the place of the sepulchre a
magnificent church, (5) and named it New Jerusalem, having built it facing
that old and deserted city. There she left a portion of the cross, enclosed
in a silver case, as a memorial to those who might wish to see it: the
other part she sent to the emperor, who being persuaded that the city would
be perfectly secure where that relic should be preserved, privately
enclosed it in his own statue, which stands on a large column of porphyry
in the forum called Constantine's at Constantinople. I have written this
from report indeed; but almost all the inhabitants of Constantinople affirm
that it is true. Moreover the nails with which Christ's hands were fastened
to the cross (for his mother having found these also in the sepulchre had
sent them) Constantine took and  had made into bridle-bits and a helmet,
which he used in his military expeditions. The emperor supplied all
materials for the construction of the churches, and wrote to Macarius the
bishop to expedite these edifices. When the emperor's mother had completed
the New Jerusalem, she reared another church not at all inferior, over the
cave at Bethlehem where Christ was born according to the flesh: nor did she
stop here, but built a third on the  mount of his Ascension. So devoutly
was she affected in these matters, that she would pray in the company of
women; and inviting the virgins enrolled in the register (6) of the
churches to a repast, serving them herself, she brought the dishes to
table. She was also very munificent to the churches and to the poor; and
having lived a life of piety, she died when about eighty years old. Her
remains were conveyed to New Rome, the capital, and deposited in the
imperial sepulchres.

CHAPTER XVIII: The Emperor Constantine abolishes Paganism and erects many
Churches in Different Places.

   AFTER this the emperor became increasingly attentive to the interests
of the Christians, and abandoned the heathen superstitions. He abolished
the combats of the gladiators, and set up his own statues in the temples.
And as the heathens affirmed that it was Serapis who brought up the Nile
for the purpose of irrigating Egypt, because a cubit was usually carried
into his temple, he directed Alexander to transfer the cubit to the church.
And although they predicted that the Nile would not overflow because of the
displeasure of Serapis, nevertheless there was an inundation in the
following year and afterwards, taking place regularly: thus it was proved
by fact that the rising of the Nile was not in consequence of their
superstition, but by reason of the decrees of Providence. About the same
time those barbarians the Sarmatians and Goths made incursions on the Roman
territory; yet the emperor's earnestness respecting the churches was by no
means abated, but he made suitable provision for both these matters.
Placing his confidence in the Christian banner, (1) he completely
vanquished his enemies, so as even to cast off the tribute of gold which
preceding emperors were accustomed to pay the barbarians: while they
themselves, being terror-struck at the unexpectedness of their defeat, then
for the first time embraced the Christian religion, by means of which
Constantine had been protected. Again he built other churches, one of which
was erected near the Oak of Mamre, under which the Sacred Oracles declare
that Abraham entertained angels. For the emperor having been informed that
altars had been reared under that oak, and that pagan sacrifices were
offered upon them, censured by letter Eusebius bishop of Caesarea, and
ordered that the altars should be demolished, and a house of prayer erected
beside the oak. He also directed that another church should be constructed
in Heliopolis in Phoenicia, for this reason. Who originally legislated for
the inhabitants of Heliopolis I am unable to state, but his character and
morals may be judged of from the [practice of that] city; for the laws of
the country ordered the women among them to be common, and therefore the
children born there were of doubtful descent, so that there was no
distinction of fathers and their offspring. Their virgins also were
presented for prostitution to the strangers who resorted thither. The
emperor hastened to correct this evil which had long prevailed among them.
And passing a solemn law of chastity, he removed the shameful evil and
provided for the mutual recognition of families. And having built churches
there, he took care that a bishop and sacred clergy should be ordained.
Thus he reformed the corrupt manners of the people of Heliopolis. He
likewise demolished the temple of Venus at Aphaca on Mount Libanus, and
abolished the infamous deeds which were there celebrated. Why need I
describe his expulsion of the Pythonic demon from Cilicia, by commanding
the mansion in which he was lurking to be razed from its foundations? So
great indeed was the emperor's devotion to Christianity, that when he was
about to enter on a war with Persia, he prepared a tabernacle formed of
embroidered linen on the model of a church, just as Moses had done in the
wilderness; (2) and  this so constructed as to be adapted to conveyance
from place to place, in order that he might have a house of prayer even in
the most desert regions. But the war was not at that time carried on, being
prevented through dread of the emperor. It would, I conceive, be out of
place here to describe the emperor's diligence in rebuilding cities and
converting many villages into cities; as for example Drepanum, to which he
gave his mother's name, and Constantia in Palestine, so called from his
sister. For my task is not to enumerate of the emperor's actions, but
simply such as are connected with Christianity, and especially those which
relate to the churches. Wherefore I leave to others more competent to
detail such matters, the emperor's glorious achievements, inasmuch as they
belong to a different subject, and require a distinct treatise. But I
myself should have been silent, if the Church had remained undisturbed by
divisions: for where the subject does not supply matter for relation, there
is no necessity for a narrator. Since however subtle and vain disputation
has confused and at the same time scattered the apostolic faith of
Christianity, I thought it desirable to record these things, in order that
the transactions of the churches might not be lost in obscurity. For
accurate information on these points procures celebrity among the many, and
at the same time renders him who is acquainted with them more secure from
error, and instructs him not to be carried away by any empty sound of
sophistical argumentation which he may chance to hear.

CHAPTER XIX.(1): What Manner the Nations in the Interior of India were
Christianized in the Times of Constantine.

   WE must now mention in what manner Christianity was spread in this
emperor's reign: for it was in his time that the nations both of the
Indians in the interior, and of the Iberians first embraced the Christian
faith. But I shall briefly explain why I have used the appended expression
in the interior. When the apostles went forth by lot among the nations,
Thomas received the apostleship of the Parthians; Matthew was allotted
Ethiopia; and Bartholomew the part of India contiguous to that country but
the interior India, in which many barbarous nations using different
languages lived, was not enlightened by Christian doctrine before the times
of Constantine. I now come to speak of the cause which led them to become
converts to Christianity. A certain philosopher, Meropius, a Tyrian by
race, determined to acquaint himself with the country of the Indians, being
stimulated to this by the example of the philosopher Metrodorus, who had
previously traveled through the region of India. Having taken with him
therefore two youths to whom he was related, who were by no means ignorant
of the Greek language, Meropius reached the country by ship; and when he
had inspected whatever he wished, he touched at a certain place which had a
safe harbor, for the purpose of procuring some necessaries. It so happened
that a little before that time the treaty between the Romans and Indians
had been violated. The Indians, therefore, having seized the philosopher
and those who sailed with him, killed them all except his two youthful
kinsmen; but sparing them from compassion for their tender age, they sent
them as a gift to the king of the Indians. He being pleased with the
personal appearance of the youths, constituted one of them, whose name was
Edesius, cup-bearer at his table; the other, named Frumentius, he entrusted
with the care of the royal records. The king dying soon after, left them
free, the government devolving on his wife and infant son. Now the queen
seeing her son thus left in his minority, begged the young men to undertake
the charge of him, until he should become of adult age. Accordingly, the
youths accepted the task, and entered on the administration of the kingdom.
Thus Frumentius controlled all things and made it a task to enquire whether
among the Roman merchants trafficking with that country, there were any
Christians to be found: and having discovered some, he informed them who he
was, and exhorted them to select and occupy some appropriate places for the
celebration of Christian worship. In the course of a little while he built
a house of prayer; and having instructed some of the Indians in the
principles of Christianity, they fitted them for participation in the
worship. On the young king's reaching maturity, Frumentius and his
associates resigned to him the administration of public affairs, in the
management, of which they had honorably acquitted themselves, and besought
permission to return to their own country. Both the king and his mother
entreated them to remain; but being desirous of revisiting their native
place, they could not be prevailed on, and consequently departed. Edesius
for his part hastened to Tyre to see his parents and kindred; but
Frumentius arriving at Alexandria, reported the affair to Athanasius the
bishop, who had but recently been invested with that dignity; and
acquainting him both with the particulars of his wanderings and the hopes
Indians had of receiving Christianity. (2) He also begged him to send a
bishop and clergy there, and by no means to neglect those who might thus be
brought to salvation. Athanasius having considered how this could be most
profitably effected, requested Frumentius himself to accept the bishopric,
declaring that he could appoint no one more suitable than he was.
Accordingly this was done; Frumentius invested with episcopal authority,
returned to India and became there a preacher of the Gospel, and built
several churches, being aided also by divine grace, he performed various
miracles, healing with the souls also the bodily diseases of many. Rufinus
assures us that he heard these facts from Edesius, who was afterwards
ordained to the priesthood at Tyre. (3)

CHAPTER XX: In what Manner the Iberians were converted to Christianity.

   IT is now proper to relate how the Iberians (1) about the same time
became proselytes to the faith. A certain woman leading a devout and chaste
life, was, in the providential ordering of God, taken captive by the
Iberians. Now these Iberians dwell near the Euxine Sea, and are a colony of
the Iberians of Spain. Accordingly the woman in her captivity exercised (2)
herself among the barbarians in the practice of virtue: for she not only
maintained the most rigid continence, but Spent much time in fastings and
prayers. The barbarians observing this were astonished at the strangeness
of her conduct. It happened then that the king's son, then a mere babe, was
attacked with disease; the queen, according to the custom of the country,
sent the child to other women to be cured, in the hope that their
experience would supply a remedy. After the infant had been carried around
by its nurse without obtaining relief from any of the women, he was at
length brought to this captive. She had no knowledge of the medical art,
and applied no material remedy; but taking the child and laying it on her
bed which was made of horsecloth, in the presence of other females, she
simply said, 'Christ, who healed many, will heal this child also'; then
having prayed in addition to this expression of faith, and called upon God,
the boy was immediately restored, and continued well from that period. The
report of this miracle spread itself far and wide among the barbarian
women, and soon reached the queen, so that the captive became very
celebrated. Not long afterwards the queen herself having fallen sick sent
for the captive woman. Inasmuch as she being a person of modest and
retiring manners excused herself from going, the queen was conveyed to her.
The captive did the same to her as she had done to her son before; and
immediately the disease was removed. And the queen thanked the stranger;
but she replied, 'this work is not mine, but Christ's, who is the Son of
God that made the world'; she therefore exhorted her to call upon him, and
acknowledge the true God. Amazed at his wife's sudden restoration to
health, the king of the Iberians wished to requite with gifts her whom he
had understood to be the means of effecting these cures; she however said
that she needed not riches, inasmuch as she possessed as riches the
consolations of religion; but that she would regard as the greatest present
he could offer her, his recognition of the God whom she worshiped and
declared. With this she sent back the gifts. This answer the king treasured
up in his mind, and going forth to the chase the next day, the following
circumstance occurred: a mist and thick darkness covered the mountain tops
and forests where he was hunting, so that their sport was embarrassed, and
their path became inextricable. In this perplexity the prince earnestly
invoked the gods whom he worshiped; and as it availed nothing, he at last
determined to implore the assistance of the captive's God; when scarcely
had he begun to pray, ere the darkness arising from the mist was completely
dissipated. Wondering at that which was done, he returned to his palace
rejoicing, and related to his wife what had happened; he also immediately
sent for the captive stranger, and begged her to inform him who that God
was whom she adored. The woman on her arrival caused the king of the
Iberians to become a preacher of Christ: for having believed in Christ
through this devoted woman, he convened all the Iberians who were under his
authority; and when he had declared to them what had taken place in
reference to the cure of his wife and child not only, but also the
circumstances connected with the chase, he exhorted them to worship the God
of the captive. Thus, therefore, both the king and the queen were made
preachers of Christ, the one addressing their male, and the other their
female subjects. Moreover, the king having ascertained from his prisoner
the plan on which churches were constructed among the Romans, ordered a
church to be built, and immediately provided all things necessary for its
erection; and the edifice was accordingly commenced. But when they came to
set up the pillars, Divine Providence interposed for the confirmation of
the inhabitants in the faith; for one of the columns remained immovable,
and no means were found capable of moving it; but their ropes broke and
their machinery fell to pieces; at length the workmen gave up all further
effort and departed. Then was proved the reality of the captive's faith in
the following manner: going to the place at night without the knowledge of
any one, she spent the whole time in prayer; and by the power of God the
pillar was raised, and stood erect in the air above its base, yet so as not
to touch it. At daybreak the king, who was an intelligent person, came
himself to inspect the work, and seeing the pillar suspended in this
position without support, both he and his attendants were amazed. Shortly
after, in fact before their very eyes, the pillar descended on its own
pedestal, and there remained fixed. Upon this the people shouted, attesting
the truth of the king's faith, and hymning the praise of the God of the
captive. They believed thenceforth, and with eagerness raised the rest of
the columns, and the whole building was soon completed. An embassy was
afterwards sent to the Emperor Constantine, requesting that henceforth they
might be in alliance with the Romans, and receive from them a bishop and
consecrated clergy, since they sincerely believed in Christ. Rufinus says
that he learned these facts from Bacurius, (3) who was formerly one of the
petty princes (4) of the Iberians, but subsequently went over to the
Romans, and was made a captain of the military force in Palestine; being at
length entrusted with the supreme command in the war against the tyrant
Maximus, he assisted the Emperor Theodosius. In this way then, during the
days of Constantine, were the Iberians also converted to Christianity.

CHAPTER XXI: Of Anthony the Monk.

   WHAT sort of a man the monk Anthony was, who lived in the same age, in
the Egyptian desert, and how he openly contended with devils, clearly
detecting their devices and wily  modes of warfare, and how he performed
many miracles, it would be superfluous for us to say; for Athanasius,
bishop of Alexandria, has anticipated us, having devoted an entire book to
his biography. (1) Of such good men there was a large number at one time
during the years of the Emperor Constantine.

CHAPTER XXII: Manes, the Founder of the Manichoean Heresy, and on his
Origin.

   BUT amidst the good wheat, tares are accustomed to spring up; for envy
loves to plot insidiously against the good. Hence it was that a little
while before the time of Constantine, a species of heathenish Christianity
made its appearance together with that which was real; just as false
prophets sprang up among the true, and false apostles among the true
apostles. For at that time a dogma of Empedocles, the heathen philosopher,
by means of Manichaeus, assumed the form of Christian doctrine. Eusebius
Pamphilus has indeed mentioned this person in the seventh book of his
Ecclesiastical History, (1) but has not entered into minute details
concerning him. Wherefore, I deem it incumbent on me to supply some
particulars which he has left unnoticed: thus it will be known who this
Manichaeus was, whence he came, and what was the nature of his presumptuous
daring.

   A Saracen named Scythian married a captive from the Upper Thebes. On
her account he dwelt in Egypt, and having versed himself in the learning of
the Egyptians, he subtly introduced the theory of Empedocles and Pythagoras
among the doctrines of the Christian faith. Asserting that there were two
natures, a good. and an evil one, he termed, as Empedocles had done, the
latter Discord, and the former Friendship. Of this Scythian, Buddas, who
had been previously called Terebinthus, became a disciple; and he having
proceeded to Babylon, which the Persians inhabit, made many extravagant
statements respecting himself, declaring that he was born of a virgin, and
brought up in the mountains. The same man afterwards composed four books,
one he entitled The Mysteries, another The Gospel, a third The Treasure,
and the fourth Heads [Summaries]; but pretending to perform some mystic
rites, he was hurled down a precipice by a spirit, (2) and so perished. A
certain woman at whose house he had lodged buried him, and taking
possession of his property, bought a boy about seven years old whose name
was Cubricus: this lad she enfranchised, and having given him a liberal
education, she soon after died, leaving him all that belonged to
Terebinthus, including the books he had written on the principles
inculcated by Scythian. Cubricus, the freedman, taking these things with
him and having withdrawn into the regions of Persia, changed his name,
calling himself Manes; and disseminated the books of Buddas or Terebinthus
among his deluded followers as his own. Now the contents of these treatises
apparently agree with Christianity in expression, but are pagan in
sentiment: for Manichaeus being an atheist, incited his disciples to
acknowledge a plurality of gods, and taught them to worship the sun. He
also introduced the doctrine of Fate, denying human free-will; and affirmed
a transmutation (3) of bodies, clearly following the opinions of
Empedocles, Pythagoras, and the Egyptians. He denied that Christ existed in
the flesh, asserting that he was an apparition; and rejected moreover the
law and the prophets, calling himself the 'Comforter,' -- all of which
dogmas are totally at variance with the orthodox faith of the church. In
his epistles he even dared to call himself an apostle; but for a pretension
so unfounded he brought upon himself merited retribution in the following
manner. The son of the Persian monarch having been attacked with disease,
his father became anxious for his recovery, and left no means untried in
order to effect it; and as he had heard of the wonder-working of
Manichaeus, and thinking that these miracles were real, he sent for him as
an apostle, trusting that through him his son might be restored. He
accordingly presented himself at court, and with his assumed manner
undertook the treatment of the young prince. But the king seeing that the
child died in his hands shut up the deceiver in prison, with the intention
of putting him to death. However, he contrived to escape, and fled into
Mesopotamia; but the king of Persia having discovered that he was dwelling
there, caused him to be brought thence by force, and after having rayed him
alive, he stuffed his skin with chaff, and suspended it in front of the
gate of the city. These things we state not having manufactured them
ourselves, but collected from a book entitled The disputation of Archelaus
bishop of Caschara (one of the cities of Mesopotamia). (4) For Archelaus
himself states that he disputed with Manichaeus face to face, and mentions
the circumstances connected with his life to which we have now alluded.
Envy thus delights, as we before remarked, to be insidiously at work in the
midst of a prosperous condition of affairs. But for what reason the
goodness of God permits this to be done, whether he wishes thereby to bring
into activity the excellence of the principles of the church, and to
utterly break down the self-importance which is wont to unite itself with
faith; or for what other cause, is, at the same time, a difficult question,
and not relevant to the present discussion. For our object is neither to
examine the soundness of doctrinal views, nor to analyze the mysterious
reasons for the providences and judgments of God; but to detail as
faithfully as possible the history of transactions which have taken place
in the churches. The way in which the superstition of the Manichaeans
sprang up a little before the time of Constantine has been thus described;
now let us return to the times and events which are the proper subjects of
this history.

CHAPTER XXIII: Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis Bishop of Nicaea,
having recovered Confidence, endeavor to subvert the Nicene Creed, by
plotting against Athanasius.

   THE partisans of Eusebius and Theognis having returned from their
exile, these latter were reinstated in their churches, having expelled, as
we observed, those who had been ordained in their stead. Moreover, they
came into great consideration with the emperor, who honored them
exceedingly, as those who had returned from error to the orthodox faith.
They, however, abused the license thus afforded them, by exciting greater
commotions in the world than they had done before; being instigated to this
by two causes -- on the one hand the Arian heresy with which they had been
previously infected, and bitter animosity against Athanasius on the other,
because he had so vigorously withstood them in the Synod while the articles
of faith were under discussion. And in the first place they objected to the
ordination of Athanasius partly as a person unworthy of the prelacy, and
partly because he had been elected by disqualified persons. But when
Athanasius had shown himself superior to this calumny (for having assumed
control of the church of Alexandria, he ardently contended for the Nicene
creed), then Eusebius exerted himself to the utmost insidiously to cause
the removal of Athanasius and to bring Arius back to Alexandria; for he
thought that thus only he should be able to expunge the doctrine of
consubstantiality, and introduce Arianism. Eusebius therefore wrote to
Athanasius, desiring him to re-admit Arius and his adherents into the
church. Now the tone of his letter indeed was that of entreaty, but openly
he menaced him. And as Athanasius would by no means accede to this, he
endeavored to induce the emperor to give Arius an audience, and then permit
him to return to Alexandria: and by what means he attained his object, I
shall mention in its proper place. Meanwhile before this another commotion
was raised in the church. In fact, her own children again disturbed her
peace. Eusebius Pamphilus says, (1) that immediately after the Synod, Egypt
became agitated by intestine divisions: not assigning, however, the reason
for this, so that hence he has won the reputation of disingenuousness, and
of avoiding to specify the causes of these dissensions, from a
determination on his part not to give his sanction to the proceedings at
Nicaea. Yet as we ourselves have discovered from various letters which the
bishops wrote to one another after the Synod, the term hamoousios troubled
some of them. So that while they occupied themselves in a too minute
investigation of its import, they roused the strife against each other; it
seemed not unlike a contest in the dark; for neither party appeared to
understand distinctly the grounds on which they calumniated one another.
Those who objected to the word homoousios, conceived that those who
approved it favored the opinion of Sabellius (2) and Moatanus; (3) they
therefore called them blasphemers, as subverting the existence of the Son
of God. And again the advocates of this term, charging their opponents with
polytheism, inveighed against them as introducers of heathen superstitions.
Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, accuses Eusebius Pamphilus of perverting the
Nicene Creed; Eusebius again denies that he violates that exposition of the
faith, and recriminates, saying that Eustathius was a defender of the
opinion of Sabellius. In consequence of these misunderstandings, each of
them wrote as if contending against adversaries: and although it was
admitted on both sides that the Son of God has a distinct person and
existence, and all acknowledged that there is one God in three Persons, yet
from what cause I am unable to divine, they could not agree among
themselves, and therefore could in no way endure to be at peace.

CHAPTER XXIV: Of the Synod held at Antioch, which deposed Eustathius,
Bishop of Antioch, on whose account a Sedition broke out and almost ruined
the City.

   HAVING therefore convened a Synod at Antioch, they deposed Eustathius,
as a supporter of the Sabellian heresy, rather than of the tenets which the
council at Nicaea had formulated. As some affirm [this measure was taken]
for other and unsatisfactory reasons, though none other have been openly
assigned: this is a matter of common occurrence; the bishops are accustomed
to do this in all cases, accusing and pronouncing impious those whom they
depose, but not explaining their warrant for so doing. George, bishop of
Laodicea in Syria, one of the number of those who abominated the term
homoousios, assures us in his Encomium of Eusebius Emisenus, that they
deposed Eustathius as favoring Sabellianism, on the impeachment of Cyrus,
bishop of Beroea. Of Eusebius Emisenus we shall speak elsewhere in due
order. (1) George has written of Eustathius [somewhat inconsistently]; for
after asserting that he was accused by Cyrus of maintaining the heresy of
Sabellius, he tells us again that Cyrus himself was convicted of the same
error, and degraded for it. Now how was it possible that Cyrus should
accuse Eustathius as a Sabellian, when he inclined to Sabellianism himself?
It appears likely therefore that Eustathius must have been condemned on
other grounds. At that time, however, there arose a dangerous sedition at
Antioch on account of his deposition: for when they proceeded to the
election of a successor, so fierce a dissension was kindled, as to threaten
the whole city with destruction. The populace was divided into two
factions, one of which vehemently contended for the translation of Eusebius
Pamphilus from Caesarea in Palestine to Antioch; the other equally insisted
on the reinstatement of Eustathius. And the populace of the city were
infected with the spirit of partisanship in this quarrel among the
Christians, a military force was arrayed on both sides with hostile intent,
so that a bloody collision would have taken place, had not God and the
dread of the emperor repressed the violence of the multitude. For the
emperor through letters, and Eusebius by refusing to accept the bishopric,
served to allay the ferment: on which account that prelate was exceedingly
admired by the emperor, who wrote to him commending his prudent
determination, and congratulating him as one who was considered worthy of
being bishop not of one city merely, but of almost the whole world.
Consequently it is said that the episcopal chair of the church at Antioch
was vacant for eight consecutive years after this period; (2) but at length
by the exertions of those who aimed at the subversion of the Nicene creed,
Euphronius was duly installed. This is the amount of my information
respecting the Synod held at Antioch on account of Eustathius. Immediately
after these events Eusebius, who had long before left Berytus, and was at
that time presiding over the church at Nicomedia, strenuously exerted
himself in connection to those of his party, to bring back Arius to
Alexandria. But how they managed to effect this, and by what means the
emperor was prevailed on to admit both Arius and with him Euzoius into his
presence must now be related.

CHAPTER XXV: Of the Presbyter who exerted himself for the Recall of Arius.
(1)

   THE Emperor Constantine had a sister named Constantia, the widow of
Licinius, who had for some time shared the imperial dignity with
Constantine, but had assumed tyrannical powers and had been put to death in
consequence. This princess maintained in her household establishment a
certain confidential presbyter, tinctured with the dogmas of Arianism;
Eusebius and others having prompted him, he took occasion in his familiar
conversations with Constantia, to insinuate that the Synod had done Arius
injustice, and that the common report concerning him was not true.
Constantia gave full credence to the presbyter's assertions, but durst not
report them to the emperor. Now it happened that she became dangerously
ill, and her brother visited her daily. As the disease became aggravated
and she expected to die, she commended this presbyter to the emperor,
testifying to his diligence and piety, as well as his devoted loyalty to
his sovereign. She died soon after, whereupon the presbyter became one of
the most confidential persons about the emperor; and having gradually
increased in freedom of speech, he repeated to the emperor what be had
before stated to his sister, affirming that Arius had no other views than
the sentiments avowed by the Synod; and that if he were admitted to the
imperial presence, he would give his full assent to what the Synod had
decreed: he added, moreover, that he had been unreasonably slandered. The
presbyter's words appeared strange to the emperor, and he said, 'If Arius
subscribes with the Synod and holds its views, I will both give him an
audience, and send him back to Alexandria with honor.' Having thus said, he
immediately wrote to him in these words:

Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to Arius.

   It was intimated to your reverence some time since, that you might come
to my court, in order to obtain an interview with us. We are not a little
surprised that you did not do this immediately. Wherefore having at once
mounted a public vehicle, hasten to arrive at our court; that when you have
experienced our clemency and regard for you, you may return to your own
country. May God protect you, beloved. Dated the twenty-fifth of November.

   This was the letter of the emperor to Arius. And I cannot but admire
the ardent zeal which the prince manifested for religion: for it appears
from this document that he had often before exhorted Arius to change his
views, inasmuch as he censures his delaying to return to the truth,
although he had himself written frequently to him. Now on the receipt of
this letter, Arius came to Constantinople accompanied by Euzoius, whom
Alexander had divested of his deaconship when he excommunicated Arius and
his partisans. The emperor accordingly admitted them to his presence, and
asked them whether they would agree to the creed. And when they readily
gave their assent, he ordered them to deliver to him a written statement of
their faith.

CHAPTER XXVI: Arius, on being recalled, presents a Recantation  the
Emperor, and pretends to accept the Nicene Creed. THEY having drawn up a
declaration to the following effect, presented it to the emperor.

   'Arius and Euzoius, to our Most Religious and Pious Lord, the Emperor
Constantine.

   'In accordance with the command of your devout piety, sovereign lord,
we declare our  faith, and before God profess in writing, that we and our
adherents believe as follows:

   'We believe in one God the Father Almighty: and in the Lord Jesus
Christ his Son, who was begotten (1) of him before all ages, God the Word
through whom all things were made, both those which are in the heavens and
those upon the earth; who descended, and became incarnate, and suffered,
and rose again, ascended into the heavens, and will again come to judge the
living and the dead. [We believe] also in the Holy Spirit, and in the
resurrection of the flesh, and in the life of the coming age, and in the
kingdom of the heavens, and in one Catholic Church of God, extending from
one end of the earth to the other.

   'This faith we have received from the holy gospels, the Lord therein
saying to his disciples: (2) "Go and teach all nations, baptizing them in
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." If we do
not so believe and truly receive the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit,
as the whole Catholic Church and the holy Scriptures teach (in which we
believe in every respect), God is our judge both now, and in the coming
judgment. Wherefore we beseech your piety, most devout emperor, that we who
are persons consecrated to the ministry, and holding the faith and
sentiments of the church and of the holy Scriptures, may by your pacific
and devoted piety be reunited to our mother, the Church, all superfluous
questions and disputings being avoided: that so both we and the whole
church being at peace, may in common offer our accustomed prayers for your
tranquil reign, and on behalf of your whole family.'

CHAPTER XXVII: Arius having returned to Alexandria with the Emperor's
Consent, and not being received by Athanasius, the Partisans of Eusebius
bring Many Charges against Athanasius before the Emperor.

   ARIUS having thus satisfied the emperor, returned to Alexandria. But
his artifice for suppressing the truth did not succeed; for on his arrival
at Alexandria, as Athanasius would not receive him, but turned away from
him as a pest, he attempted to excite a fresh commotion in that city by
disseminating his heresy. Then indeed both Eusebius himself wrote, and
prevailed on the emperor also to write, in order that Arius and his
partisans might be readmitted into the church. Athanasius nevertheless
wholly refused to receive them, and wrote to inform the emperor in reply,
that it was impossible for those who had once rejected the faith, and had
been anathematized, to be again received into communion on their return.
But the emperor, provoked at this answer, menaced Athanasius in these
terms:

   'Since you have been apprised of my will, afford unhindered access into
the church to all those who are desirous of entering it. For if it shall be
intimated to me that you have prohibited any of those claiming to be
reunited to the church, or have hindered their admission, I will forthwith
send some one who at my command shall depose you, and drive you into
exile.'

   The emperor wrote thus from a desire of promoting the public good, and
because he did not wish to see the church ruptured; for he labored
earnestly to bring them all into harmony. Then indeed the partisans of
Eusebius, ill-disposed towards Athanasius, imagining they had found a
seasonable opportunity, welcomed the emperor's displeasure as an auxiliary
to their own purpose: and on this account they raised a great disturbance,
endeavoring to eject him from his bishopric; for they entertained the hope
that the Arian doctrine would prevail only upon the removal of Athanasius.
The chief conspirators against him were Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia,
Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Ursacius of Singidnum in Upper
Moesia, and Valens of Mursa in Upper Pannonia. These persons suborn by
bribes certain of the Melitian heresy to fabricate various charges against
Athanasius; and first they accuse him through the Melitians Ision, Eudaemon
and Callinicus, of having ordered the Egyptians to pay a linen garment as
tribute to the church at Alexandria. But this calumny was immediately
disproved by Alypius and Macarius, presbyters of the Alexandrian church,
who then happened to be at Nicomedia; they having convinced the emperor
that these statements to the prejudice of Athanasius were false. Wherefore
the emperor by letter severely censured his accusers, but urged Athanasius
to come to him. But before he came the Eusebian faction anticipating his
arrival, added to their former accusation the charge of another crime of a
still more serious nature than the former; charging Athanasius with
plotting against his sovereign, and with having sent for treasonable
purposes a chest full of gold to one Philumenus. When, however, the emperor
had himself investigated this matter at Psamathia, which is in the suburbs
of Nicomedia, and had found Athanasius innocent, he dismissed him with
honor; and wrote with his own hand to the church at Alexandria to assure
them that their bishop had been falsely accused. It would indeed have been
both proper and desirable to have passed over in silence the subsequent
attacks which the Eusebians made upon Athanasius, lest from these
circumstances the Church of Christ should be judged unfavorably of by those
who are adverse to its interests. (1) But since having been already
committed to writing, they have become known to everybody, I have on that
account deemed it necessary to make as cursory allusion to these things as
possible, the particulars of which would require a special treatise. Whence
the slanderous accusation originated, and the character of those who
devised it, I shall now therefore state in brief. Marcotes (2) is a
district of Alexandria; there are contained in it very many villages, and
an abundant population, with numerous splendid churches; these churches are
all under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Alexandria, and are subject to
his city as parishes. (3) There was in this region a person named Isohyras,
who had been guilty of an act deserving of many deaths; (4) for although he
had never been admitted to holy orders, he had the audacity to assume the
title of presbyter, and to exercise sacred functions belonging to the
priesthood. But having been detected in his sacrilegious career, he made
his escape thence and sought refuge in Nicomedia, where he implored the
protection of the party of Eusebius; who from their hatred to Athanasius,
not only received him as a presbyter, but even promised to confer upon him
the dignity of the episcopacy, if he would frame an accusation against
Athanasius, listening as a pretext for this to whatever stories Ischyras
had invented. For he spread a report that he had suffered dreadfully in
consequence of an assault; and that Macarius had rushed furiously toward
the altar, had overturned the table, and broken a mystical cup: he added
also that he had burnt the sacred books. As a reward for this accusation,
the Eusebian faction, as I have said promised him a bishopric; foreseeing
that the charges against Macarius would involve, along with the accused
party, Athanasius, under whose orders he would seem to have acted. But this
charge they formulated later; before it they devised another full of the
bitterest malignity, to which I shall now advert. Having by some means, I
know not what, obtained a man's hand; whether they themselves had murdered
any one, and cut off his hand, or had severed it from some dead body, God
knows and the authors of the deed: but be that as it may, they publicly
exposed it as the hand of Arsenius, a Melitian bishop, while they kept the
alleged owner of it concealed. This hand, they asserted, had been made use
of by Athanasius in the performance of certain magic arts; and therefore it
was made the gravest ground of accusation which these calumniators had
concerted against him: but as it generally happens, all those who
entertained any pique against Athanasius came forward at the same time with
a variety of other charges. When the emperor was informed of these
proceedings, he wrote to his nephew Dalmatius the censor, who then had his
residence at Antioch in Syria, directing him to order the accused parties
to be brought before him, and after due investigation, to inflict
punishment on such as might be convicted. He also sent thither Eusebius and
Theognis, that the case might be tried in their presence. When Athanasius
knew that he was to be summoned before the censor, he sent into Egypt to
make a strict search after Arsenius; and he ascertained indeed that he was
secreted there, but was unable to apprehend him, because he often changed
his place of concealment. Meanwhile the emperor suppressed the trial which
was to have been held before the censor, on the following account.

CHAPTER XXVIII: On Account of the Charges against Athanasius, the Emperor
convokes a Synod of Bishops at

   THE emperor had ordered a Synod of bishops to be present at the
consecration of the church which he had erected at Jerusalem. He therefore
directed that, as a secondary matter, they should on their way first
assemble at Tyre, to examine into the charges against Athanasius; in order
that all cause of contention being removed there, they might the more
peacefully perform the inaugural ceremonies (1) in the dedication of the
church of God. This was the thirtieth year of Constantine's reign, and
sixty bishops were thus convened at Tyre from various places, on the
summons of Dionysius the consul. As to Macarius the presbyter, he was
conducted from Alexandria in chains, under a military escort; while
Athanasius was unwilling to go thither, not so much from dread, because he
was innocent of the charges made, as because he feared lest any innovations
should be made on the decisions of the council at Nicaea; he was, however,
constrained to be present by the menacing letters of the emperor. For it
had been written him that if he did not come voluntarily, he should be
brought by force.

CHAPTER XXIX: Of Arsenius, and his Hand which was said to have been cut
off.

   THE special providence of God drove Arsenius also to Tyre; for,
disregarding the injunctions he had received from the accusers who had
bribed him, he went thither disguised to see what would be done. It by some
means happened that the servants of Archelaus, the governor of the
province, heard some persons at an inn affirm that Arsenius, who was
reported to have been murdered, was concealed in the house of one of the
citizens. Having heard this and marked the individuals by whom this
statement was made, they communicated the information to their master, who
causing strict search to be made for the man immediately, discovered and
properly secured him; after which he gave notice to Athanasius that he need
not be under any alarm, inasmuch as Arsenius was alive and there present.
Arsenius on being apprehended, at first denied that he was the person; but
Paul, bishop of Tyre, who had formerly known him, established his identity.
Divine providence having thus disposed matters Athanasius was shortly after
summoned by the Synod; and as soon as he presented himself, his traducers
exhibited the hand, and pressed their charge. He managed the affair with
great prudence, for he enquired of those present, as well as of his
accusers, who were the persons who knew Arsenius? and several having
answered that they knew him, he caused Arsenius to be  introduced, having
his hands covered by his cloak. Then he again asked them, 'Is this the
person who has lost a hand?' All were astonished at the unexpectedness of
this procedure, except those who knew whence the hand had been cut off; for
the rest thought that Arsenius was really deficient of a hand, and expected
that the accused would make his defense in some other way. But Athanasius
turning back the cloak of Arsenius on one side showed one of the man's
hands; again, while some were supposing that the other hand was wanting,
permitting them to remain a short time in doubt afterward he turned back
the cloak on the other side and exposed the other hand. Then addressing
himself to those present, he said, 'Arsenius, as you see, is found to have
two hands: let my accusers show the place whence the third was cut off.'
(1)

CHAPTER XXX: Athanasius is found Innocent of what he was accused; his
Accusers take to Flight.

   Matters having been brought to this issue with regard to Arsenius, the
contrivers of this imposture were reduced to perplexity; and Achab, (1) who
was also called John, one of the principal accusers, having slipped out of
court in the tumult, effected his escape. Thus Athanasius cleared himself
from this charge, without having recourse to any pleading; (2) for he was
confident that the sight only of Arsenius alive would confound his
calumniators.

CHAPTER XXXI: When the Bishops will not listen to Athanasius' Defense an
the Second Charge, he betakes himself to the Emperor.

   BUT in refuting the false allegations against Macarius, he made use of
legal forms; taking exception in the first place to Eusebius and his party,
as his enemies, protesting against the injustice of any man's being tried
by his adversaries. He next insisted on its being proved that his accuser
Ischyras had really obtained the dignity of presbyter; for so he had been
designated in the indictment. But as the judges would not allow any of
these objections, the case of Macarius was entered into, and the informers
being found deficient of proofs, the hearing of the matter was postponed,
until some persons should have gone into Mareotis, in order that all
doubtful points might be examined on the spot. Athanasius seeing that those
very individuals were to be sent to whom he had taken exception (for the
persons sent were Theognis, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Valens, and
Ursacius), exclaimed that 'their procedure was both treacherous and
fraudulent; for that it was unjust that the presbyter Macarius should be
detained in bonds, while the accuser together with the judges who were his
adversaries, were permitted to go, in order that an ex parte collection of
the facts in evidence might be made.' Having made this protest before the
whole Synod and Dionysius the governor of the province, and finding that no
one paid any attention to his appeal, he privately withdrew. Those,
therefore, who were sent to Mareotis, having made an ex parte
investigation, held that what the accuser said was true.

CHAPTER XXXII: On the Departure of Athanasius, those who composed the Synod
vote his Deposition.

   THUS Athanasius departed, hastening to the emperor, and the Synod in
the first place condemned him in his absence; and when the re-suit of the
enquiry which had been instituted at Mareotis was presented, they voted to
depose him; loading him with opprobrious epithets in their sentence of
deposition, but being wholly silent respecting the disgraceful defeat of
the charge of murder brought by his calumniators. They moreover received
into communion Arsenius, who was reported to have been murdered; and he who
had formerly been a bishop of the Melitian heresy subscribed to the
deposition of Athanasius as bishop of the city of Hypselopolis. Thus by an
extraordinary course of circumstances, the alleged victim of assassination
by Athanasius, was found alive to assist in deposing him.

CHAPTER XXXIII: The Members of the Synod proceed from Tyre to Jerusalem,
and having celebrated the Dedication of the 'New Jerusalem,' receive Arius
and his Followers into Communion.

   LETTERS in the meantime were brought from the emperor directing those
who composed the Synod to hasten to the New Jerusalem: (1) having therefore
immediately left Tyre, they set forward with all despatch to Jerusalem,
where, after celebrating a festival in connection with the consecration of
the place, they readmilled Arius (2) and his adherents into communion, in
obedience, as they said, to the wishes of the emperor, who had signified in
his communication to them, that he was fully satisfied respecting the faith
of Arius and Euzoius. They moreover wrote to the church at Alexandria, (3)
stating that all envy being now banished, the affairs of the church were
established in peace: and that since Arius had by his recantation
acknowledged the truth, it was but just that, being thenceforth a member of
the church, he should also be henceforth received by them, alluding to the
banishment of Athanasius [in their statement that 'all envy was now
banished']. At the same time they sent information of what had been done to
the emperor, in terms nearly to the same effect. But whilst the bishops
were engaged in these transactions, other letters came unexpectedly from
the emperor, intimating that Athanasius had fled to him for protection; and
that it was necessary for them on his account to come to Constantinople.
This unanticipated communication from the emperor was as follows.

CHAPTER XXXIV: The Emperor summons the Synod to himself by Letter, in order
that the Charges against Athanasius might be carefully examined before him.

   VICTOR CONSTANTINE MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the bishops convened at Tyre.

   I am indeed ignorant of the decisions which have been made by your
Council with so much turbulence and storm: but the truth seems to have been
perverted by some tumultuous and disorderly proceedings: because, that is
to say, in your mutual love of contention, which you seem desirous of
perpetuating, you disregard the consideration of those things which are
acceptable to God. It will, however, I trust, be the work of Divine
Providence to dissipate the mischiefs resulting from this jealous rivalry,
as soon as they shall have been detected; and to make it apparent to us,
whether ye who have been convened have had regard to truth, and whether
your decisions on the subjects which have been submitted to your judgment
have been made apart from partiality or prejudice. Wherefore it is
indispensable that you should all without delay attend upon my piety, that
you may yourselves give a strict account of your transactions. For what
reason I have deemed it proper to write thus, and to summon you before me,
you will learn from what follows. As I was making my entry into the city
which bears our name, in this our most flourishing home, Constantinople,--
and it happened that I was riding on horseback at the time,--suddenly the
Bishop Athanasius, with certain ecclesiastics whom he had around him,
presented himself so unexpectedly in our path, as to produce an occasion of
consternation. For the Omniscient God is my witness that at first sight I
did not recognize him until some of my attendants, in answer to my enquiry,
informed me, as was very natural, both who he was, and what injustice he
had suffered. At that time indeed I neither conversed, nor held any
communication with him. But as he repeatedly entreated an audience, and I
had not only refused it, but almost ordered that he should be removed from
my presence, he said with greater boldness, that he petitioned for nothing
more than that you might be summoned hither, in order that in our presence,
he, driven by necessity to such a course, might have a fair opportunity
afforded him of complaining of his wrongs. Wherefore as this seems
reasonable, and consistent with the equity of my government, I willingly
gave instructions that these things should be written to you. My command
therefore is, that all, as many as composed the Synod convened at Tyre,
should forthwith hasten to the court of our clemency, in order that from
the facts themselves you may make clear the purity and integrity of your
decision in my presence, whom you cannot but own to be a true servant of
God. It is in consequence of the acts of my religious service towards God
that peace is everywhere reigning; and that the name of God is sincerely
had in reverence even among the barbarians themselves, who until now were
ignorant of the truth. Now it is evident that he who knows not the truth,
does not have a true knowledge of God also: yet, as I before said even the
barbarians on my account, who am a genuine servant of God, have
acknowledged and learned to worship him, whom they have perceived in very
deed protecting and caring for me everywhere. So that from dread of us
chiefly, they have been thus brought to the knowledge of the true God whom
they now worship. Nevertheless we who pretend to have a religious
veneration for (I will not say who guard) the holy mysteries of his church,
we, I say, do nothing but what tends to discord and animosity, and to speak
plainly, to the destruction of the human race. But hasten, as I have
already said, all of you to us as speedily as possible: and be assured that
I shall endeavor with all my power to cause that what is contained in the
Divine Law may be preserved inviolate, on which neither stigma nor reproach
shall be able to fasten itself; and this will come to pass when its
enemies, who under cover of the sacred profession introduce numerous and
diversified blasphemies, are dispersed, broken to pieces, and altogether
annihilated.

CHAPTER XXXV: The Synod not having came to the Emperor, the Partisans of
Eusebius accuse Athanasius of having threatened to divert the Corn supplied
to Constantinople from Alexandria: the Emperor being exasperated at this
banishes Athanasius into Gaul. (1)

   THIS letter rendered those who constituted the Synod very fearful,
wherefore most of them returned to their respective cities. But Eusebius,
Theognis, Maris, Patrophilus, Ursacius, and Valens, having gone to
Constantinople, would not permit any further enquiry to be instituted
concerning the broken cup, the overturned communion table, and the murder
of Arsenius; but they had recourse to another calumny, informing the
emperor that Athanasius had threatened to prohibit the sending of corn
which was usually conveyed from Alexandria to Constantinople. They affirmed
also that these menaces were heard from the lips of Athanasius  by the
bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Arbathion and Peter, for slander is most
prevalent when of the assertor of it appears to be a person worthy of
credit. Hence the emperor being deceived,  and excited to indignation
against Athanasius by this charge, at once condemned him to exile, ordering
him to reside in the Gauls. Now some affirm that the emperor came to this
decision with a view to the establishment of unity in the church, since
Athanasius was inexorable in his refusal to hold any communion with Arius
and his adherents. He accordingly took up his abode at Treves, a city of
Gaul.

CHAPTER XXXVI: Of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra, and Asterius the Sophist.

   THE bishops assembled at Constantinople deposed also Marcellus bishop
of Ancyra, a city of Galatia Minor, on this account. A certain rhetorician
of Cappadocia named Asterius having abandoned his art, and professed
himself a convert to Christianity, undertook the composition of some
treatises, which are still extant, in which he commended the dogmas of
Arius; asserting that Christ is the power of God, in the same sense as the
locust and the palmer-worm are said by Moses to be the power of God, (1)
with other similar utterances. Now Asterius was in constant association
with the bishops, and especially with those of their number who did not
discountenance the Arian doctrine: he also attended their Synods, in the
hope of insinuating himself into the bishopric of some city: but he failed
to obtain ordination, in consequence of having sacrificed during the
persecution. (2) Going therefore throughout the cities of Syria, he read in
public the books which he had composed. Marcellus being informed of this,
and wishing to counteract his influence, in his over-anxiety to confute
him, fell into the diametrically opposite error; for he dared to say, as
the Samosatene (8) had done, that Christ was a mere man. When the bishops
then convened at Jerusalem had intelligence of these things, they took no
notice of Asterius, because he was not enrolled even in the catalogue of
ordained priests; but they insisted that Marcellus, as a priest, should
give an account of the book which he had written. Finding that he
entertained Paul of Samosata's sentiments, they required him to retract his
opinion; and he being thoroughly ashamed of himself, promised to burn his
book. But the convention of bishops being hastily dissolved by the
emperor's summoning them to Constantinople, the Eusebians on their arrival
at that city, again took the case of Marcellus into consideration; and as
Marcellus refused to fulfil his promise of burning his untimely book, those
present deposed him, and sent Basil into Ancyra in his stead. Moreover
Eusebius wrote a refutation of this work in three books, in which he
exposed its erroneous doctrine. Marcellus however was afterwards reinstated
(4) in his bishopric by the Synod at Sardica, on his assurance that his
book had been misunderstood, and that on that account he was supposed to
favor the Sa-mosatene's views. But of this we shall speak more fully in its
proper place.

CHAPTER XXXVII: After the Banishment of Athanasius, Arius having been sent
for by the Emperor, raises a Disturbance against Alexander Bishop of
Constantinople.

   WHILE these things were taking place, the thirtieth year of
Constantine's reign was completed. But Arius with his adherents having
returned to Alexandria, again disturbed the whole city; for the people of
Alexandria were exceedingly indignant both at the restoration of this
incorrigible heretic with his partisans, and also because their bishop
Athanasius had been sent to exile. When the emperor was apprised of the
perverse disposition of Arius, he once more ordered him to repair to
Constantinople, to give an account of the commotions he had afresh
endeavored to excite. It happened at that time that Alexander, who had some
time before succeeded Metrophanes, presided over the church at
Constantinople. That this prelate was a man of devoted piety was distinctly
manifested by the conflict he entered into with Arius; for when Arius
arrived and the people were divided into two factions and the whole city
was thrown into confusion: some insisting that the Nicene Creed should be
by no means infringed on, while others contended that the opinion of Arius
was consonant to reason. In this state of affairs, Alexander was driven to
straits: more especially since Eusebius of Nicomedia had violently
threatened that he would cause him to be immediately deposed, unless he
admitted Arius and his followers to communion. Alexander, however, was far
less troubled at the thought of his own deposition as fearful of the
subversion of the principles of the faith, which they were so anxious to
effect: and regarding himself as the constituted guardian of the doctrines
recognized, and the decisions made by the council at Nicaea, he exerted
himself to the utmost to prevent their being violated or depraved. Reduced
to this extremity, he bade farewell to all logical resources, and made God
his refuge, devoting himself to continued fasting and never ceased from
praying. Communicating his purpose to no one, he shut himself up alone in
the church called Irene: there going up to the altar, and prostrating
himself on the ground beneath the holy communion table, he poured forth his
fervent prayers weeping; and this he ceased not to do for many successive
nights and days. What he thus earnestly asked from God, he received: for
his petition was such a one: 'If the opinion of Arius were correct, he
might not be permitted to see the day appointed for its discussion; but
that if he himself held the true faith, Arius, as the author of all these
evils, might suffer the punishment due to his impiety.'

CHAPTER XXXVIII. The Death of Arius. (1)

   SUCH was the supplication of Alexander. Meanwhile the emperor, being
desirous of personally examining Arius, sent for him to the palace, and
asked him whether he would assent to the determinations of the Synod at
Nicaea. He without hesitation replied in the affirmative, and subscribed
the declaration of the faith in the emperor's presence, acting with
duplicity.  The emperor, surprised at his ready compliance, obliged him to
confirm his signature by an oath. This also he did with equal
dissimulation. The way he evaded, as I have heard, was this: he wrote his
own opinion on paper, and carried it under his arm, so that he then swore
truly that he really held the sentiments he had written. That this is so,
however, I have written from hearsay, but that he added an oath to his
subscription, I have myself ascertained, from an examination of the
emperor's own letters. The emperor being thus convinced, ordered that he
should be received into communion by Alexander, bishop of Constantinople.
It was then Saturday, and Arius was expecting to assemble with the church
on the day following: but divine retribution overtook his daring
criminalities. For going out of the imperial palace, attended by a crowd of
Eusebian partisans like guards, he paraded proudly through the midst of the
city, attracting the notice of all the people. As he approached the place
called Constantine's Forum, where the column of porphyry is erected, a
terror arising from the remorse of conscience seized Arius, and with the
terror a violent relaxation of the bowels: he therefore enquired whether
there was a convenient place near, and being directed to the back of
Constantine's Forum, he hastened thither. Soon after a faintness came over
him, and together with the evacuations his bowels protruded, followed by a
copious hemorrhage, and the descent of the smaller intestines: moreover
portions of his spleen and liver were brought off in the effusion of blood,
so that he almost immediately died. The scene of this catastrophe still is
shown at Constantinople, as I have said behind the shambles in the
colonnade: and by persons going by pointing the finger at the place, there
is a perpetual remembrance preserved of this extraordinary kind of death.
So disastrous an occurrence filled with dread and alarm the party of
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia; and the report of it quickly spread itself
over the city and throughout the whole world. As the king grew more earnest
in Christianity and confessed that the confession at Nicaea was attested by
God, he rejoiced at the occurrences. He was also glad because of his three
sons whom he had already proclaimed Caesars; one of each of them having
been created at every successive decennial anniversary of his reign.  To
the eldest, whom he called Constantine, after his own name, he assigned the
government of the western parts of the empire, on the completion of his
first decade. His second son Constantius, who bore his grandfather's name,
he constituted Caesar in the eastern division, when the second decade had
been completed. And Constans, the youngest, he invested with a similar
dignity, in the thirtieth year of his own reign.

CHAPTER XXXIX: The Emperor falls sick and dies.

   A YEAR having passed, the Emperor Constantine having just entered the
sixty-fifth year of his age, was taken with a sickness; he therefore  left
Constantinople, and made a voyage to Helenopolis, that he might try the
effect of the  medicinal hot springs which are found in the  vicinity of
that city. Perceiving, however, that his illness increased, he deferred the
use of the  baths; and removing from Helenopolis to Nicomedia, he took up
his residence in the suburbs, and there received Christian baptism. (1)
After this he became cheerful; and making his will, appointed his three
sons heirs to the empire, allotting to each one of them his portion, in
accordance with the arrangements he had made while living. He also granted
many privileges to the cities of Rome and Constantinople; and entrusting
the custody of his will (2) to that presbyter by whose means Arius had been
recalled, and of whom we have already made mention, he charged him to
deliver it into no one's hand, except that of his son Constantius, to whom
he had given the sovereignty of the East. After the making of his will, he
survived a few days and died. Of his sons none were present at his death. A
courier was therefore immediately despatched into the East, to inform
Constantius of his father's decease.

CHAPTER XL: The Funeral of the Emperor Constantine.

   THE body of the emperor was placed in a coffin of gold by the proper
persons, and then conveyed to Constantinople, where it was laid out on an
elevated bed of state in the palace, surrounded by a guard, and treated
with the same respect as when he was alive, and this was done until the
arrival of one of his sons. When Constantius was come out of the eastern
parts of the empire, it was honored with an imperial sepulture, and
deposited in the church called The Apostles:  which he had caused to be
constructed for this very purpose, that the emperors and prelates might
receive a degree of veneration but little inferior to that which was paid
to the relics of the apostles. The Emperor Constantine lived sixty-five
years, and reigned thirty-one. He died in the consulate of Felician and
Tartan, on the twenty-second of May, in the second year of the 278th
Olympiad. (3) This book, therefore, embraces a period of thirty-one years.


BOOK II.

CHAPTER I: Introduction containing the Reason for the Author's Revision of
his First and Second Books.

   RUFINUS, who wrote an Ecclesiastical History in Latin, (1) has erred in
respect to chronology. For he supposes that what was done against
Athanasius occurred after the death of the Emperor Constantine: he was also
ignorant of his exile to the Gauls and of various other circumstances. Now
we in the first place wrote the first two books of our history following
Rufinus; but in writing our history from the third to the seventh, some
facts we collected from Rufinus, others from different authors, and some
from the narration of individuals still living. Afterward, however, we
perused the writings of Athanasius, wherein he depicts his own sufferings
and how through the calumnies of the Eusebian fiction he was banished, and
judged that more credit was due to him who had suffered, and to those who
were witnesses of the things they describe, than to such as have been
dependent on conjecture, and had therefore erred. Moreover, having obtained
several letters of persons eminent at that period, we have availed
ourselves of their assistance also in tracing out the truth as far as
possible. On this account we were compelled to revise the first and second
books of this history, using, however, the testimony of Rufinus where it is
evident that he could not be mistaken. It should also be observed, that in
our former edition, neither the sentence of deposition which was passed
upon Arius, nor the emperor's letters were inserted, but simply the
narration or facts in order that the history might not become bulky and
weary the readers with tedious matters of detail. But in the present
edition, such alterations and additions have been made for your sake, O
sacred man of God, Theodore, (2) in order that you might not be ignorant
what the princes wrote in their own words, as well as the decisions of the
bishops in their various Synods, wherein they continually altered the
confession of faith. Wherefore, whatever we have deemed necessary we have
inserted in this later edition. Having adopted this course in the first
book, we shall endeavor to do the same in the consecutive portion of our
history, I mean the second. On this let us now enter.

CHAPTER II: Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, and his Party, by again
endeavoring to introduce the Arian Heresy, create Disturbances in the
Churches.

   AFTER the death of the Emperor Constantine, Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nicaea, imagining that a favorable opportunity
had arisen, used their utmost efforts to expunge the doctrine of
homoousion, and to introduce Arianism in its place. They, nevertheless,
despaired of effecting this, if Athanasius should return to Alexandria: in
order therefore to accomplish their designs, they sought the assistance of
that presbyter by whose means Arius had been recalled from exile a little
before. How this was done shall now be described. The presbyter in question
presented the will and the request of the deceased king to his son
Constantius; who finding those dispositions in it which he was most
desirous of, for the empire of the East was by his father's will
apportioned to him, treated the presbyter with great consideration, loaded
him with favors, and ordered that free access should be given him both to
the palace and to himself. This license soon obtained for him familiar
intercourse with the empress, as well as with her eunuchs. There was at
that time a chief eunuch of the imperial bed-chamber named Eusebius; him
the presbyter persuaded to adopt Arian's views, after which the rest of the
eunuchs were also prevailed on to adopt the same sentiments. Not only this
but the empress also, under the influence of the eunuchs and the
presbyters, became favorable to the tenets of Arius; and not long after the
subject was introduced to the emperor himself. Thus it became gradually
diffused throughout the court, and among the officers of the imperial
household and guards, until at length it spread itself over the whole
population of the city. The chamberlains in the palace discussed this
doctrine with the women; and in the family of every citizen there was a
logical contest. Moreover, the mischief quickly extended to other provinces
and cities, the controversy, like a spark, insignificant at first, exciting
in the auditors a spirit of contention: for every one who inquired the
cause of the tumult, found immediately occasion for disputing, and
determined to take part in the strife at the moment of making the inquiry.
By general altercation of this kind all order was subverted; the agitation,
however, was confined to the cities of the East, those of Illyricum and the
western parts of the empire meanwhile were perfectly tranquil, because they
would not annul the decisions of the Council of Nicaea. As this affair
increased, going from bad to worse, Eusebius of Nicomedia and his party
looked upon popular ferment as a piece of good fortune. For only thus they
thought they would be enabled to constitute some one who held their own
sentiments bishop of Alexandria. But the return of Athanasius at that time
defeated their purpose; for he came thither fortified by a letter from one
of the Augusti, which the younger Constantine, who bore his father's name,
addressed to the people of Alexandria, from Treves, a city in Gaul. (1) A
copy of this epistle is here subjoined.

CHAPTER III: Athanasius, encouraged by the Letter of Constantine the
Younger, returns to Alexandria.

   Constantine CAESAR to the members of the Catholic Church of the
Alexandrians.

   It cannot, I conceive, have escaped the knowledge of your devout minds,
that Athanasius, the expositor of the venerated law, was sent for a while
unto the Gauls, lest he should sustain some irreparable injury from the
perverseness of his blood-thirsty adversaries, whose ferocity continually
endangered his sacred life. To evade this [perverseness], therefore, he was
taken from the jaws of the men who threatened him into a city under my
jurisdiction, where, as long as it was his appointed residence, he has been
abundantly supplied with every necessity: although his distinguished virtue
trusting in divine aid would have made light of the pressure of a more
rigorous fortune. And since our sovereign, my father, Constantine Augustus
of blessed memory, was prevented by death from accomplishing his purpose of
restoring this bishop to his see, and to your most sanctified piety, I have
deemed it proper to carry his wishes into effect, having inherited the task
from him. With how great veneration he has been regarded by us, ye will
learn on his arrival among you; nor need any one be surprised at the honor
I have put upon him, since I have been alike influenced by a sense of what
was due to so excellent a personage, and the knowledge of your affectionate
solicitude respecting him. May Divine Providence preserve you, beloved
brethren.

   Relying on this letter, Athanasius came to Alexandria, and was most
joyfully received by the people of the city. Nevertheless as many in it as
had embraced Arianism, combining together, entered into conspiracies
against him, by which frequent seditions were excited, affording a pretext
to the Eusebians for accusing him to the emperor of having taken possession
of the Alexandrian church on his own responsibility, in spite of the
adverse judgment of a general council of bishops. So far indeed did they
succeed in pressing their charges, that the emperor became exasperated, and
banished him from Alexandria. How indeed this came about I shall hereafter
explain.

CHAPTER IV: On the Death of Eusebius Pamphilus, Acacius succeeds to the
Bishopric of Caesarea.

   AT this time Eusebius, who was bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, and had
the surname of Pamphilus, having died, Acacius, his disciple, succeeded him
in the bishopric. This individual published several books, and among others
a biographical sketch of his master.

CHAPTER V: The Death of Constantine the Younger.

   NOT long after this the brother of the Emperor Constantius, Constantine
the younger, who bore his father's name, having invaded those parts of the
empire which were under the government of his younger brother Constans,
engaging in a conflict with his brother's soldiery, was slain by them. This
took place under the consulship of Acindynus and Proclus. (1)

CHAPTER VI: Alexander, Bishop of Constantinople, when at the Point of Death
proposes the Election either of Paul or of Macedonius as his Successor.

   ABOUT the same time another disturbance in addition to those we have
recorded, was raised at Constantinople on the following account. Alexander,
who had presided over the churches in that city, and had strenuously
opposed Arius, departed this life, (1) having occupied the bishopric for
twenty-three years and lived ninety-eight years in all, without having
ordained any one to succeed him. But he had enjoined the proper persons to
choose one of the two whom he named; that is to say, if they desired one
who was competent to teach, and of eminent piety, they should elect Paul,
whom he had himself ordained presbyter, a man young indeed in years, but of
advanced intelligence and prudence; but if they wished a man of venerable
aspect, and external show only of sanctity, they might appoint Macedonius,
who had long been a deacon among them and was aged. Hence there arose a
great contest respecting the choice of a bishop which troubled the church
exceedingly; for ever since the people were divided into two parties, one
of which favored the tenets of Arius, while the other held what the Nicene
Synod had defined, those who held the doctrine of consubstantiality always
had the advantage during the life of Alexander, the Arians disagreeing
among themselves and perpetually conflicting in opinion. But after the
death of that prelate, the issue of the struggle became doubtful, the
defenders of the orthodox faith insisting on the ordination of Paul, and
all the Arian party espousing the cause of Macedonius. Paul therefore was
ordained bishop in the church called Irene, (2) which is situated near the
great church of Sophia; whose election appeared to be more in accordance
with the suffrage of the deceased.

CHAPTER VII: The Emperor Constantius ejects Paul after his Election to the
Bishopric, and sending for Eusebius of Nicomedia, invests him with the
Bishopric of Constantinople.

   NOT long afterwards the emperor having arrived at Constantinople was
highly incensed at the consecration [of Paul]; and having convened an
assembly of bishops of Arian sentiments, he divested Paul of his dignity,
and translating Eusebius from the see of Nicomedia, he appointed him bishop
of Constantinople. Having done this the emperor proceeded to Antioch.

CHAPTER VIII: Eusebius having convened Another Synod at Antioch in Syria,
causes a New Creed to be promulgated.

   EUSEBIUS, however, could by no means remain quiet, but as the saying
is, left no stone unturned, in order to effect the purpose he had in view.
He therefore causes a Synod to be convened at Antioch in Syria, under
pretense  of dedicating the church which the father of the Augusti had
commenced, and which his son Constantius had finished in the tenth year
after its foundations were laid, but with the real intention of subverting
and abolishing the doctrine of the homoousion. There were present at this
Synod ninety bishops from various cities. Maximus, however, bishop of
Jerusalem; who had succeeded Macarius, did not attend, recollecting that he
had been deceived and induced to subscribe the deposition of Athanasius.
Neither was Julius, bishop of the great Rome, (1) there, nor had he sent a
substitute, although an ecclesiastical canon (2) commands that the churches
shall not make any ordinances against the opinion of the bishop of Rome.
This Synod assembled at Antioch in presence of the emperor Constantius in
the consulate of Marcellus and Probinus, (3) which was the fifth year after
the death of Constantine, father of the Augusti. Placitus, otherwise called
Flaccillus, successor to Euphronius, at that time presided over the church
at Antioch. The confederates of Eusebius had previously designed to
calumniate Athanasius; accusing him in the first place of having acted
contrary to a canon which they then constituted, in resuming his episcopal
authority without the license of a general council of bishops, inasmuch as
on his return from exile he had on his own responsibility taken possession
of the church; and then because a tumult had been excited on his entrance
and many were killed in the riot; moreover that some had been scourged by
him, and others brought before the tribunals. Besides they brought forward
what had been determined against Athanasius at Tyre.

CHAPTER IX: Of Eusebius of Emisa.

   On the ground of such charges as these, they proposed another bishop
for the Alexandrian church, and first indeed Eusebius surnamed Emisenus.
Who this person was, George, bishop of Laodicea, who was present on this
occasion, informs us. For he says in the book which he has composed on his
life, that Eusebius was descended from the nobility of Edessa in
Mesopotamia, and that from a child he had studied the holy Scriptures; (1)
that he was afterwards instructed in Greek literature by a master resident
at Edessa; and finally that the sacred books were expounded to him by
Patrophilus and Eusebius, of whom the latter presided over the church at
Caesarea, and the former over that at Scythopolis. Afterwards when he dwelt
in Antioch, it happened that Eustathius was deposed on the accusation of
Cyrus of Beroea for holding the tenets of Sabellius. Then again he
associated with Euphronius, successor of Eustathius, and avoiding a
bishopric, he retired to Alexandria, and there devoted himself to the study
of philosophy. On his return to Antioch he formed an intimate acquaintance
with Placitus [or Flacciltus], the successor of Euphronius. At length he
was ordained bishop of Alexandria, by Eusebius, bishop of Constantinople;
but did not go thither in consequence of the attachment of the people of
that city to Athanasius, and was therefore sent to Emisa. As the
inhabitants of Emisa excited a sedition on account of his appointment,--
for he was commonly charged with the study and practice of judicial
astrology, (2)-he fled and came to Laodicea, to George, who has given so
many historical details of him. George having taken him to Antioch,
procured his being again brought back to Emisa by Placitus and Narcissus;
but he was afterwards charged with holding the Sabellian views. George more
elaborately describes the circumstances of his ordination and adds at the
close that the emperor took him with him in his expedition against the
barbarians, and that miracles were wrought by his hand. The information
given by George concerning Eusebius of Emisa may be considered reproduced
at sufficient length by me here.

CHAPTER X: The Bishops assembled at Antioch, on the Refusal of Eusebius of
Emisa to accept the Bishopric of Alexandria, ordain Gregory, and change the
Language of the Nicene Creed.

   Now at that time Eusebius having been proposed and fearing to go to
Alexandria, the Synod at Antioch designated Gregory as bishop of that
church. This being done, they altered the creed; not as condemning anything
in that which was set forth at Nicaea, but in fact with a determination to
subvert and nullify the doctrine of consubstantiality by means of frequent
councils, and the publication of various expositions of the faith, so as
gradually to establish the Arian views. How these things issued we will set
forth in the course of our narrative; but the epistle then promulgated
respecting the faith was as follows: (1)

   'We have neither become followers of Arius, --for how should we who are
bishops be guided by a presbyter?--nor have we embraced any other faith
than that which was set forth from the beginning. But being constituted
examiners and judges of his sentiments, we admit their soundness, rather
than adopt them from him: and you will recognize this from what we are
about to state. We have learned from the beginning to believe in one God of
the Universe, the Creator and Preserver of all things both those thought of
and those perceived by the senses: and in one only-begotten Son of God,
subsisting before all ages, and co-existing with the Father who begot him,
through whom also all things visible and invisible were made; who in the
last days according to the Father's good pleasure, descended, and assumed
flesh from the holy virgin, and having fully accomplished his Father's
will, that he should suffer, and rise again, and ascend into the heavens,
and sit at the right hand of the Father; and is coming to judge the living
and the dead, continuing King and God for ever. We believe also in the Holy
Spirit. And if it is necessary to add this, we believe in the resurrection
of the flesh, and the life everlasting.'

   Having thus written in their first epistle, they sent it to the bishops
of every city. But after remaining some time at Antioch, as if to condemn
the former, they published another letter in these words:

Another Exposition of the Faith.

   In conformity with evangelic and apostolic tradition, we believe in one
God the Father Almighty, the Creator and Framer of the universe. And in one
Lord Jesus Christ, his Son, God the only-begotten, through whom all things
were made: begotten of the Father before all ages, God of God, Whole of
Whole, Only of Only, Perfect of Perfect, King of King, Lord of Lord; the
living Word, the Wisdom, the Life, the True Light, the Way of Truth, the
Resurrection, the Shepherd, the Gate; immutable and inconvertible; the
unaltering image of the Divinity, Substance and Power, and Counsel and
Glory of the Father; born 'before all creation'; who was in the beginning
with God, God the Word, according as it is declared in the Gospel, (2) and
the Word was God, by whom all things were made, and in whom all things
subsist: who in the last days came down from above, and was born of the
virgin according to the Scriptures; and was made man, the Mediator between
God and men, the Apostle of our Faith, and the Prince of Life, as he says,
(3) 'I came down from heaven, not to do mine own will, but the will of him
that sent me.' Who suffered on our behalf, and rose again for us on the
third day, and ascended into the heavens, and is seated at the right hand
of the Father; and will come gain with glory and power to judge the living
and the dead. [We believe] also in the Holy Spirit, who is given to
believers for their consolation, sanctification, and perfection; even as
our Lord Jesus Christ commanded his disciples, saying, (4) 'Go and teach
all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Spirit'; that is to say of the Father who is truly the Father,
of the Son who is truly the Son, and of the Holy Spirit who is truly the
Holy Spirit, these words not being simply or insignificantly applied, but
accurately expressing the proper subsistence, glory, and order, of each of
these who are named: so that there are three in person, but one in
concordance. Holding therefore this faith in the presence of God and of
Christ, we anathematize all heretical and false doctrine. And if any one
shall teach contrary to the sound and right faith of the Scriptures,
affirming that there is or was a period or an age before the Son of God
existed, let him be accursed. And if any one shall say that the Son is a
creature as one of the creatures, or that he is offspring as one of the
offsprings, and shall not hold each of the aforesaid doctrines as the
Divine Scriptures have delivered them to us: or if any one shall teach or
preach any other doctrine contrary to that which we have received, let him
be accursed. For we truly and unreservedly believe and follow all things
handed down to us from the sacred Scriptures by the prophets and apostles.

   Such was the exposition of the faith published by those then assembled
at Antioch, to which Gregory also subscribed as bishop of Alexandria,
although he had not yet entered that city. The Synod having done these
things, and legislated some other canons, was dissolved. At this time it
happened that public affairs also were disturbed. The nation called Franks
made incursions into the Roman territories in Gaul, and at the same time
there occurred violent earthquakes in the East, and especially at Antioch,
which continued to suffer concussions during a whole year.

CHAPTER XI: On the Arrival of Gregory at Alexandria, tended by a Military
Escort, Athanasius flees.

   AFTER these things, Syrian, the military commander, and the corps of
heavy armed soldiers, five thousand in number, conducted Gregory to
Alexandria; and such of the citizens as were of Arian sentiments combined
with them. But it will be proper here to relate by what means Athanasius
escaped the hands of those who wished to apprehend him, after his expulsion
from the church. It was evening, and the people were attending the vigil
there, a service (1) being expected. The commander arrived, and posted his
forces in order of battle on every side of the church. Athanasius having
observed what was done, considered within himself how he might prevent the
people's suffering in any degree on his account: accordingly having
directed the deacon to give notice of prayer, after that he ordered the
recitation of a psalm; and when the melodious chant of the psalm arose, all
went out through one of the church doors. While this was doing, the troops
remained inactive spectators, and Athanasius thus escaped unhurt in the
midst of those who were chanting the psalm, and immediately hastened to
Rome. Gregory then prevailed in the church: but the people of Alexandria,
being indignant at this procedure, set the church called that of Dionysius
on fire. Let this be sufficient on this subject. Now Eusebius, having thus
far obtained his object, sent a deputation to Julius, bishop of Rome, (2)
begging that he would himself take cognizance of the charges against
Athanasius, and order a judicial investigation to be made in his presence.
(3)

CHAPTER XII: The People of Constantinople restore Paul to his See after the
Death of Eusebius, while the Arians elect Macedonius.

   BUT Eusebius did not live to learn the decision of Julius concerning
Athanasius, for he died a short time after that Synod was held. Whereupon
the people introduced Paul again into the church of Constantinople: the
Arians, however, ordained Macedonius at the same time, in the church
dedicated to Paul. This those who had formerly co-operated with Eusebius
(that disturber of the public peace) brought about, assuming all his
authority. These were Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon,
Theodore of Heraclea in Thrace, Ursacius of Singidunum in Upper Mysia, and
Valens of Mursa in Upper Pannonia. Ursacius and Valens indeed afterward
altered their opinions, and presented a written recantation of them to
bishop Julius, so that on subscribing the doctrine of consubstantiability
they were again admitted to communion; but at that time they warmly
supported the Arian error, and were instigators of the most violent
conflicts in the churches, one of which was connected with Macedonius at
Constantinople. By this intestine war among the Christians, continuous
seditions arose in that city, and many lives were sacrificed in consequence
of these occurrences.

CHAPTER XIII: Paul is again ejected from the Church by Consiantius, in
consequence of the Slaughter of Hermogenes, his General.

   INTELLIGENGE Of these proceedings reached the ears of the Emperor
Constantius, whose residence was then at Antioch. Accordingly he ordered
his general Hermogenes, who had been despatched to Thrace, to pass through
Constantinople on his way, and expel Paul from the church. He, on arriving
at Constantinople, threw the whole city into confusion, attempting to cast
out the bishops; for sedition immediately arose from the people in their
eagerness to defend the bishop. And when Hermogenes persisted in his
efforts to drive out Paul by means of his military force, the people became
exasperated as is usual in such cases;  and making a desperate attack upon
him, they set his house on fire, and after dragging through the city, they
at last put him to death. This took place in the consulate (1) of the two
Augusti,--that is to say, the third consulship,--Constantius, and the
second of Constans: at which time Constans, having subdued the Franks,
compelled them to enter into a treaty of peace with the Romans. The Emperor
Constantius, on being informed of the assassination of Hermogenes, set off
on horseback from Antioch, and arriving at Constantinople immediately
expelled Paul, and then punished the inhabitants by withdrawing from them
more than 40,000 measures of the daily allowance of wheat which had been
granted by his father for gratuitous distribution among them: for prior to
this catastrophe, nearly 80,000 measures of wheat brought from Alexandria
had been bestowed on the citizens. (2) He hesitated, however, to ratify (3)
the appointment of Macedonius to the bishopric of that city, being
irritated against him not only because he had been ordained without his own
consent; but also because on account of the contests in which he had been
engaged with Paul, Hermogenes, his general, and many other persons had been
slain. But having given him permission to minister in the church in which
he had been consecrated, he returned to Antioch.

CHAPTER XIV: The Arians remove Gregory from the See of Alexandria, and
appoint George in his Place. (1)

   ABOUT the same time the Arians ejected Gregory from the see of
Alexandria, on the ground that he was unpopular and at the same time
because he had set a church (2) on fire, and did not manifest sufficient
zeal in promoting the interests of their party. (3) They therefore inducted
George into his see, who was a native of Cappadocia, and had acquired the
reputation of being an able advocate of their tenets.

CHAPTER XV: Athanasius and Paul (1) going to Rome, and having obtained
Letters from Bishop Julius, recover their respective Dioceses.

   ATHANASIUS, meanwhile, after a lengthened journey, at last reached
Italy. The western division of the empire was then under the sole power of
Constans, the youngest of Constantine's sons, his brother Constantine
having been slain by the soldiers, as was before stated. At the same time
also Paul, bishop of Constantinople, Asclepas of Gaza, Marcellus of Ancyra,
a city of the Lesser Galatia, and Lucius of Adrianople, having been accused
on various charges, and expelled from their several churches arrived at the
imperial city. There each laid his case before Julius, bishop of Rome. He
on his part, by virtue of the Church of Rome's peculiar privilege, sent
them back again into the East, fortifying them with commendatory letters;
and at the same time restored to each his own place, and sharply rebuked
those by whom they had been deposed. Relying on the signature of the bishop
Julius, the bishops departed from Rome, and again took possession of their
own churches, forwarding the letters to the parties to whom they were
addressed. These persons considering themselves treated with indignity by
the reproaches of Julius, called a council at Antioch, assembled themselves
and dictated a reply to his letters as the expression of the unanimous
feeling of the whole Synod. (2) It was not his province, they said, to take
cognizance of their decisions in reference to any whom they might wish to
expel from their churches; seeing that they had not opposed themselves to
him, when Novatus was ejected from the church. These things the bishops of
the Eastern church communicated to Julius, bishop of Rome. But, as on the
entry of Athanasius into Alexandria, a tumult was raised by the partisans
of George the Arian, in consequence of which, it is affirmed, many persons
were killed; and since the Arians endeavor to throw the whole odium of this
transaction on Athanasius as the author of it, it behooves us to make a few
remarks on the subject. God the Judge of all only knows the true causes of
these disorders; but no one of any experience can be ignorant of the fact,
that such fatal accidents are for the most part concomitants of the
factious movements of the populace. It is vain, therefore, for the
calumniators of Athanasius to attribute the blame to him; and especially
Sabinus, (3) bishop of the Macedonian heresy. For had the latter reflected
on the number and magnitude of the wrongs which Athanasius, in conjunction
with the rest who hold the doctrine of consubstantiality, had suffered from
the Arians, or on the many complaints made of these things by the Synods
convened on account of Athanasius, or in short on what that arch-heretic
Macedonius himself has done throughout all the churches, he would either
have been wholly  silent, or if constrained to speak, would have spoken
more plausible words, instead of these reproaches. But as it is
intentionally overlooking all these things, he willfully misrepresents the
facts. He makes, however, no mention whatever of the heresiarch, desiring
by all means to conceal the daring enormities of which he knew him to be
guilty. And what is still more extraordinary, he has not said one word to
the disadvantage of the Arians, although he was far from entertaining their
sentiments. The ordination of Macedonius, whose heretical views he had
adopted, he has also passed over in silence; for had he mentioned it, he
must necessarily have recorded his impieties also, which were most
distinctly manifested on that occasion. Let this suffice on this subject.

CHAPTER XVI: The Emperor Constantius, through an Order to Philip the
Praetorian Prefect, secures the Exile of Paul, and the Installation of
Macedonius in his See.

   WHEN the Emperor Constantius, who then held his court at Antioch, heard
that Paul had again obtained possession of the episcopal throne, he was
excessively enraged at his presumption. He therefore despatched a written
order to Philip, the Praetorian Prefect, whose power exceeded that of the
other governors of provinces, and who was styled the second person from the
emperor, (1) to drive Paul out of the church again, and introduce
Macedonius into it in his place. Now the prefect Philip, dreading an
insurrectionary movement among the people, used artifice to entrap the
bishop: keeping, therefore, the emperor's mandate secret, he went to the
public bath called Zeuxippus, and on pretense of attending to some public
affairs, sent to Paul with every demonstration of respect, requesting his
attendance there, on the ground that his presence was indispensable. The
bishop came; and as he came in obedience to this summons, the prefect
immediately showed him the emperor's order; the bishop patiently submitted
condemnation without a hearing. But as Philip was afraid of the violence of
the multitude--for great numbers had gathered around the building to see
what would take place, for their suspicions had been aroused by current
reports --he commanded one of the bath doors to be opened which
communicated with the imperial palace, and through that Paul was carried
off, put on board a vessel provided for the purpose, and so sent into exile
immediately. The prefect directed him to go to Thessalonica, the metropolis
of Macedonia, whence he had derived his origin from his ancestors;
commanding him to reside in that city, but granting him permission to visit
other cities of Illyricum, while he strictly forbade his passing into any
portion of the Eastern empire. Thus was Paul,  contrary to his expectation,
at once expelled from the church, and from the city, and again  hurried off
into exile. Philip, the imperial pre-feet, leaving the bath, immediately
proceeded to the church. Together with him, as if thrown there by an
engine, Macedonius rode seated in the same seat with the prefect in the
chariot seen by everybody, and a military guard with drawn swords was about
them. The multitude was completely overawed by this spectacle, and both
Arians and Homoousians hastened to the church, every one endeavoring to
secure an entrance there. As the prefect with Macedonius came near the
church, an irrational panic seized the multitude and even the soldiers
themselves; for as the assemblage was so numerous and no room to admit the
passage of the prefect and Macedonius was found, the soldiers attempted to
thrust aside the people by force. But the  confined space into which they
were crowded t together rendering it impossible to recede, the c soldiers
imagined that resistance was offered,  and that the populace intentionally
stopped the e passage; they accordingly began to use their s naked swords,
and to cut down those that stood in their way. It is affirmed that about
3150 persons were massacred on this occasion; of whom the greater part fell
under the weapons of the soldiers, and the rest were crushed to c death by
the desperate efforts of the multitude a to escape their violence. After
such distinguished achievements, Macedonius, as if be had not been the
author of any calamity, but was  altogether guiltless of what had been
perpetrated,  was seated in the episcopal chair by the prefect, rather than
by the ecclesiastical canon. Thus, then, by means of so many murders in the
church, Macedonius and the Arians grasped the supremacy in the churches.
About this period the emperor built the great church called Sophia,
adjoining to that named Irene, which being originally of small dimensions,
the emperor's father had considerably enlarged and adorned. In the present
day both are seen within one enclosure, and have but one appellation.

CHAPTER XVII: Athanasius, intimidated by the Emperor's Threats, returns to
Rome again.

   AT this time another accusation was concocted against Athanasius by the
Arians, who invented this pretext for it. The father of the Augusti had
long before granted an allowance of corn to the church of the Alexandrians
for the relief of the indigent. This, they asserted, had usually been sold
by Athanasius, and the proceeds converted to his own advantage. The
emperor, giving credence to this slanderous report, threatened Athanasius
with death, as a penalty; who, becoming alarmed at the intimation of this
threat, took to flight, and kept himself concealed. When Julius, bishop of
Rome, was apprised of these fresh machinations of the Arians against
Athanasius, and had also received the letter of the then deceased Eusebius,
he invited the persecuted Athanasius to come to him, having ascertained
where he was secreted. The epistle also of the bishops who had been some
time before assembled at Antioch, just then reached him; and at the same
time others from the bishops in Egypt, assuring him that the entire charge
against Athanasius was a fabrication. On the receipt of these contradictory
communications, Julius first replied to the bishops who had written to him
from Antioch, complaining of the acrimonious feeling they had evinced in
their letter, and charging them with a violation of the canons, because
they had not requested his attendance at the council, (1) seeing that the
ecclesiastical law required that the churches should pass no decisions
contrary to the views of the bishop of Rome: he then censured them with
great severity for clandestinely attempting to pervert the faith; in
addition, that their former proceedings at Tyre were fraudulent, because
the investigation of what had taken place at Mareotes was on one side of
the question only; not only this, but that the charge respecting Arsenius
had plainly been proved a false charge. Such and similar sentiments did
Julius write in his answer to the bishops convened at Antioch; we should
have inserted here at length, these as well as those letters which were
addressed to Julius, did not their prolixity interfere with our purpose.
But Sabinus, the advocate of the Macedonian heresy, of whom we have before
spoken, has not incorporated the letters of Julius in his Collection of
Synodical Transactions; (2) although he has not omitted that which the
bishops of Antioch sent to Julius. This, however, is usual with him; he
carefully introduces such letters as make no reference to, or wholly
repudiate the term homoousion; while he purposely passes over in silence
those of a contrary tendency. This is sufficient on this subject. Not long
after this, Paul, pretending to make a journey from Thessalonica to
Corinth, I arrived in Italy: upon which both the bishops (3) made an appeal
to the emperor of those parts, laying their respective cases before him.

CHAPTER XVIII: The Emperor of the West requests his Brother to send him
Three Persons who could give an Account of the Deposition of Athanasius and
Paul. Those who are sent publish Another Form of the Creed.

   WHEN the Western emperor (1) was informed of their affairs, he
sympathized with their sufferings; and wrote to his brother [Constantius],
begging him to send three bishops who should explain to him the reason for
the deposition of Athanasius and Paul. In compliance with this request,
Narcissus the Cilician, Theodore the Thracian, Maris of Chalcedon, and Mark
the Syrian, were deputed to execute this commission; who on their arrival
refused to hold any communication with Athanasius or his friends, but
suppressing the creed which had been promulgated at Antioch, presented to
the Emperor Constans another declaration of faith composed by themselves,
in the following terms:

Another Exposition of the Faith.

   We believe in one God the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of all
things, of whom the whole family in heaven and upon earth is named; (2) and
in his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who was begotten of the
Father before all ages; God of God; Light of Light; through whom all things
in the heavens  and upon the earth, both visible and invisible, were made:
who is the Word, and Wisdom, and Power, and Life, and true Light: who in
the last days for our sake was made man, and was born of the holy virgin;
was crucified, and died; was buried, arose again from the dead on the third
day, ascended into the heavens, is seated at the right hand of the Father,
and shall come at the consummation of the ages, to judge the living and the
dead, and to render to every one according to his works: whose kingdom
being perpetual, shall continue to infinite ages; for he shall sit at the
fight hand of the Father, not only in this age, but also in that which is
to come. [We believe] in the Holy Spirit, that is, in the Comforter, whom
the Lord, according to his promise, sent to his apostles after his
ascension into the heavens, to teach them, and bring all things to their
remembrance: by whom also the souls of those who have sincerely believed on
him shall be sanctified; and those who assert that the Son was made of
things which are not, or of another substance, and not of God, or that
there was a time when he did not exist, the Catholic Church accounts as
aliens.

   Having delivered this creed to the emperor, and exhibited it to many
others also, they departed without attending to anything besides. But while
there was yet an inseparable communion between the Western and Eastern
churches, there sprang up another heresy at Sirmium, a city of Illyricum;
for Photinus, who presided over the churches in that district, a native of
the Lesser Galatia, and a disciple of that Marcellus who had been deposed,
adopting his master's sentiments, asserted that the Son of God was a mere
man. We shall, however, enter into this matter more fully in its proper
place. (3)

CHAPTER XIX: Of the Creed sent by the Eastern Bishops to those in Italy,
called the Lengthy Creed. (1)

   AFTER the lapse of about three years from the events above recorded,
the Eastern bishops again assembled a Synod, and having composed another
form of faith, they transmitted it to those in Italy by the hands of
Eudoxius, at that time bishop of Germanicia, and Martyrius, and Macedonius,
who was bishop of Mopsuestia (2) in Cilicia. This expression of the Creed,
being written in more lengthy form. contained many additions to those which
had preceded it, and was set forth in these words:

   'We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of
all things, of whom the whole family in heaven and upon earth is named; and
in his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ our Lord, who was begotten of the
Father before all ages; God of God; Light of Light; through whom all things
in the heavens and upon the earth, both visible and invisible, were made:
who is the Word, and Wisdom, and Power, and Life, and true Light: who in
the last days for our sake was made man, and was born of the holy virgin;
who was crucified, and died, and was buried, and rose again from the dead
on the third day, and ascended into heaven, and is seated at the right hand
of the Father, and shall come at the consummation of the ages, to judge the
living and the dead, and to render to every one according to his works:
whose kingdom being perpetual shall continue to infinite ages; for he sits
at the right hand of the Father, not only in this age, but also in that
which is to come. We believe also in the Holy Spirit, that is, in the
Comforter, whom the Lord according to his promise sent to his apostles
after his ascension into heaven, to teach them and bring all things to
their remembrance, through whom also the souls of those who sincerely
believe on him are sanctified. But those who assert that the Son was made
of things not in being, or of another substance, and not of God, or that
there was a time or age when he did not exist, (3) the holy catholic Church
accounts as aliens. The holy and catholic Church likewise anathematizes
those also who say that there are three Gods, or that Christ is not God
before all ages, or that he is neither Christ, nor the Son of God, or that
the same person is Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, or that the Son was not
begotten, or that the Father begat not the Son by his own will or desire.
Neither is it safe to affirm that the Son had his existence from things
that were not, since this is nowhere declared concerning him in the
divinely inspired Scriptures. Nor are we taught that he had his being from
any other pre-existing substance besides the Father, but that he was truly
begotten of God alone; for the Divine word teaches that there is one
unbegotten principle without beginning, the Father of Christ. But those who
unauthorized by Scripture rashly assert that there was a time when he was
not, ought not to preconceive any antecedent interval of time, but God only
who without time begat him; for both times and ages were made through him.
Yet it must not be thought that the Son is co-inoriginate, (4) or co-
unbegotten (5) with the Father: for there is properly no father of the co-
inoriginate or co-unbegotten. But we know that the Father alone being
inoriginate and incomprehensible, (6) has ineffably and incomprehensibly to
all begotten, and that the Son was begotten before the ages, but is not
unbegotten like the Father, but has a beginning, viz. the Father who begat
him, for "the head of Christ is God." (7) Now although according to the
Scriptures we acknowledge three things or persons, viz. that of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, we do not on that account make
three Gods: since we know that that there is but one God perfect in
himself, unbegotten, inoriginate, and invisible, the God and Father of the
only-begotten, who alone has existence from himself, and alone affords
existence abundantly to all other things. But neither while we assert that
there is one God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten,
do we therefore deny that Christ is God before the ages, as the followers
of Paul of Samosata do, who affirm that after his incarnation he was by
exaltation deified, in that he was by nature a mere man. We know indeed
that he was subject to his God and Father: nevertheless he was begotten of
God, and is by nature true and perfect God, and was not afterwards made God
out of man; but was for our sake made man out of God, and has never ceased
to be God. Moreover we execrate and anathematize those who falsely style
him the mere unsubstantial word of God, having existence only in another,
either as the word to which utterance is given, or as the word conceived in
the mind: and who pretend that before the ages he was neither the Christ,
the Son of God, the Mediator, nor the Image of God; but that he became the
Christ, and the Son of God, from the time he took our flesh from the
virgin, about four hundred years ago. (8) For they assert that Christ had
the beginning of his kingdom from that time, and that it shall have an end
after the consummation of all things and the judgment. Such persons as
these are the followers of Marcellus and Photinus, the Ancyro-Galatians,
who under pretext of establishing his sovereignty, like the Jews set aside
the eternal existence and deity of Christ, and the perpetuity of his
kingdom. But we know him to be not simply the word of God by utterance or
mental conception, but God the living Word subsisting of himself; and Son
of God and Christ; and who did, not by presence only, co-exist and was
conversant with his Father before the ages, and ministered to him at the
creation of all things, whether visible or invisible, but was the
substantial Word of the Father, and God of God: for this is he to whom the
Father said, "Let, us make man in our image, and according to our
likeness:" who in his own person appeared to the fathers, gave the law, and
spake by the prophets; and being at last made man, he manifested his Father
to all men, and reigns to endless ages. Christ has not attained any new
dignity; but we believe that he was perfect from the beginning, and like
his Father in all things; and those who say that the Father, Son, and Holy
Spirit, are the same person, impiously supposing the three names to refer
to one and the same thing and person, we deservedly expel from the church
because by the incarnation they render the Father, who is incomprehensible
and insusceptible of suffering, subject to comprehension and suffering.
Such are those denominated Patropassians (9) among the Romans, and by us
Sabellians. For we know that the Father who sent, remained in the proper
nature of his own immutable deity; but that Christ who was sent, has
fulfilled the economy of the incarnation. In like manner those who
irreverently affirm that Christ was begotten not by the will and pleasure
of his Father; thus attributing to God an involuntary necessity not
springing from choice, as if he begat the Son by constraint, we consider
most impious and strangers to the truth because they have dared to
determine such things respecting him as are inconsistent with our common
notions of God, and are contrary indeed to the sense of the divinely-
inspired Scripture. For knowing that God is self-dependent and Lord of
himself we devoutly maintain that of his own volition and pleasure he begat
the Son. And while we reverentially believe what is spoken Concerning him;
(10) "The Lord created me the beginning of his ways on account of his
works": yet we do not suppose that he was made similarly to the creatures
or works made by him. For it is impious and repugnant to the church's faith
to compare the Creator with the works created by him; or to imagine that he
had the same manner of generation as things of a nature totally different
from himself: for the sacred Scriptures teach us that the alone only-
begotten Son was really and truly begotten. Nor when we say that the Son is
of himself, and lives and subsists in like manner to the Father, do we
therefore separate him from the Father, as if we supposed them dissociated
by the intervention of space and distance in a material sense. For we
believe that they are united without medium or interval, and that they are
incapable of separation from each other: the whole Father embosoming the
Son; and the whole Son attached to and eternally reposing in the Father's
bosom. Believing, therefore, in the altogether perfect and most holy
Trinity, and asserting that the Father is God, and that the Son also is
God, we do not acknowledge two Gods, but one only, on account of the
majesty of the Deity, and the perfect blending and union of the kingdoms:
the Father ruling over all things universally, and even over the Son
himself; the Son being subject to the Father, but except him, ruling over
all things which were made after him and by him; and by the Father's will
bestowing abundantly on the saints the grace of the Holy Spirit. For the
Sacred Oracles inform us that in this consists the character of the
sovereignty which Christ exercises.

   'We have been compelled, since the publication of our former epitome,
to give this more ample exposition of the creed; not in order to gratify a
vain ambition, but to clear ourselves from all strange suspicion respecting
our faith which may exist among those who are ignorant of our real
sentiments. And that the inhabitants of the West may both be aware of the
shameless misrepresentations of the heterodox party; and also know the
ecclesiastical opinion of the Eastern bishops concerning Christ, confirmed
by the unwrested testimony of the divinely-inspired Scriptures, among all
those of unperverted minds.'

CHAPTER XX: Of the Council at Sardica.

   THE Western prelates on account of their being of another language, and
not understanding this exposition, would not admit of it; saying that the
Nicene Creed was sufficient, and that they would not waste time on anything
beyond it. But when the emperor had again written to insist on the
restoration to Paul and Athanasius of their respective sees, but without
effect in consequence of the continual agitation of the people --these two
bishops demanded that another Synod should be convened, so that their case,
as well as other questions in relation to the faith might be settled by an
ecumenical council, for they made it obvious that their deposition arose
from no other cause than that the faith might be the more easily perverted.
Another general council was therefore summoned to meet at Sardica,--a city
of Illyricum,--by the joint authority of the two emperors; the one
requesting by letter that it might be so, and the other, of the East,
readily acquiescing in it. it was the eleventh year after the death of the
father of the two Augusti, during the consulship of Rufinus and Eusebius,
(2) that the Synod of Sardica met. According to the statement of Athanasius
(3) about 300 bishops from the western parts of the empire were present;
but Sabinus says there came only seventy from the eastern parts, among whom
was Ischyras of Mareotes, (4) who had been ordained bishop of that country
by those who deposed Athanasius. Of the rest, some pretended infirmity of
body; others complained of the shortness of the notice given, casting the
blame of it on Julius, bishop of Rome, although a year and a half had
elapsed from the time of its having been summoned: in which interval
Athanasius remained at Rome awaiting the assembling of the Synod. When at
last they were convened at Sardica, the Eastern prelates refused either to
meet or to enter into any conference with those of the West, unless they
first excluded Athanasius and Paul from the convention. But as Protogenes,
bishop of Sardica, and Hosius, bishop of Cordova, a city in Spain, would by
no means permit them to be absent, the Eastern bishops immediately
withdrew, and returning to Philippopolis in Thrace, held a separate
council, wherein they openly anathematized the term homoousios; and having
introduced the Anomoian (5) opinion into their epistles, they sent them in
all directions. On the other hand those who remained at Sardica, condemning
in the first place their departure, afterwards divested the accusers of
Athanasius of their dignity; then confirming the Nicene Creed, and
rejecting the term anomoion, they more distinctly recognized the doctrine
of consubstantiality, which they also inserted in epistles addressed to all
the churches. Both parties believed they had acted rightly: those of the
East, because the Western bishops had countenanced those whom they had
deposed; and these again, in consequence not only of the retirement of
those who had deposed them before the matter had been examined into, but
also because they themselves were the defenders of the Nicene faith, which
the other party had dared to adulterate. They therefore restored to Paul
and Athanasius their sees, and also Marcellus of Ancyra in Lesser Galatia,
who had been deposed long before, as we have stated in the former book. (6)
At that time indeed he exerted himself to the utmost to procure the
revocation of the sentence pronounced against him, declaring that his being
suspected of entertaining the error of Paul of Samosata arose from a
misunderstanding of some expressions in his book. It must, however, be
noticed that Eusebius Pamphilus wrote three entire books against Marcellus,
(7) in which he quotes that author's own words to prove that he asserts
with Sabellius the Libyan, and Paul of Samosata, that the Lord [Jesus] was
a mere man.

CHAPTER XXI: Defense of Eusebius Pamphilus.

   BUT since some have attempted to stigmatize even Eusebius Pamphilus
himself as having favored the Arian views in his works, it may not be
irrelevant here to make a few remarks respecting him. In the first place
then he was both present at the council of Nicaea, which defined the
doctrine of the homoousion and gave his assent to what was there
determined. And in the third book of the Life of Constantine, he expressed
himself in these words: (1) 'The emperor incited all to unanimity, until he
had rendered them united in judgment on those points on which they were
previously at variance; so that they were quite agreed at Nicaea in matters
of faith.' Since therefore Eusebius, in mentioning the Nicene Synod, says
that all differences were removed, and that all came to unity of sentiment,
what ground is there for assuming that he was himself an Arian? The Arians
are also certainly deceived in supposing him to be a favorer of their
tenets. But some one will perhaps say that in his discourses he seems to
have adopted the opinions of Arius, because of his frequently saying
through Christ, (2) to whom we should answer that ecclesiastical writers
often use this mode of expression and others of a similar kind denoting the
economy of our Saviour's humanity: and that before all these the apostle
(3) made use of such expressions, and never has been accounted a teacher of
false doctrine. Moreover, inasmuch as Arius has dared to say that the Son
is a creature, as one of the others, observe what Eusebius says on this
subject, in his first book against Marcellus: (4)

   'He alone, and no other, has been declared to be, and is the only-
begotten Son of God; whence any one could justly censure those who have
presumed to affirm that he is a Creature made of nothing, like the rest of
the creatures; for how then would he be a Son? and how could he be God's
only-begotten, were he assigned the same nature as the other creatures ...
and were he one of the many created things, seeing that he, like them,
would in that case be partaker of a creation from nothing? But the Sacred
Scriptures do not thus instruct us.' He again adds a little afterwards:
'Whoever then defines the Son as made of things that are not, and as a
creature produced from nothing pre-existing, forgets that while he concedes
the name of Son, he denies him to be a Son in reality. For he that is made
of nothing, cannot truly be the Son of God, any more than the other things
which have been made; but the true Son of God, forasmuch as he is begotten
of the Father, is properly denominated the only-begotten and beloved of the
Father. For this reason also, he himself is God; for what can the offspring
of God be, but the perfect resemblance of him who begot him? A sovereign
indeed builds a city, but does not beget it; and is said to beget a son,
not to build one. An artificer, also, may be called the framer, but not the
father of his work; while he could by no means be styled the framer of him
whom he had begotten. So also the God of the Universe is the Father of the
Son; but might be fitly termed the Framer and Maker of the world. And
although it is once said in Scripture, (5) "The Lord created me the
beginning of his ways on account of his works," yet it becomes us to
consider the import of this phrase, which I shall hereafter explain; and
not, as Marcellus has done, from a single passage to jeopardize the most
important doctrine of the church.'

   These and many other such expressions Eusebius Pamphilus has given
utterance to in the first book against Marcellus; and in his third book,
(6) declaring in what sense the term creature is to be taken, he says:

   'Accordingly, these things being thus established, it follows that in
the same sense as that which preceded, the words, "The Lord created me the
beginning of his ways, on account of his works," must have been spoken. For
although he says that he was created, it is not as if he should say that he
had arrived at existence from what was not, nor that he himself also was
made of nothing like the rest of the creatures, which some have erroneously
supposed; but as subsisting, living, pre-existing, and being before the
constitution of the whole world; and having been appointed to rule the
universe by his Lord and Father: the word created being here used instead
of ordained or constituted. Certainly the apostle (7) expressly called the
rulers and governors among men creature, when he said, "Submit yourselves
to every human creature for the Lord's sake; whether to the king as
supreme, or to governors as those sent by him." The prophet also (8) when
he says, "Prepare, Israel, to invoke thy God. For behold he who confirms
the thunder, creates the Spirit, and announces his Christ unto men": . . .
has not used the word "he who creates" in the sense of makes out of
nothing. For God did not then create the Spirit, when he declared his
Christ to all men, since (9) "There is nothing new under the sun"; but the
Spirit existed, and had being previously: but he was sent at what time the
apostles were gathered together, when like thunder "There came a sound from
heaven as of a rushing mighty wind; and they were filled with the Holy
Spirit." (10) And thus they declared unto all men the Christ of God, in
accordance with that prophecy which says, (11) "Behold he who confirms the
thunder, creates the Spirit, and announces his Christ unto men": the word
"creates" being used instead of "sends down," or appoints; and thunder in
another figure implying the preaching of the Gospel. Again he that says,
"Create in me a clean heart, O God," (12) said not this as if he had no
heart; but prayed that his mind might be purified. Thus also it is said,
(13) "That he might create the two into one new man," instead of unite.
Consider also whether this passage is not of the same kind, (14) "Clothe
yourselves with the new man, which is created according to God"; and this,
(15) "If, therefore, any one be in Christ, he is a new creature"; and
whatever other expressions of a similar nature any one may find who shall
carefully search the divinely inspired Scripture. Wherefore, one should not
be surprised if in this passage, "The Lord created me the beginning of his
ways," the term "created" is used metaphorically, instead of "appointed" or
constituted.'

   Such words Eusebius uses in his work against Marcellus; we have quoted
them on account of those who have slanderously attempted to traduce and
criminate him. Neither can they prove that Eusebius attributes a beginning
of subsistence to the Son of God, although they may find him often using
the expressions by accommodation; and especially so, because he   was an
emulator and admirer of the works of Origen, in which those who are able to
comprehend the depth of Origen's writings, will perceive it to be
everywhere stated that the Son was begotten of the Father. These remarks
have been made in passing, in order to refute those who have misrepresented
Eusebius.

CHAPTER XXII: The Council of Sardica restores Paul and Athanasius to their
Sees; and an the Eastern Emperor's Refusal to admit them, the Emperor of
the West threatens him with War.

   Those convened at Sardica, as well as those who had formed a separate
council at Philippopolis in Thrace, having severally performed what they
deemed requisite, returned to their respective cities. From that time,
therefore, the Western church was severed from the Eastern; (1) and the
boundary of communion between them was the mountain called Soucis, (2)
which divides the Illyrians from the Thracians. As far as this mountain
there was indiscriminate communion, although there was a difference of
faith; but beyond it they did not commune with one another. Such was the
perturbed condition of the churches at that period. Soon after these
transactions, the emperor of the Western parts informed his brother
Constantius of what had taken place at Sardica, and begged him to restore
Paul and Athanasius to their sees. But as Constantius delayed to carry this
matter into effect, the emperor of the West again wrote to him, giving him
the choice either of re-establishing Paul and Athanasius in their former
dignity, and restoring their churches to them; or, on his failing to do
this, of regarding him as his enemy, and immediately expecting war. The
letter which he addressed to his brother was as follows:

   'Athanasius and Paul are here with me; and I am quite satisfied after
investigation, that they are persecuted for the sake of piety. If,
therefore, you will pledge yourself to reinstate them in their sees, and to
punish those who have so unjustly injured them, I will send them to you;
but should you refuse to do this, be assured, that I will myself come
thither, and restore them to their own sees, in spite of your opposition.'

CHAPTER XXIII: Constantius, being Afraid of his Brother's Threats, recalls
Athanasius by Letter, and sends him to Alexandria.

   On receiving this communication the emperor of the East fell into
perplexity; and immediately sending for the greater part of the Eastern
bishops, he acquainted them with the choice his brother had submitted to
him, and asked what ought to be done. They replied, it was better to
concede the churches to Athanasius, than to undertake a civil war.
Accordingly the emperor, urged by necessity, summoned Athanasius and his
friends to his presence. Meanwhile the emperor of the West sent Paul to
Constantinople, with two bishops and other honorable attendance, having
fortified him with his own letters, together with those of the Synod. But
while Athanasius was still apprehensive, and hesitated to go to him,-- for
he dreaded the treachery of his calumniators,- the emperor of the East not
once only, but even a second and a third time, invited him to come to him;
this is evident from his letters, which, translated from the Latin tongue,
are as follows:

Epistle of Constantius to Athanasius. (1)

   Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius the bishop.

   Our compassionate clemency cannot permit you to be any longer tossed
and disquieted as it were by the boisterous waves of the sea. Our unwearied
piety has not been unmindful of you driven from your native home, despoiled
of your property, and wandering in pathless solitudes. And although I have
too long deferred acquainting you by letter with the purpose of my mind,
expecting your coming to us of your own accord to seek a remedy for your
troubles; yet since fear perhaps has hindered the execution of your wishes,
we therefore have sent to your reverence letters full of indulgence, in
order that you may fearlessly hasten to appear in our presence, whereby
after experiencing our benevolence, you may attain your desire, and be re-
established in your proper position. For this reason I have requested my
Lord and brother Constans Victor Augustus to grant you permission to come,
to the end that by the consent of us both you may be restored to your
country, having this assurance of our favor.

Another Epistle to Athanasius.

   Constantius Victor Augustus to the bishop Athanasius.

   Although we have abundantly intimated in a former letter that you might
confidently come to our court, (2) as we are extremely anxious to reinstate
you in your proper place, yet we have again addressed this letter to your
reverence. We therefore urge you, without any distrust or apprehension, to
take a public vehicle and hasten to us, in order that you may be able to
obtain what you desire.

Another Epistle to Athanasius.

   Constantius Victor Augustus to the bishop Athanasius.

   While we were residing at Edessa, where your presbyters were present,
it pleased us to send one of them to you, for the purpose of hastening your
arrival at our court, in order that after having been introduced to our
presence, you might forthwith proceed to Alexandria. But inasmuch as a
considerable time has elapsed since you received our letter, and yet have
not come, we now therefore hasten to remind you to speedily present
yourself before us, that so you may be able to return to your country, and
obtain your desire. For the more ample assurance of our intention, we have
despatched to you Achetas the deacon, from whom you will learn both our
mind in regard to you, and that you will be able to secure what you wish;
viz., our readiness to facilitate the objects you have in view.

   When Athanasius had received these letters at Aquileia,-- for there he
abode after his departure from Sardica,--he immediately hastened to Rome;
and having shown these communications to Julius the bishop, he caused the
greatest joy in the Roman Church. For it seemed as if the emperor of the
East also had recognized their faith, since he had recalled Athanasius.
Julius then wrote to the clergy and laity of Alexandria on behalf of
Athanasius as follows:

Epistle of Julius, Bishop of Rome, to those at Alexandria. (3)

   Julius, the bishop, to the presbyters, deacons, and people inhabiting
Alexandria, brethren beloved, salutations in the Lord.

   I also rejoice with you, beloved brethren, because you at length see
before your eyes the fruit of your faith. For that this is really so, any
one may perceive in reference to my brother and fellow-prelate Athanasius,
whom God has restored to you, both on account of his purity of life, and in
answer to your prayers. From this it is evident that your supplications to
God have unceasingly been offered pure and abounding with love; for mindful
of the divine promises and of the charity connected with them, which ye
learned from the instruction of my brother, ye knew assuredly, and
according to the sound faith which is in you clearly foresaw that your
bishop would not be separated from you for ever, whom ye had in your devout
hearts as though he were ever present. Wherefore it is unnecessary for me
to use many words in addressing you, for your faith has already anticipated
whatever I could have said; and the common prayer of you all has been
fulfilled according to the grace of Christ. I therefore rejoice with you,
and repeat that ye have preserved your souls invincible in the faith. And
with my brother Athanasius I rejoice equally; because, while suffering many
afflictions, he has never been unmindful of your love and desire; for
although he seemed to be withdrawn from you in person for a season, yet was
he always present with you in spirit. Moreover, I am convinced, beloved,
that every trial which he has endured has not been inglorious; since both
your faith and his has thus been tested and made manifest to all. But had
not so many troubles happened to him, who would have believed, either that
you had so great esteem and love for this eminent prelate, or that he was
endowed with such distinguished virtues, on account of which also he will
by no means be defrauded of his hope in the heavens? He has accordingly
obtained a testimony of confession in every way glorious both in the
present age and in that which is to come. For having suffered so many and
diversified trials both by land and by sea, he has trampled on every
machination of the Arian heresy; and though often exposed to danger in
consequence of envy, he despised death, being protected by Almighty God,
and our Lord Jesus Christ, ever trusting that he should not only escape the
plots [of his adversaries], but also be restored for your consolation, and
bring back to you at the same time greater trophies from your own
conscience. By which means he has been made known even to the ends of the
whole earth as glorious, his worth having been approved by the purity of
his life, the firmness of his purpose, and his steadfastness in the
heavenly doctrine, all being attested by your unchanging esteem and love.
He therefore returns to you, more illustrious now than when he departed
from you. For if the fire tries the precious metals (I speak of gold and
silver) for purification, what can be said of so excellent a man
proportionate to his worth, who after having overcome the fire of so many
calamities and dangers, is now restored to you, being declared innocent not
only by us, but also by the whole Synod? Receive therefore with godly honor
and joy, beloved brethren, your bishop Athanasius, together with those who
have been his companions in tribulation. And rejoice in having attained the
object of your prayers, you who have supplied with meat and drink, by your
supporting letters, your pastor hungering and thirsting, so to speak, for
your spiritual welfare. And in fact ye were a comfort to him while he was
sojourning in a strange land; and ye cherished him in your most faithful
affections when he was plotted against and persecuted. As for me, it makes
me happy even to picture to myself in imagination the delight of each one
of you at his return, the pious greetings of the populace, the glorious
festivity of those assembled to meet him, and indeed what the entire aspect
of that day will be when my brother shall be brought back to you again;
when past troubles will be at an end, and his prized and longed-for return
will unite all hearts in the warmest expression of joy. This feeling will
in a very high degree extend to us, who regard it as a token of divine
favor that we should have been privileged to become acquainted with so
eminent a person. It becomes us therefore to close this epistle with
prayer. May God Almighty and his Son our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ
afford you this grace continually, thus rewarding the admirable faith which
ye have manifested in reference to your bishop by an illustrious testimony:
that the things most excellent which 'Eye has not seen, nor ear heard,
neither have entered into the heart of man; even the things which God has
prepared for them that love him,' (4) may await you and yours in the world
to come, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom be glory to God
Almighty for ever and ever, Amen. I pray that ye may be strengthened,
beloved brethren.

   Athanasius, relying on these letters, arrived at the East. The Emperor
Constantius did not at that time receive him with hostility of feeling;
nevertheless at the instigation of the Arians he endeavored to circumvent
him, and addressed him in these words: 'You have been reinstated in your
see in accordance with the decree of the Synod, and with our consent. But
inasmuch as some of the people of Alexandria refuse to hold communion with
you, permit them to have one church in the city.' To this demand Athanasius
promptly replied: 'You have the power, my sovereign, both to order, and to
carry into effect, whatever you may please. I also, therefore, would beg
you to grant me a favor.' The emperor having readily promised to acquiesce,
Athanasius immediately added, that he desired the same thing might be
conceded to him, which the emperor had sought from him, viz.: that in every
city one church should be assigned to  those who might refuse to hold
communion with the Arians. The Arians perceiving the purpose of Athanasius
to be inimical to their interests, said that this affair might be postponed
to another time: but they suffered the emperor to act as he pleased. He
therefore restored to Athanasius, Paul, and Marcellus their respective
sees; as also to Asclepas, bishop of Gaza, and Lucius of Adrianople. For
these, too, had been received by the Council of Sardica: Asclepas, because
he showed records from which it appeared that Eusebius Pamphilus, in
conjunction with several others, after having investigated his case, had
restored him to his former rank; and Lucius, because his accusers had fled.
Hereupon the emperor's edicts were despatched to their respective cities,
enjoining the inhabitants to receive them readily. At Ancyra indeed, when
Basil was ejected, and Marcellus was introduced in his stead, there was a
considerable tumult made, which afforded his enemies an occasion of
calumniating him: but the people of Gaza willingly received Asclepas.
Macedonius at Constantinople, for a short time gave place to Paul,
convening assemblies by himself separately, in a separate church in that
city. Moreover the emperor wrote on behalf of Athanasius to the bishops,
clergy, and laity, in regard to receiving him cheerfully: and at the same
time he ordered by other letters, that whatever had been enacted against
him in the judicial courts should be abrogated. The communications
respecting both these matters were as follows:

The Epistle of Constantius in Behalf of Athanasius? (5)

   Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to the bishops and presbyters of
the Catholic Church.

   The most reverend bishop Athanasius has not been forsaken by the grace
of God. But although he was for a short time subjected to trial according
to men, yet has he obtained from an omniscient Providence the exoneration
which was due to him; having been restored by the will of God, and our
decision, both to his country and to the church over which by divine
permission he presided. It was therefore suitable that what is in
accordance with this should be duly attended to by our clemency: so that
all things which have been heretofore determined against those who held
communion with him should now be rescinded; that all suspicion  against him
should henceforward cease; and that the immunity which those clergymen who
are with him formerly enjoyed, should be, as it is meet, confirmed to them.
Moreover, we thought it just to add this to our grace toward him, that the
whole ecclesiastical body should understand that protection is extended to
all who have adhered to him, whether bishops or other clergymen: and union
with him shall be a sufficient evidence of each person's right intention.
Wherefore we have ordered, according to the similitude of the previous
providence, that as many as have the wisdom to enroll themselves with the
sounder judgment and party and to choose his communion, shall enjoy that
indulgence which we have now granted in accordance with the will of God.

Another Epistle sent to the Alexandrians. (6)

   Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to the people of the Catholic
Church at Alexandria.

   Setting before us as an aim your good order in all respects, and
knowing that you have long since been bereft of episcopal oversight, we
thought it just to send back to you again Athanasius your bishop, a man
known to all by the rectitude and sanctity of his life and manners. Having
received him with your usual and becoming courtesy, and constituted him the
assistant of your prayers to God, exert yourselves to maintain at all
times, according to the ecclesiastical canon, harmony and peace, which will
be alike honorable to yourselves, and grateful to us. For it is
unreasonable that any dissension or faction should be excited among you,
hostile to the prosperity of our times; and we trust that such a misfortune
will be wholly removed from you. We exhort you, therefore, to assiduously
persevere in your accustomed devotions, by his assistance, as we before
said: so that when this resolution of yours shall become generally known,
entering into the prayers of all, even the pagans, who are still enslaved
in the ignorance of idolatrous worship, may hasten to seek the knowledge of
our sacred religion, most beloved Alexandrians. Again, therefore, we exhort
you to give heed to these things: heartily welcome your bishop, as one
appointed you by the will of God and our decree; and esteem him worthy of
being embraced with all the affections of your souls. For this becomes you,
and is consistent with our clemency. But in order to check all tendency to
seditions and tumult in persons of a factious disposition, orders have been
issued to our judges to give up to the severity of the laws all whom they
may discover to be seditious. Having regard, therefore, to our
determination and God's, (7) as well as to the anxiety we feel to secure
harmony among you, and remembering also the punishment that will be
inflicted on the disorderly, make it your especial care to act agreeably to
the sanctions of our sacred religion, with all reverence honoring your
bishop; that so in conjunction with him you may present your supplications
to the God and Father of the universe, both for yourselves, and for the
orderly government of the whole human race.

An Epistle respecting the Rescinding of the Enactments against Athanasius.

   Victor Constantius Augustus to Nestorius, and in the same terms to the
governors of Augustamnica, Thebais, and Libya.

   If it be found that at any time previously any enactment has been
passed prejudicial and derogatory to those who hold communion with
Athanasius the bishop, our pleasure is that it should now be wholly
abrogated; and that his clergy should again enjoy the same immunity which
was granted to them formerly. We enjoin strict obedience to this command,
to the intent that since the bishop Athanasius has been restored to his
church, all who hold communion with him may possess the same privileges as
they had before, and such as other ecclesiastics now enjoy: that so their
affairs being happily arranged, they also may share in the general
prosperity.

CHAPTER XXIV: Athanasius, passing through Jerusalem on his Return to
Alexandria, is received into Communion by Maximus: and a Synod of Bishops,
convened in that City, confirms the Nicene Creed.

   Athanasius the bishop being fortified with such letters as these,
passed through Syria, and came into Palestine. On arriving at Jerusalem he
acquainted Maximus the bishop both with what had been done in the Council
of Sardica, and also that the Emperor Constantius had confirmed its
decision: he then proposed that a Synod of the bishops there should be
held. Maximus, (1) therefore, without delay sent for certain of the bishops
of Syria and Palestine, and having assembled a council, he restored
Athanasius to communion, and to his former dignity. After which the Synod
communicated by letter (2) to the Alexandrians, and to all the bishops of
Egypt and Libya, what had been determined respecting Athanasius. Whereupon
the adversaries of Athanasius exceedingly derided Maximus, because having
before assisted in his deposition, he had suddenly changed his mind, and as
if nothing had previously taken place, had voted for his restoration to
communion and rank. When Ursacius and Valens, who had been fiery partisans
of Arianism, ascertained these things, condemning their former zeal, they
proceeded to Rome, where they presented their recantation to Julius the
bishop, and gave their assent to the doctrine of consubstantiality: they
also wrote to Athanasius, and expressed their readiness to hold communion
with him in future. Thus Ursacius and Valens were at that time subdued by
the good fortune of Athanasius and induced to recognize the orthodox faith.
Athanasius passed through Pelusium on his way to Alexandria, and admonished
the inhabitants of every city to beware of the Arians, and to receive those
only that professed the Homoousian faith. In some of the churches also he
performed ordination; which afforded another ground of accusation against
him, because of his undertaking to ordain in the dioceses of others.(3)
Such was the progress of affairs at that period in reference to Athanasius.

CHAPTER XXV: Of the Usurpers Magnentius and Vetranio.

   About this time an extraordinary commotion shook the whole state, of
the principal heads, of which we shall give a brief account, deeming it
necessary not to pass over them altogether. We mentioned in our first book,
(1) that after the death of the founder of Constantinople, his three sons
succeeded him in the empire: it must now be also stated, that a kinsman of
theirs, Dalmatius, so named from his father shared with them the imperial
authority. This person after being associated with them in the sovereignty
for a very little while, the soldiers put to death, (2) Constantius having
neither commanded his destruction, nor forbidden it. The manner in which
Constantine the younger was also killed by the soldiers, on his invading
that division of the empire which belonged to his brother, has already been
recorded a more than once. After his death, the Persian war was raised
against the Romans, in which Constantius did nothing prosperously: for in a
battle fought by night on the frontiers of both parties, the Persians had
to some slight extent the advantage. And this at a time when the affairs of
the Christians became no less unsettled, there being great disturbance
throughout the churches on account of Athanasius, and the term homoousion.
Affairs having reached this pass, there sprang up a tyrant in the western
parts called Magnentius, (4) who by treachery slew Constans, the emperor of
the western division of the empire, at that time residing in the Gauls.
This being done, a furious civil war arose, and Magnentius made himself
master of all Italy, reduced Africa and Libya under his power, and even
obtained possession of the Gauls. But at the city of Sirmium in Illyricum,
the military set up another tyrant whose name was Vetranio; (5) while a
fresh trouble threw Rome itself into commotion. For there was a nephew of
Constantine's, Nepotian by name, who, supported by a body of gladiators,
there assumed the sovereignty. He was, however, slain by some of the
officers of Magnentius, who himself invaded the western provinces, and
spread desolation in every direction.

CHAPTER XXVI: After the Death of Constans, the Western Emperor, Paul and
Athanasius are again ejected from their Sees: the Former on his Way into
Exile is slain; but the Latter escapes by Flight.

   The conflux of these disastrous events occurred during a short space of
time; for they happened in the fourth year after the council at Sardica,
during the consulate of Sergius and Nigrinian. (1) When these circumstances
were published, the entire sovereignty of the empire seemed to devolve on
Constantius alone, who, being accordingly proclaimed in the East sole
Autocrat, made the most vigorous preparations against the usurpers.
Hereupon the adversaries of Athanasius, thinking a favorable crisis had
arisen, again framed the most calumnious charges against him, before his
arrival at Alexandria; assuring the Emperor Constantius that he was
subverting all Egypt and Libya. And his having undertaken to ordain out of
the limits of his own diocese, tended not a little to accredit the
accusations against him. Meanwhile in this conjuncture, Athanasius entered
Alexandria; and having convened a council of the bishops in Egypt, they
confirmed by their unanimous vote, what had been determined in the Synod at
Sardica, and that assembled at Jerusalem by Maximus. But the emperor, who
had been long since imbued with Arian doctrine, reversed all the indulgent
proceedings he had so recently resolved on. And first of all he ordered
that Paul, bishop of Constantinople, should be sent into exile; whom those
who conducted strangled, at Cucusus in Cappadocia. Marcellus was also
ejected, and Basil again made ruler of the church at Ancyra. Lucius of
Adrianople, being loaded with chains, died in prison. The reports which
were made concerning Athanasius so wrought on the emperor's mind, that in
an ungovernable fury he commanded him to be put to death wherever he might
be found: he moreover included Theodulus and Olympius, who presided over
churches in Thrace, in the same proscription. Athanasius, however, was not
ignorant of the intentions of the emperor; but learning of them he once
more had recourse to flight, and so escaped the emperor's menaces. The
Arians denounced this retreat as criminal, particularly Narcissus, bishop
of Neronias in Cilicia, George of Laodicaea, and Leontius who then had the
oversight of the church at Antioch. This last person, when a presbyter, had
been divested of his rank, (2) because in order to remove all suspicion of
illicit intercourse with a woman named Eustolium, with whom he spent a
considerable portion of his time, he had castrated himself and
thenceforward lived more unreservedly with her, on the ground that there
could be no longer any ground for evil surmises. Afterwards however, at the
earnest desire of the Emperor Constantius, he was created bishop of the
church at Antioch, after Stephen, the successor of Placitus. So much
respecting this.

CHAPTER XXVII: Macedonius having possessed himself of the See of
Constantinople inflicts much injury on those who differ from him.

   At that time Paul having been removed in the manner described,
Macedonius became ruler of the churches in Constantinople; who, acquiring
very great ascendancy over the emperor, stirred up a war among Christians,
of a no less grievous kind than that which the usurpers themselves were
waging. For having prevailed on his sovereign to co-operate with him in
devastating the churches, he procured that whatever pernicious measures he
determined to pursue should be ratified by law. And on this account
throughout the several cities an edict was proclaimed, and a military force
appointed to carry the imperial decrees into effect. Accordingly those who
acknowledged the doctrine of con-substantiality were expelled not only from
the churches, but also from the cities. Now at first they were satisfied
with expulsion; but as the evil grew they resorted to the worse extremity
of inducing compulsory communion with them, caring but little for such a
desecration of the churches. Their violence indeed was scarcely less than
that of those who had formerly obliged the Christians to worship idols; for
they applied all kinds of scourgings, a variety of tortures, and
confiscation of property. Many were punished with exile; some died under
the torture; and others were put to death while they were being led into
exile. These atrocities were exercised throughout all the eastern cities,
but especially at Constantinople; the internal strife which was but slight
before was thus savagely increased by Macedonius, as soon as he obtained
the bishopric. The cities of Greece, however, and Illyricum, with those of
the western parts, still enjoyed tranquillity; inasmuch as they preserved
harmony among themselves, and continued to adhere to the rule of faith
promulgated by the council of Nic�a.

CHAPTER XXVIII: Athanasius' Account of the Deeds of Violence committed at
Alexandria by George the Arian.

   What cruelties George perpetrated at Alexandria at the same time may be
learned from the narration of Athanasius, who both suffered in and
witnessed the occurrences. In his 'Apology for his flight,' (1) speaking of
these transactions, he thus expresses himself:

   'Moreover, they came to Alexandria, again seeking to destroy me: and on
this occasion their proceedings were worse than before; for the soldiery
having suddenly surrounded the church, there arose the din of war, instead
of the voice of prayer. Afterwards, on his arrival during Lentil George,
sent from Cappadocia, added to the evil which he was instructed to work.
When Easter-week a was passed, the virgins were east into prison, the
bishops were led in chains by the military, and the dwellings even of
orphans and widows were forcibly entered and their provisions pillaged.
Christians were assassinated by night; houses were sealed; (4) and the
relatives of the clergy were endangered on their account. Even these
outrages were dreadful; but those that followed were still more so. For in
the week after the holy Pentecost, the people, having fasted, went forth to
the cemetery to pray, because all were averse to communion with George:
that wickedest of men being informed of this, instigated against them
Sebastian, an officer who was a Manichaen. He, accordingly, at the head of
a body of troops armed with drawn swords, bows, and darts, marched out to
attack the people, although it was the Lord's day: finding but few at
prayers,-as the most part had retired because of the lateness of the hour,-
- he performed such exploits as might be expected from them. Having kindled
a fire, he set the virgins near it, in order to compel them to say that
they were of the Arian faith: but seeing they stood their ground and
despised the fire, he then stripped them, and so beat them on the face,
that for a long time afterwards they could scarcely be recognized. Seizing
also about forty men, he flogged them in an extraordinary manner: for he so
lacerated their backs with rods fresh cut from the palm-tree, which still
had their thorns on, that some were obliged to resort repeatedly to
surgical aid in order to have the thorns extracted from their flesh, and
others, unable to bear the agony, died under its infliction. All the
survivors with one virgin they banished to the Great Oasis? The bodies of
the dead they did not so much as give up to their relatives, but denying
them the rites of sepulture they concealed them as they thought fit, that
the evidences of their cruelty might not appear. They did this acting as
madmen. For while the friends of the deceased rejoiced on account of their
confession, but mourned because their bodies were uninterred, the impious
inhumanity of these acts was sounded abroad the more conspicuously. For
soon after this they sent into exile out of Egypt and the two Libyas the
following bishops: Ammonius, Thmuis, Caius, Philo, Hermes, Pliny,
Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agatho, Anagamphus, Mark, Ammonius, another Mark,
Dracontius, Adelphius, and Athenodorus; and the presbyters Hierax and
Discorus. And so harshly did they treat them in conducting them, that some
expired while on their journey, and others in the place of banishment. In
this way they got rid of more than thirty bishops, for the anxious desire
of the Arians, like Ahab's, was to exterminate the truth if possible.'

   Such are the words of Athanasius in regard to the atrocities
perpetrated by George at Alexandria. The emperor meanwhile led his army
into Illyricum. For there the urgency of public affairs demanded his
presence; and especially the proclamation of Vetranio (6) as emperor by the
military. On arriving at Sirmium, he came to a conference with Vetranio
during a truce; and so managed, that the soldiers who had previously
declared for him changed sides, and saluted Constantius alone as Augustus
and sovereign autocrat. In the acclamations, therefore, no notice was taken
of Vetranio. Vetranio, perceiving himself to be abandoned, immediately
threw himself at the feet of the emperor; Constantius, taking from him his
imperial crown and purple, treated him with great clemency, and recommended
him to pass the rest of his days tranquilly in the condition of a private
citizen: observing that a life of repose at his advanced are was far more
suitable than a dignity which entailed anxieties and care. Vetranio's
affairs came to this issue; and the emperor ordered that a liberal
provision out of the public revenue should be given him. Often afterwards
writing to the emperor during his residence at Prusa in Bithynia, Vetranio
assured him that he had conferred the greatest blessing on him, by
liberating him from the disquietudes which are the inseparable concomitants
of sovereign power. Adding that he himself did not act wisely in depriving
himself of that happiness in retirement, which he had bestowed upon him.
Let this suffice on this point. After these things, the Emperor Constantius
having created Gallus his kinsman Caesar, and given him his own name, (7)
sent him to Antioch in Syria, providing thus for the guarding of the
eastern parts. When Gallus was entering this city, the Savior's sign
appeared in the East: (8) for a pillar in the form of a cross seen in the
heavens gave occasion of great amazement to the spectators. His other
generals the emperor despatched against Magnentius with considerable
forces, and he himself remained at Sirmium, awaiting the course of events.

CHAPTER XXIX: Of the Heresiarch Photinus.

   During this time Photinus, (1) who then presided over the church in
that city more openly avowed the creed he had devised; wherefore a tumult
being made in consequence, the emperor ordered a Synod of bishops to be
held at Sirmium. There were accordingly convened there of the Oriental
bishops, (2) Mark of Arethusa, George of Alexandria, whom the Arians sent,
as I have before said, having placed him over that see on the removal of
Gregory, Basil who presided over the church at Ancyra after Marcellus was
ejected. Pancratius of Pelusium, and Hypatian of Heraclea. Of the Western
bishops there were present Valens of Mursa, and the then celebrated Hosius
of Cordova in Spain, who attended much against his will. These met at
Sirmium, after the consulate of Sergius and Nigrinian, (3) in which year no
consul celebrated the customary inaugural (4) solemnities, in consequence
of the tumults of war; and having met and found that Photinus held the
heresy of Sabellius the Libyan, and Paul of Samosata, they immediately
deposed him. This decision was both at that time and afterwards universally
commended as honorable and just; but those who continued there,
subsequently acted in a way which was by no means so generally approved.

CHAPTER XXX: Creeds published at Sirmium in Presence of the Emperor
Constantius.

   As if they would rescind their former determinations respecting the
faith, they published anew other expositions of the creed, viz.: one which
Mark of Arethusa composed in Greek; and others in Latin, which harmonized
neither in expression nor in sentiment with one another, nor with that
dictated by the bishop of Arethusa. I shall here subjoin one of those drawn
up in Latin, to that prepared in Greek by Mark: the other, which was
afterwards recited at Sirmium, (1) will be given when we describe what was
done at Ariminum. It must be understood, however, that both the Latin forms
were translated into Greek. The declaration of faith set forth by Mark, was
as follows: (2)

   'We believe in one God the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of
all things, of whom the whole family in heaven and on earth is named, (3)
and in his only begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who was begotten of
the Father before all ages, God of God, Light of Light, by whom all things
visible and invisible, which are in the heavens and upon the earth, were
made: who is the Word, and the Wisdom, and the true Light, and the Life;
who in the last days for our sake was made man and born of the holy virgin,
and was crucified and died, and was buried, and rose again from the dead on
the third day, and was received up into heaven, and sat at the right hand
of the Father, and is coming at the completion of the age to judge the
living and the dead, and to requite every one according to his works: whose
kingdom being everlasting, endures into infinite ages; for he will be
seated at the Father's right hand, not only in the present age, but also in
that which is to come. [We believe] also in the Holy Spirit, that is to say
the Comforter, whom, having promised to his apostles after his ascension
into the heavens, to teach them, and bring all thinks to their remembrance,
he sent; by whom also the souls of those who have sincerely believed in him
are sanctified. But those who affirm that the Son is of things which are
not, or of another substance, and not of God, and that there was a time or
an age when he was not, the holy and catholic Church recognizes to be
aliens. We therefore again say, if any one affirms that the Father and Son
are two Gods, let him be anathema. And if any one admits that Christ is God
and the Son of God before the ages, but does not confess that he ministered
to the Father in the formation of all things, let him be anathema. If any
one shall dare to assert that the Unbegotten, or a part of him, was born of
Mary, let him be anathema. If any one should say that the Son was of Mary
according to foreknowledge, and not that he was with God, begotten of the
Father before the ages, and that all things were not made by him, let him
be anathema. If any one affirms the essence of God to be dilated or
contracted, let him be anathema. If any one says that the dilated essence
of God makes the Son, or shall term the Son the dilatation of his essence,
let him be anathema. If any one calls the Son of God the internal or
uttered word, let him be anathema. If any one declares that the Son that
was born of Mary was man only, let him be anathema. If any man affirming
him that was born of Mary to be God and man, shall imply the unbegotten God
himself, let him be anathema. If any one shall understand the text, "I am
the first, and I am the last, and besides me there is no God," (4) which
was spoken for the destruction of idols and false gods, in the sense the
Jews do, as if it were said for the subversion of the only-begotten of God
before the ages, let him be anathema. If any one hearing "the Word was made
flesh," (5) should imagine that the Word was changed into flesh, or that he
underwent any change in assuming flesh, let him be anathema. If any one
hearing that the only-begotten Son of God was crucified, should say that
his divinity underwent any corruption, or suffering, or change, or
diminution, or destruction, let him be anathema. If any one should affirm
that the Father said not to the Son, "Let us make man,'' (6) but that God
spoke to himself, let him be anathema. If any one says that it was not the
Son that was seen by Abraham, but the unbegotten God, or a part of him, let
him be anathema. If any one says that it was not the Son that as man
wrestled with Jacob, but the unbegotten God, or a part of him, let him be
anathema. If any one shall understand the words, "The Lord rained from the
Lord,'' (7) not in relation to the Father and the Son, but shall say that
he rained from himself, let him be anathema: for the Lord the Son rained
from the Lord the Father. If any one hearing "the Lord the Father, and the
Lord the Son," shall term both the Father and the Son Lord, and saying "the
Lord from the Lord" shall assert that there are two Gods, let him be
anathema. For we do not co-ordinate the Son with the Father, but [conceive
him to be] subordinate to the Father. For he neither came down to the body
(8) without his Father's will; nor did he rain from himself, but from the
Lord (i.e. the Father) who exercises supreme authority: nor does he sit at
the Father's right hand of himself, but in obedience to the Father saying,
"Sit thou at my right hand" (9) [let him be anathema]. If any one should
say that the Father, Son, and Holy? Spirit are one person, let him be
anathema. If any one, speaking of the Holy Spirit the Comforter, shall call
him the unbegotten God, let him be anathema. If any one, as he hath taught
us, shall not say that the Comforter is other than the Son, when he has
himself said, "the Father, whom I will ask, shall send you another
Comforter," (10) let him be anathema. If any one affirm that the Spirit is
part of the Father and of the Son, let him be anathema. If any one say that
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are three Gods, let him be anathema. If
any one say that the Son of God was made as one of the creatures by the
will of God, let him be anathema. If any one shall say that the Son was
begotten without the Father's will, let him be anathema: for the Father did
not, as compelled by any natural necessity, beget the Son at a time when he
was unwilling; but as soon as it pleased him, he has declared that of
himself without time and without passion, he begot him. If any one should
say that the Son is unbegotten, and without beginning, intimating that
there are two without beginning, and unbegotten, so making two Gods, let
him be anathema: for the Son is the head and beginning of all things; but
"the head of Christ is God.'' (11) Thus do we devoutly trace up all things
by the Son to one source of all things who is without beginning. Moreover,
to give an accurate conception of Christian doctrine, we again say, that if
any one shall not declare Christ Jesus to have been the Son of God before
all ages, and to have ministered to the Father in the creation of all
things; but shall affirm that from the time only when he was born of Mary,
was he called the Son and Christ, and that he then received the
commencement of his divinity, let him be anathema, as the Samosatan.' (12)
Another Exposition of the Faith set forth at Sirmium in Latin, and
afterwards translated into Greek. (13)

   Since it appeared good that some deliberation respecting the faith
should be undertaken, all points have been carefully investigated and
discussed at Sirmium, in presence of Valens, Ursacius, Germinius, and
others.

   It is evident that there is one God, the Father Almighty, according as
it is declared over the whole world; and his only-begotten Son Jesus
Christ, our Lord, God, and Saviour, begotten of him before the ages. But we
ought not to say that there are two Gods, since the Lord himself has said
'I go unto my Father and your Father, and unto my God and your God.' (14)
Therefore he is God even of all, as the apostle also taught, Is he the God
of the Jews only? Is he not also of the Gentiles? Yea of the Gentiles also;
seeing that it is one God who shall justify the circumcision by faith.'
(15) And in all other matters there is agreement, nor is there any
ambiguity. But since it troubles very many to understand about that which
is termed substantia in Latin, and ousia in Greek; that is to say, in order
to mark the sense more accurately, the word homoousion (16) or homoiousion,
(17) it is altogether desirable that none of these terms should be
mentioned: nor should they be preached on in the church, for this reason,
that nothing is recorded concerning them in the holy Scriptures; and
because these things are above the knowledge of mankind and human capacity,
and that no one can explain the Son's generation, of which it is written,'
And who shall declare his generation? (18) It is manifest that the Father
only knows in what way he begat the Son; and again the Son, how he was
begotten by the Father. But no one can doubt that the Father is greater in
honor, dignity, and divinity, and in the very name of Father; the Son
himself testifying 'My Father who hath sent me is greater than I. (19) And
no one is ignorant that this is also catholic doctrine, (20) that there are
two persons of the Father and Son, and that the Father is the greater: but
that the Son is subject, together with all things which the Father has
subjected to him. That the Father had no beginning, and is invisible,
immortal, and impossible: but that the Son was begotten of the Father, God
of God, Light of Light; and that no one comprehends his generation, as was
before said, but the Father alone. That the Son himself, our Lord and God,
took flesh or a body, that is to say human nature, according as the angel
brought glad tidings: and as the whole Scriptures teaches, and especially
the apostle who was the great teacher of the Gentiles, Christ assumed the
human nature through which he suffered, from the Virgin Mary. But the
summary and confirmation of the entire faith is, that [the doctrine of] the
Trinity should be always maintained, according as we have read in the
gospel, 'Go ye and disciple all nations, baptizing them in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.'(21) Thus the number of the
Trinity is complete and perfect. Now the Comforter, the Holy Spirit, sent
by the Son, came according to his promise, in order to sanctify and
instruct the apostles and all believers.

   They endeavored to induce Photinus, even after his deposition, to
assent to and subscribe these things, promising to restore him his
bishopric, if by recantation he would anathematize the dogma he had
invented, and adopt their opinion. But he did not accept their proposal,
and on the other hand he challenged them to a disputation: (22) and a day
being appointed by the emperor's arrangement, the bishops who were there
present assembled, and not a few of the senators, whom the emperor had
directed to attend to the discussion. In their presence, Basil, who at that
time presided over the church at Ancyra, was appointed to oppose Photinus,
and short-hand writers took down their respective speeches. The conflict of
arguments on both sides was extremely severe; but Photinus having been
worsted, was condemned, and spent the rest of his life in exile, during
which time he composed treatises in both languages--for he was not
unskilled in Latin--against all heresies, and in favor of his own views.
Concerning Photinus let this suffice.

   Now the bishops who were convened at Sirmium, were afterwards
dissatisfied with that form of the creed which had been promulgated by them
in Latin; for after its publication, it appeared to them to contain many
contradictions. They therefore endeavored to get it back again from the
transcribers; but inasmuch as many secreted it, the emperor by his edicts
commanded that the version should be sought for, threatening punishment to
any one who should be detected concealing it. These menaces, however, were
incapable of suppressing what had already fallen into the hands of many.
Let this suffice in regard to these affairs.

CHAPTER XXXI: Of Hosius, Bishop of Cardova.

   Since we have observed that Hosius the Spaniard was present [at the
council of Sirmium] against his will, it is necessary to give some brief
account of him. A short time before he had been sent into exile by the
intrigues of the Arians: but at the earnest solicitation of those convened
at Sirmium, the emperor summoned him thither, wishing that by persuasion,
or by compulsion he should give his sanction to their proceedings; for if
this could be effected, they considered it would give great authority to
their sentiments. On this ground, therefore, as I have said, he was most
unwillingly obliged to be present: and when he refused to concur with them,
stripes and tortures were inflicted on the old man. Wherefore he was
constrained by force to acquiesce in and subscribe to their exposition of
the faith. Such was the issue of affairs at that time transacted at
Sirmium. But the emperor Constantius after these things still continued to
reside at that place, awaiting there the result of the war against
Magnentius.

CHAPTER XXXII: Overthrow of the Usurper Magnentius.

   Magnentius in the meanwhile having made himself master of the imperial
city Rome, put to death many members of the senatorial council, as well as
many of the populace. But as soon as the commanders under Constantius had
collected an army of Romans, and commenced their march against him, he left
Rome, and retired into the Gauls. There several battles were fought,
sometimes to the advantage of one party, and sometimes to that of the
other: but at last Magnentius having been defeated near Mursa--a fortress
of Gaul- was there closely besieged. In this place the following remarkable
incident is said to have occurred. Magnentius desiring to reassure the
courage of his soldiers who were disheartened by their late overthrow,
ascended a lofty tribunal for this purpose. They, wishing to give utterance
to the usual acclamation with which they greet emperors, contrary to their
intention simultaneously all shouted the name not of Magnentius, but of
Constantius Augustus. Regarding this as an omen unfavorable to himself,
Magnentius immediately withdrew from the fortress, and retreated to the
remotest parts of Gaul. Thither the generals of Constantius hastened in
pursuit. An engagement having again taken place near Mount Seleucus, (1)
Magnentius was totally routed, and fled alone to Lyons, a city of Gaul,
which is distant three days' journey from the fortress at Mursa.
Magnentius, having reached this city, first slew his own mother; then
having killed his brother also, whom he had created Caesar, he at last
committed suicide by falling on his own sword. This happened in the sixth
consulate of Constantius, and the second of Constantius Gallus, on the
fifteenth (2) day of August. Not long after, the other brother of
Magnentius, named Decentius, put an end to his own life by hanging himself.
Such was the end of the enterprises of Magnentius. The affairs of the
empire were  not altogether quieted; for soon after this another usurper
arose whose name was Silvanus: but the generals of Constantius speedily put
him also out of the way, whilst raising disturbances in Gaul.

CHAPTER XXXIII: Of the Jews inhabiting Dio-Caesarea in Palestine.

   ABOUT the same time there arose another intestine commotion in the
East: for the Jews who inhabited Dio-Caesarea in Palestine took up arms
against the Romans, and began to ravage the adjacent places. But Gallus who
was also called Constantius, whom the emperor, after creating Caesar, had
sent into the East, despatched an army against them, and completely
vanquished them: after which he ordered that their city Dio-Caesarea should
be razed to the foundations.

CHAPTER XXXIV. Of Gallus Caesar.

   Gallus, having accomplished these things, was unable to bear his
success with moderation; but forthwith attempted innovations against the
authority of him who had constituted him Caesar, himself aspiring to the
sovereign power. His purpose was, however, soon detected by Constantius:
for he had dared to put to death, on his own responsibility, Domitian, at
that time Praetorian prefect of the East, and Magnus the quaestor, not
having disclosed his designs to the emperor. Constantius, extremely
incensed at this conduct, summoned Gallus to his presence, who being in
great terror went very reluctantly; and when he arrived in the western
parts, and had reached the island of Flanona, Constantius ordered him to be
slain. But not long after he created Julian, the brother of Gallus, Caesar,
and sent him against the barbarians in Gaul. It was in the seventh
consulate (1) of the emperor Constantius that Gallus, who was surnamed
Constantius, was slain, when he himself was a third time consul: and Julian
was created Caesar on the 6th of November in the following year, when
Arbetion (2) and Lollian were consuls; of him we shall make farther mention
in the next book? When Constantius was thus relieved from the disquietudes
which had occupied him, his attention was again directed to ecclesiastical
contentions. Going therefore from Sirmium to the imperial city Rome, he
again appointed a synod of bishops, summoning some of the eastern prelates
to hasten into Italy, (4) and arranging for those of the west to meet them
there. While preparations were making in the east for this purpose, Julius
bishop of Rome died, after having presided over the church in that place
fifteen years, and was succeeded in the episcopal dignity by Liberius.

CHAPTER XXXV: Of Aetius the Syrian, Teacher of Eunomius.

   At Antioch in Syria another heresiarch sprang up, Aetius, surnamed
Athens. He agreed in doctrine with Arius, and maintained the same opinions:
but separated himself from the Arian party because they had admitted Arius
into communion. For Arius, as I have before related, (1) entertaining one
opinion in his heart, professed another with his lips; having hypo-
critically assented to and subscribed the form of faith set forth at the
council of Nicaea, in order to deceive the reigning emperor. On this
account, therefore, Aetius separated himself from the Arians. He had,
however, previously been a heretic, and a zealous advocate of Arian views.
After receiving some very scanty instruction at Alexandria, he departed
thence, and arrived at Antioch in Syria, which was his native place, was
ordained deacon by Leontins, who was then bishop of that city. Upon this he
began to astonish those who conversed with him by the singularity of his
discourses. And this he did in dependence on the precepts of Aristotle's
Categories; there is a book of that name, the scope of which he neither
himself perceived, nor had been enlightened on by intercourse with learned
persons: so that he was little aware that he was framing fallacious
arguments to perplex and deceive himself. For Aristotle had composed this
work to exercise the ingenuity of his young disciples, and to confound by
subtle arguments the sophists who, affected to deride philosophy. Wherefore
the Ephectic academicians, (2) who expound the writings of Plato and
Plotinus, censure the vain subtlety which Aristotle has displayed in that
book: but Aetius, who never had the advantage of an academical preceptor,
adhered to the sophisms of the Categories. For this reason he was unable to
comprehend how there could be generation without a beginning, and how that
which was begotten can be co-eternal with him who begat. In fact, Aetius
was a man of so superficial attainments, and so little acquainted with the
sacred Scriptures, and so extremely fond of caviling, a thing which any
clown might do, that he had never carefully studied those ancient writers
who have interpreted the Christian oracles; wholly rejecting Clemens and
Africanus and Origen, men eminent for their information in every department
of literature and science. But he composed epistles both to the emperor
Constantius, and to some other persons, wherein he interwove tedious
disputes for the purpose of displaying his sophisms. He has therefore been
surnamed Atheus. But although his doctrinal statements were similar to
those of the Arians, yet from the abstruse nature of his syllogisms, which
they were unable to comprehend, his associates in Arianism pronounced him a
heretic. Being for that reason expelled from their church, he pretended to
have separated himself from their communion. Even in the present day there
are to be found some who from him were formerly named Aetians, but now
Eunomians. For some time later Eunomius, who had been his amanuensis,
having been instructed by his master in this heretical mode of reasoning,
afterwards became the head of that sect. But of Eunomius we shall speak
more fully in the proper place. (3)

CHAPTER XXXVI: Of the Synod Milan.

   Now at that time the bishops met in Italy, very few indeed from the
East, most of them being hindered from coming either by the firmities of
age or by the distance; but of the West there were more than three hundred.
(1) It was a command of the emperor that they should be assembled at Milan.
On meeting, the Eastern prelates opened the Synod by calling upon those
convened to pass a unanimous sentence of condemnation against Athanasius;
with this object in view, that he might thenceforward be utterly shut out
from Alexandria. But Paulinus, bishop of Treves in Gaul, and Dionysius, of
whom the former was bishop of Alba, (2) the metropolis of Italy, and
Eusebius of Vercellae, a city of Liguria in Italy, perceiving that the
Eastern bishops, by demanding a ratification of the sentence against
Athanasius, were intent on subverting the faith, arose and loudly exclaimed
that 'this proposition indicated a covert plot against the principles of
Christian truth. For they insisted that the charges against Athanasius were
unfounded, and merely invented by his accusers as a means of corrupting the
faith.' Having made this protest with much vehemence of manner, the
congress of bishops was then dissolved.

CHAPTER XXXVII: Of the Synod at Ariminum, and the Creed there published.
(1)

   The emperor on being apprised of what had taken place, sent these three
bishops into exile; and determined to convene an ecumenical council, that
by drawing all the Eastern bishops into the West, he might if possible
bring them all to agree. But when, on consideration, the length of the
journey seemed to present serious obstacles, he directed that the Synod
should consist of two divisions; permitting those present at Milan to meet
at Ariminum in Italy: but the Eastern bishops he instructed by letters to
assemble at Nicomedia in Bithynia. The emperor's object in these
arrangements was to effect a general unity of opinion; but the issue was
contrary to his expectation. For neither of the Synods was in harmony with
itself, but each was divided into opposing factions: for those convened at
Ariminum could not agree with one another; and the Eastern bishops
assembled at Seleucia in Isauria made another schism. The details of what
took place in both we will give in the course of our history, (2) but we
shall first make a few observations on Eudoxius. About that time Leontius
having died, who had ordained the heretic Aetius (3) as deacon Eudoxius
bishop of Germanicia--this city is in Syria--who was then at Rome, thinking
no time was to be lost, speciously represented to the emperor that the city
over which he presided was in need of his counsel and care, and requested
permission to return there immediately. This the emperor readily acceded
to, having no suspicion of a clandestine purpose: Eudoxius having some of
the principal officers of the emperor's bedchamber as coadjutors, deserted
his own diocese, and fraudulently installed himself in the see of Antioch.
His first desire was to restore Aetius; accordingly he convened a council
of bishops for the purpose of reinvesting Aetius with the dignity of the
diaconate. But this could in no way be brought about, for the odium with
which Aetius was regarded was more prevalent than the exertions of Eudoxius
in his favor. When the bishops were assembled at Ariminum, those from the
East declared that they were willing to pass in silence the case of
Athanasius: a resolution that was zealously supported by Ursacius and
Valens, who had formerly maintained the tenets of Arius; but, as I have
already stated, had afterwards presented a recantation of their opinion to
the bishop of Rome, and publicly avowed their assent to the doctrine of
consubstantiality. For these men always inclined to side with the dominant
party. Germinius, Auxentius, Demophilus and Gaius made the same declaration
in reference to Athanasius. When therefore some endeavored to propose one
thing in the convocation of bishops, and some another, Ursacius and Valens
said that all former draughts of the creed ought to be considered as set
aside, and the last alone, which had been prepared at their late convention
at Sirmium, regarded as authorized. They then caused to be read a paper
which they held in their hands, containing another form of the creed: this
had indeed been drawn up at Sirmium, but had been kept concealed, as we
have before observed, until their present publication of it at Ariminum. It
has been translated from the Latin into Greek, and is as follows: (4)

   'The catholic faith was expounded at Sirmium in presence of our lord
Constantius, (5) in the consulate (6) of the most illustrious Flavius
Eusebius, and Hypatius, on the twenty-third of May.

   'We believe in one only and true God, the Father Almighty, the Creator
and Framer of all things: and in one only-begotten Son of God, before all
ages, before all beginning, before all conceivable time, and before all
comprehensible thought, begotten without passion: by whom the ages were
framed, and all things made: who was begotten as the only-begotten of the
Father, only of only, God of God, like to the Father who begat him,
according to the Scriptures: whose generation no one knows, but the Father
only who begat him. We know that this his only-begotten Son came down from
the heavens by his Father's consent for the putting away of sin, was born
of the Virgin Mary, conversed with his disciples, and fulfilled every
dispensation according to the Father's will: was crucified and died, and
descended into the lower parts of the earth, and disposed matters there; at
the sight of whom the (door-keepers of Hades trembled (7)): having arisen
on the third day, he again conversed with his disciples, and after forty
days were completed he ascended into the heavens, and is seated at the
Father's right hand; and at the last day he will come in his Father's glory
to render to every one according to his works. [We believe] also in the
Holy Spirit, whom the only-begotten Son of God Jesus Christ himself
promised to send to the human race as the Comforter, according to that
which is written: (8) "I go away to my Father, and will ask him, and he
will send you another Comforter, the Spirit of truth. He shall receive of
mine, and shall teach you, and bring all things to your remembrance." As
for the term "substance," which was used by our fathers for the sake of
greater simplicity, but not being under-  stood by the people has caused
offense on account of the fact that the Scriptures do not contain it, it
seemed desirable that it should be wholly abolished, and that in future no
mention should be made of substance in reference to God, since the divine
Scriptures have nowhere spoken concerning the substance of the Father and
the Son. But we say that the Son is in all things like the Father, as the
Holy Scriptures affirm and teach.'

   These statements having been read, those who were dissatisfied with
them rose and said 'We came not hither because we were in want of a creed;
for we preserve inviolate that which we received from the beginning; but we
are here met to repress any innovation upon it which may have been made. If
therefore what has been recited introduces no novelties, now openly
anathematize the Arian heresy, in the same manner as the ancient canon of
the church has rejected all heresies as blasphemous: for it is evident to
the whole world that the impious dogma of Arius has excited the
disturbances of the church, and the troubles which exist until now.' This
proposition, which was not accepted by Ursacius, Valens, Germinius,
Auxentius, Demophilus, and Gaius, rent the church asunder completely: for
these prelates adhered to what had then been recited in the Synod of
Ariminum; while the others again confirmed the Nicene Creed. They also
ridiculed the superscription of the creed that had been read; and
especially Athanasius, in a letter which he sent to his friends, wherein he
thus expresses himself: (9)

   'What point of doctrine was wanting to the piety of the catholic
church, that they should now make an investigation respecting the faith,
and prefix moreover the consulate of the present times to their published
exposition of it? For Ursacius, Valens, and Germinius have done what was
neither done, nor even heard of, at any time before among Christians:
having composed a creed such as they themselves are willing to believe,
they prefaced it with the consulate, month, and day of the present time, in
order to prove to all discerning persons that theirs is not the ancient
faith, but such as was originated under the reign of the present emperor
Constantius. (10) Moreover they have written all things with a view to
their own heresy: and besides this, pretending to write respecting the
Lord, they name another "Lord" as theirs, even Constantius, who has
countenanced their impiety, so that those who deny the Son to be eternal,
have styled him eternal emperor. Thus are they proved to be the enemies of
Christ by their profanity. But perhaps the holy prophets' record of time
afforded them a precedent for [noticing] the consulate! Now even if they
should presume to make this pretext, they would most glaringly expose their
own ignorance. The prophecies of these holy men do indeed mark the times.
Isaiah and Hosea lived in the days of Uzziah, Joatham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah;
(11) Jeremiah in the time of Josiah; (12) Ezekiel and Daniel in the reign
of Cyrus and Darius; and others uttered their predictions in other times.
Yet they did not then lay the foundations of religion. That was in
existence before them, and always was, even before the creation of the
world, God having prepared it for us in Christ. Nor did they designate the
commencement of their own faith; for they were themselves men of faith
previously: but they signified the times of the promises given through
them. Now the promises primarily referred to our Saviour's advent; and all
that was foretold respecting the course of future events in relation to
Israel and the Gentiles was collateral and subordinate. Hence the periods
mentioned indicated not the beginning of their faith, as I before observed,
but the times in which these prophets lived and foretold such things. But
these sages of our day, who neither compile histories, nor predict future
events, after writing, "The Catholic Faith was published," immediately add
the consulate, with the month and the day: and as the holy prophets wrote
the date of their records and of their own ministration, so these men
intimate the era of their own faith. And would that they had written
concerning their own faith only--since they have now begun to believe- and
had not undertaken to write respecting the Catholic faith. For they have
not written. "Thus we believe"; but, "The Catholic Faith was published."
The temerity of purpose herein manifested argues their ignorance; while the
novelty of expression found in the document they have concocted shows it to
be the same as the Arian heresy. By writing in this manner, they have
declared when they themselves began to believe, and from what time they
wish it to be understood their faith was first preached. And just as when
the evangelist Luke says, (13) "A decree of enrolment was published," he
speaks of an edict which was not in existence before, but came into
operation at that time, and was published by him who had written it; so
these men by writing "The faith has now been published," have declared that
the tenets of their heresy are of modern invention, and did not exist
previously. But since they apply the term "Catholic" to it, they seem to
have unconsciously fallen into the extravagant assumption of the
Cataphrygians, asserting even as they did, that "the Christian faith was
first revealed to us, and commenced with us." And as those termed Maximilla
and Montanus, so these style Constantius their Lord, instead of Christ. But
if according to them the faith had its beginning from the present
consulate, what will the fathers and the blessed martyrs do? Moreover what
will they themselves do with those who were instructed in religious
principles by them, and died before this consulate? By what means will they
recall them to life, in order to obliterate from their minds what they
seemed to have taught them, and to implant in its stead those new
discoveries which they have published? So stupid are they as to be only
capable of framing pretenses, and these such as are unbecoming and
unreasonable, and carry with them their own refutation.'

   Athanasius wrote thus to his friends: and the interested who may read
through his whole epistle will perceive how powerfully he treats the
subject; but for brevity's sake we have here inserted a part of it only.
The Synod deposed Valens, Ursacius, Auxentius, Germinius, Gaius, and
Demophilus for refusing to anathematize the Arian doctrine; who being very
indignant at their deposition, hastened directly to the emperor, carrying
with them the exposition of faith which had been read in the Synod. The
council also acquainted the emperor with their determinations in a
communication which translated from the Latin into Greek, was to the
following effect: (14) Epistle of the Synod of Ariminum to the Emperor
Constantius.

   We believe that it was by the appointment of God, as well as at the
command of your piety, that the decrees formerly published have been
executed. Accordingly we Western bishops came out of various districts to
Ariminum, in order that the faith of the catholic church might be made
manifest, and that those who held contrary views might be detected. For on
a considerate review by us of all points, our decision has been to adhere
to the ancient faith which the prophets, the gospels, and the apostles have
revealed through our Lord Jesus Christ, the guardian of your empire, and
the protector of your person, which faith also we have always maintained.
We conceived that it would be unwarrantable and impious to mutilate any of
those things which have been justly and rightly ratified, by those who sat
in the Nicene council with Constantine of glorious memory, the father of
your piety. Their doctrine and views have been infused into the minds and
preached in the hearing of the people, and found to be powerfully opposed,
even fatal, to the Arian heresy. And not only this heresy, but also all
others have been put down by it. Should therefore anything be added to or
taken away from what was at that time established, it would prove perilous;
for if either of these things should happen, the enemy will have boldness
to do as they please. (15)

   Wherefore Ursacius and Valens being heretofore suspected of
entertaining Arian sentiments, were suspended from communion: but in order
to be restored to it they made an apology, and claimed that they had
repented of their shortcoming, as their written recantation attests: they
therefore obtained pardon and complete absolution.

   The time when these things occurred was when the council was in session
at Milan, when the presbyters of the church of Rome were also present.

   At (16) the same time, having known that Constantine, who even after
his death is worthy of honorable mention, exposed the faith with due
precision, but being born of men was baptized and departed to the peace due
to him as his reward, we have deemed it improper to innovate after him
disregarding so many holy confessors and martyrs, who also were authors of
this confession, and persevered in their faith in the ancient system of the
catholic church. Their faith God has perpetuated down to the years of your
own reign through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whose grace it also became
possible for you to so strengthen your dominion as to rule over one portion
of the world.

   Yet have these infatuated and wretched persons, endued with an unhappy
disposition, again had the temerity to declare themselves the propagators
of false doctrine, and even endeavor to subvert the constitution of the
Church. For when the letters of your piety had ordered us to assemble for
the examination of the faith, they laid bare their intention, stripped of
its deceitful garb. For they attempted with certain craft and confusion to
propose innovations, having in this as allies Germinius, Auxentius, (17)
and Gains, who continually cause strife and dissension, and their single
teaching has surpassed the whole body of blasphemies. But when they
perceived that we had not the same disposition or mind as they in regard to
their false views they changed their minds during our council and said
another expression of belief should be put forth. And short indeed was the
time which convinced them of the falsity of their views.

   In order, therefore, that the affairs of the Church may not be
continually brought into the same condition, and in order that trouble and
tumult may not continually arise and confuse all things, it appeared safe
to preserve the previously determined views firm and unalterable, and to
separate from our communion the persons above named; for which reason we
have despatched to your clemency delegates who will communicate the opinion
of the council to you. And to our delegates we have given this commission
above all, that they should accredit the truth taking their motive from the
ancient and right decisions. They will inform your holiness that peace will
not be established as Ursacius and Valens say when some point of the right
be overturned. For how can those be at peace who destroy peace? Rather will
strife and tumult be occasioned by these things in the church of Rome also,
as in the other cities. Wherefore, now, we beseech your clemency that you
should look upon our delegation with a calm eye and listen to it with
favor, and not allow that anything should be changed, thus bringing insult
to the deceased, but permit us to continue in those things which have been
defined and legislated by our ancestors; who, we should say, acted with
shrewdness and wisdom and with the Holy Spirit. For the innovations they
introduce at present fill the believing with distrust and the unbelieving
with cruelty. (18) We further implore you to instruct that the bishops who
dwell in foreign parts, whom both the infirmity of age and the ills of
poverty harass should be assisted to return easily and speedily to their
own homes, so that the churches may not remain bereft of their bishops.
Still further we beg of you this also, that nothing be stricken off, nor
anything be added, to the articles [of faith] remaining over from the times
of your pious father even until now; but that these may continue inviolate.
Permit us not to toil and suffer longer, nor to be separated from our
dioceses, but that together with our own peoples we may in peace have time
to offer prayers and thanksgiving, supplicating for your safety and
continuance in the dominion, which may the divinity grant unto you
perpetually. Our delegates bear the signatures and greetings of the
bishops. These [delegates] will from the Divine Scriptures themselves
instruct your piety.

   The Synod then thus wrote and sent their communications to the emperor
by the bishops [selected for that purpose]. But the partisans of Ursacius
and Valens having arrived before them, did their utmost to calumniate the
council, exhibiting the exposition of the faith which they had brought with
them. The emperor, prejudiced beforehand towards Arianism, became extremely
exasperated against the Synod, but conferred great honor on Valens and
Ursacius and their friends. Those deputed by the council were consequently
detained a considerable time, without being able to obtain an answer: at
length, however, the emperor replied through those who had come to him, in
the manner following: 'Constantius Victor and Triumphator Augustus to all
the bishops convened at Ariminum.

   'That our especial care is ever exercised respecting the divine and
venerated law even your sanctity is not ignorant. Nevertheless we have
hitherto been unable to give an audience to the twenty bishops sent as
deputation from you, for an expedition against the barbarians has become
necessary. And since, as you will admit, matters relative to the divine law
ought to be entered on with a mind free from all anxiety; I have therefore
ordered these bishops to await our return to Adrianople; that when all
public business shall have been duly attended to, we may be able then to
hear and consider what they shall propose. In the meanwhile let it not seem
troublesome to your gravity to wait for their return; since when they shall
convey to you our resolution, you will be prepared to carry into effect
such measures as may be most advantageous to the welfare of the catholic
church.' The bishops on receipt of this letter wrote thus in reply: (19)

   'We have received your clemency's letter, sovereign lord, most beloved
of God, in which you inform us that the exigencies of state affairs have
hitherto prevented your admitting our delegates to your presence: and you
bid us await their return, until your piety shall have learnt from them
what has been determined on by us in conformity with the tradition of our
ancestors. But we again protest by this letter that we can by no means
depart from our primary resolution; and this also we have commissioned our
deputies to state. We beseech yon therefore, both with serene countenance
to order this present epistle of our modesty to be read; and also to listen
favorably to the representations with which our delegates have been
charged. Your mildness doubtless perceives, as well as we, to how great an
extent grief and sadness prevail, because of so many churches being bereft
of their bishops in these most blessed times of yours. Again therefore we
entreat your clemency, sovereign lord most dear to God, to command us to
return to our churches, if it please your piety, before the rigor of winter
in order that we may be enabled, in conjunction with the people, to offer
up our accustomed prayers to Almighty God, and to our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, his only-begotten Son, for the prosperity of your reign, as
we have always done, and even now do in our prayers.'

   The bishops having waited together some time after this letter had been
despatched, inasmuch as the emperor deigned no reply, they departed to
their respective cities. Now the emperor had long before intended to
disseminate Arian doctrine throughout the churches-; and was anxious to
give it the pre-eminence; hence he pretended that their departure was an
act of contumely, declaring that they had treated him with contempt by
dissolving the council in opposition to his wishes. He therefore gave the
partisans of Ursacius unbounded license to act as they pleased in regard to
the churches: and directed that the revised form of creed which had been
read at Ariminum should be sent to the churches throughout Italy; ordering
that whoever would not subscribe it should be ejected from their sees, and
that others should be substituted in their place. (20) And first Liberius,
bishop of Rome, having refused his assent to that creed, was sent into
exile; the adherents of Ursacius appointing Felix to succeed him, who had
been a deacon in that church, but on embracing the Arian heresy was
elevated to the episcopate. Some however assert that he was not favorable
to that opinion, but was constrained by force to receive the ordination of
bishop. After this all parts of the West were filled with agitation and
tumult, some being ejected and banished, and others established in their
stead. These things were effected by violence, on the authority of the
imperial edicts, which were also sent into the eastern parts. Not long
after indeed Liberius was recalled, and reinstated in his see; for the
people of Rome having raised a sedition, and expelled Felix from their
church, the emperor even though against his wish consented. The partisans
of Ursacius, quitting Italy, passed through the eastern parts; and arriving
at Nice, a city of Thrace, they dwelt there a short time and held another
Synod, and after translating the form of faith which was read at Ariminum
into Greek, they confirmed and published it afresh in the form quoted
above, giving it the name of the general council, in this way attempting to
deceive the more simple by the similarity of names, and to impose upon them
as the creed promulgated at Nic�a in Bithynia, that which they had prepared
at Nice in Thrace. (21) But this artifice was of little advantage to them;
for it was soon detected, they became the object of derision. Enough now
has been said of the transactions which took place in the West: we must now
proceed to the narrative of what was done in the East at the same time.

CHAPTER XXXVIII: Cruelty of Macedonius, and Tumults raised by him.

   The bishops of the Arian party began to assume greater assurance from
the imperial edicts. In what manner they undertook to convene a Synod, we
will explain somewhat later. Let us now briefly mention a few of their
previous acts. Acacius and Patrophilus having ejected Maximus, bishop of
Jerusalem, installed Cyril in his see. Macedonius subverted the order of
things in the cities and provinces adjacent to Constantinople, promoting to
ecclesiastical honors his assistants in his intrigues against the churches.
(1) He ordained Eleusius bishop of Cyzicus, and Marathonius, bishop of
Nicomedia: the latter had before been a deacon under Macedonius himself,
and proved very active in founding monasteries both of men and women. But
we must now mention in what way Macedonius desolated the churches in the
cities and provinces around Constantinople. This man, as I have already
said, (2) having seized the bishopric, inflicted innumerable calamities on
such as were unwilling to adopt his views. His persecutions were not
confined to those who were recognized as members of the catholic church,
but extended to the Novatians also, inasmuch as he knew that they
maintained the doctrine of the homoousion; they therefore with the others
underwent the most intolerable sufferings, but their bishop, Angelius by
name, effected his escape by flight. Many persons eminent for their piety
were seized and tortured, because they refused to communicate with him: and
after the torture, they forcibly constrained the men to be partakers of the
holy mysteries, their mouths being forced open with a piece of wood, and
then the consecrated elements thrust into them. Those who were so treated
regarded this as a punishment far more grievous than all others. Moreover
they laid hold of women and children, and compelled them to be initiated
[by baptism]; and if any one resisted or otherwise spoke against it,
stripes immediately followed, and after the stripes, bonds and
imprisonment, and other violent measures. I shall here relate an instance
or two whereby the reader may form some idea of the extent of the harshness
and cruelty exercised by Macedonius and those who were then in power. They
first pressed in a box, and then sawed off, the breasts of such women as
were unwilling to communicate with them. The same parts of the persons of
other women they burnt partly with iron, and partly with eggs intensely
heated in the fire. This mode of torture which was unknown even among the
heathen, was invented by those who professed to be Christians. These facts
were related to me by the aged Auxanon, the presbyter in the Novatian
church of whom I spoke in the first book? He said also that he had himself
endured not a few severities from the Arians, prior to his reaching the
dignity of presbyter; having been thrown into prison and beaten with many
stripes, together with Alexander the Paphlagonian, his companion in the
monastic life. He added that he had himself been able to sustain these
tortures, but that Alexander died in prison from the effects of their
infliction. He is now buried on the right of those sailing into the bay of
Constantinople which is called Ceras, close by the rivers, where there is a
church of the Novatians named after Alexander. Moreover the Arians, at the
instigation of Macedonius, demolished with many other churches in various
cities, that of the Novatians at Constantinople near Pelargus. Why I
particularly mention this church, will be seen from the extraordinary
circumstances connected with it, as testified by the same aged Auxanon. The
emperor's edict and the violence of Macedonius had doomed to destruction
the churches of those who maintained the doctrine of consubstantiality; the
decree and violence reached this church, and those also who were charged
with the execution of the mandate were at hand to carry it into effect. I
cannot but admire the zeal displayed by the Novatians on this occasion, as
well as the sympathy they experienced from those whom the Arians at that
time ejected, but who are now in peaceful possession of their churches. For
when the emissaries of their enemies were urgent to accomplish its
destruction, an immense multitude of Novatians, aided by numbers of others
who held similar sentiments, having assembled around this devoted church,
pulled it down, and conveyed the materials of it to another place: this
place stands opposite the city, and is called Syc�, and forms the
thirteenth ward of the town of Constantinople. This removal was effected in
a very short time, from the extraordinary ardor of the numerous persons
engaged in it: one carried tiles, another stones, a third timber; some
loading themselves with one thing, and some with another. Even women and
children assisted in the work, regarding it as the realization of their
best wishes, and esteeming it the greatest honor to be accounted the
faithful guardians of things consecrated to God. In this way at that time
was the church of the Novatians transported to Sycae. Long afterwards when
Constantius was dead, the emperor Julian ordered its former site to be
restored, and permitted them to rebuild it there. The people therefore, as
before, having carried back the materials, reared the church in its former
position; and from this circumstance, and its great improvement in
structure and ornament, they not inappropriately called it Anastasia. The
church as we before said was restored afterwards in the reign of Julian.
But at that time both the Catholics and the Novatians were alike subjected
to persecution: for the former abominated offering their devotions in those
churches in which the Arians assembled, but frequented the other three (4)-
-for this is the number of the churches which the Novatians have in the
city -- and engaged in divine service with them.  Indeed they would have
been wholly united,  had not the Novatians refused from regard to their
ancient precepts. In other respects however, they mutually maintained such
a degree of cordiality and affection, as to be ready to lay down their
lives for one another: both parties were therefore persecuted
indiscriminately, not only at Constantinople, but also in other provinces
and cities. At Cyzicus, Eleusius, the bishop of that place, perpetrated the
same kind of enormities against the Christians there, as Macedonius had
done elsewhere, harassing and putting them to flight in all directions and
[among other things] he completely demolished the church of the Novatians
at Cyzicus. But Macedonius consummated his wickedness in the following
manner. Hearing that there was a great number of the Novatian sect in the
province of Paphlagonia, and especially at Mantinium, and perceiving that
such a numerous body could not be driven from their homes by ecclesiastics
alone, he caused, by the emperor's permission, four companies of soldiers
to be sent into Paphlagonia, that through dread of the military they might
receive the Arian opinion. But those who inhabited Mantinium, animated to
desperation by zeal for their religion, armed themselves with long reap-
hooks, hatchets, and whatever weapon came to hand, and went forth to meet
the troops; on which a conflict ensuing, many indeed of the Paphlagonians
were slain, but nearly all the soldiers were destroyed. I learnt these
things from a Paphlagonian peasant who said that he was present at the
engagement; and many others of that province corroborate this account. Such
were the exploits of Macedonius on behalf of Christianity, consisting of
murders, battles, incarcerations, and civil wars: proceedings which
rendered him odious not only to the objects of his persecution, but even to
his own party. He became obnoxious also to the emperor on these accounts,
and particularly so from the circumstance I am about to relate. The church
where the coffin lay that contained the relics of the emperor Constantine
threatened to fall. On this account those that entered, as well as those
who were accustomed to remain there for devotional purposes, were in much
fear. Macedonius, therefore, wished to remove the emperor's remains, test
the coffin should be injured by the ruins. The populace getting
intelligence of this, endeavored to prevent it, insisting 'that the
emperor's bones should not be disturbed, as such a disinterment would be
equivalent, to their being dug up': many however affirmed that its removal
could not possibly injure the dead body, and thus two parties were formed
on this question; such as held the doctrine of consubstantiality joining
with those who opposed it on the ground of its impiety. Macedonius, in
total disregard of these prejudices, caused the emperor's remains to be
transported to the church where those of the martyr  Acacius lay. Whereupon
a vast multitude rushed toward that edifice in two hostile divisions, which
attacked one another with great fury, and great loss of life was
occasioned, so that the churchyard was covered with gore, and the well also
which was in it overflowed with blood, which ran into the adjacent portico,
and thence even into the very street. When the emperor was informed of this
unfortunate occurrence, he was highly incensed against Macedonius, both on
account of the slaughter which he had occasioned, and because he had dared
to move his father's body without consulting him. Having therefore left the
Caesar Julian to take care of the western parts, he himself set out for the
east. How Macedonius was a short time afterwards deposed, and thus suffered
a most inadequate punishment for his infamous crimes, I shall hereafter
relate. (5)

CHAPTER XXXIX: Of the Synod at Seleucia, in Isauria.

   BUT I must now give an account of the other Synod, which the emperor's
edict had convoked in the east, as a rival to that of Ariminum. It was at
first determined that the bishops should assemble at Nicomedia in Bithynia;
but a great earthquake having nearly destroyed that city, prevented their
being convened there. This happened in the consulate (1) of Tatian and
Cerealis, on the 28th day of August. (2) They were therefore planning to
transfer the council to the neighboring city of Nicaea: but this plan was
again altered, as it seemed more convenient to meet at Tarsus in Cilicia.
Being dissatisfied with this arrangement also, they at last assembled
themselves at Seleucia, surnamed Aspera, (3) a city of Isauria. This took
place in the same year [in which the council of Ariminum was held], under
the consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius, (4) the number of those convened
being about 160. There was present on this occasion Leonas, an officer of
distinction attached to the imperial household, before whom the emperor's
edict had enjoined that the discussion respecting the faith should be
entered into. Lauricius also, the commander-in-chief of the troops in
Isauria, was ordered to be there, to serve the bishops in such things as
they might require. In the presence of these personages therefore, the
bishops were there convened on the 27th of the month of September, and
immediately began a discussion on the basis of the public records,
shorthand writers being present to write down what each might say. Those
who desire to learn the particulars of the several speeches, will find
copious details of them in the collection of Sabinus; but we shall only
notice the more important heads. On the first day of their being convened,
Leonas ordered each one to propose what he thought fit: but those present
said that no question ought to be agitated in the absence of those prelates
who had not yet arrived; for Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, Basil of
Ancyra, and some others who were apprehensive of an impeachment for their
misconduct, had not made their appearance. Macedonius pleaded
indisposition, and failed to attend; Patrophilus said he had some trouble
with his eyes, and that on this account it was needful for him to remain in
the suburbs of Seleucia; and the rest offered various pretexts to account
for their absence. When, however, Leonas declared that the subjects which
they had met to consider must be entered on, notwithstanding the absence of
these persons, the bishops replied that they could not proceed to the
discussion of any question, until the life and conduct of the parties
accused had been investigated: for Cyril of Jerusalem, Eustathius of
Sebastia in Armenia, and some others, had been charged with misconduct on
various grounds long before. A sharp contest arose in consequence of this
demur; some affirming that cognizance ought first to be taken of all such
accusations, and others denying that anything whatever should have
precedence of matters of faith. The emperor's orders contributed not a
little to augment this dispute, inasmuch as letters of his were produced
urging now this and now that as necessary to be considered first. The
dispute having arisen on this subject, a schism was thus made, and the
Seleucian council was divided into two factions, one of which was headed by
Acacius of Caesarea in Palestine, George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre,
and Eudoxius of Antioch, who were supported by only about thirty-two other
bishops. Of the opposite party, which was by far the more numerous, the
principal were George of Laodicea in Syria, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in
Paphlagonia, and Eleusius of Cyzicus. It being determined by the majority
to examine doctrinal matters first, the party of Acacius openly opposed the
Nicene Creed, and Wished to introduce another instead of it. The other
faction, (5) which was considerably more numerous, concurred in all the
decisions of the council of Nicaea, but criticised its adoption of the term
homoousion. Accordingly they debated on this point, much being said on each
side, until late in the evening, when Silvanus, who presided over the
church at Tarsus, insisted with much vehemence of manner, 'that there was
no need of a new exposition of the faith; but that it was their duty rather
to confirm that which was published at Antioch, (6) at the consecration of
the church in that place.' On this declaration, Acacius and his partisans
privately withdrew from the council; while the others, producing the creed
composed at Antioch, read it, and then separated for that day. Assembling
in the church of Seleucia on the day following, after having closed the
doors, they again read the same creed, and ratified it by their signatures.
At this time the readers and deacons present signed on behalf of certain
absent bishops, who had intimated their acquiescence in its form.

CHAPTER XL.

Acacius, Bishop of Caesarea, dictates a new Farm of Creed in the Synod at
Seleucia.

   ACACIUS and his adherents criticised what was done: because, that is to
say, they closed the church doors and thus affixed their signatures;
declaring that 'all such secret transactions were justly to be suspected,
and had no validity whatever.' These objections he made because he was
anxious to bring forward another exposition of the faith drawn up by
himself, which he had already submitted to the governors Leonas and
Lauricius, and was now intent on getting it alone confirmed and
established, instead of that which had been subscribed. The second day was
thus occupied with nothing else but exertions on his part to effect this
object. On the third day Leonas endeavored to produce an amicable meeting
of both parties; Macedonius of Constantinople, and also Basil of Ancyra,
having arrived during its course. But when the Acacians found that both the
parties had come to the same position, they refused to meet; saying that
'not only those who had before been deposed, but also such as were at
present under any accusation, ought to be excluded from the assembly.' And
as after much cavilling on both sides, this opinion prevailed; those who
lay under any charge went out of the council, and the party of Acacius
entered in their places. Leonas then said that a document had been put into
his hand by Acacius, to which he desired to call their attention: but he
did not state that it was the drought of a creed, which in some particulars
covertly, and in others unequivocally contradicted the former. When those
present became silent, thinking that the document contained something else
besides an exposition of a creed, the following creed composed by Acacius,
together with its preamble, was read.

   'We having yesterday assembled by the emperor's command at Seleucia, a
city of Isauria, on the 27th day of September, exerted ourselves to the
utmost, with all moderation, to preserve the peace of the church. and to
determine doctrinal questions on prophetic and evangelical authority, so as
to sanction nothing in the ecclesiastic confession of faith at variance
with the sacred Scriptures, as our Emperor Constantius most beloved of God
has ordered. But inasmuch as certain individuals in the Synod have acted
injuriously toward several of us, preventing some from expressing their
sentiments, and excluding others from the council against their wills; and
at the same time have introduced such as have been deposed, and persons who
were ordained contrary to the ecclesiastical canon, so that the Synod has
presented a scene of tumult and disorder, of which the most illustrious
Leonas, the Comes, and the most eminent Lauricius, governor of the
province, have been eye-witnesses, we are therefore under the necessity of
making this declaration. That we do not repudiate the faith which was
ratified at the consecration of the church at Antioch; (1) for we give it
our decided preference, because it received the concurrence of our fathers
who were assembled there to consider some controverted points. Since,
however, the terms homoousion and homoiousion have in time past troubled
the minds of many, and still continue to disquiet them; and moreover that a
new term has recently been coined by some who assert the anomoion of the
Son to the Father: we reject the first two, as expressions which are not
found in the Scriptures; but we utterly anathematize the last, and regard
such as countenance its use, as alienated from the church. We distinctly
acknowledge the homoion of the Son to the Father, in accordance with what
the apostle has declared concerning him, (2) "Who is the image of the
invisible God."

   'We confess then, and believe in one God the Father Almighty, the Maker
of heaven and earth, and of things visible and invisible. We believe also
in his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, who was begotten of him without passion
before all ages, God the Word, the only-begotten of God, the Light, the
Life, the Truth, the Wisdom: through whom all things were made which are in
the heavens and upon the earth, whether visible or invisible. We believe
that be took flesh of the holy Virgin Mary, at the end of the ages, in
order to abolish sin; that he was made man, suffered for our sin, and rose
again, and was taken up into the heavens, to sit at the right hand of the
Father, whence he will come again in glory to judge the living and the
dead. We believe also in the Holy Spirit, whom our Lord and Saviour has
denominated the Comforter, and whom he sent to his disciples after his
departure, according to his promise: by whom also he sanctifies all
believers in the church, who are baptized in the name of the Father, and of
the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Those who preach anything contrary to this
creed, we regard as aliens from the catholic church.'

   This was the declaration of faith proposed by Acacius, and subscribed
by himself and as many as adhered to his opinion, the number of whom we
have already given. When this had been read, Sophronius bishop of
Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, thus expressed himself: 'If to express a
separate opinion day after day, be received as the exposition of the faith,
we shall never arrive at any accurate understanding of the truth.' These
were the words of Sophronius. And I firmly believe, that if the
predecessors of these prelates, as well as their successors, had
entertained similar sentiments in reference to the Nicene creed, all
polemical debates would have been avoided; nor would the churches have been
agitated by such violent and irrational disturbances. However let those
judge who are capable of understanding how these things are. At that time
after many remarks on all sides had been made both in reference to this
doctrinal statement,. and in relation to the parties accused, the assembly
was dissolved. On the fourth day they all again met in the same place, and
resumed their proceedings in the same contentious spirit as before. On this
occasion Acacius expressed himself in these words: 'Since the Nicene creed
has been altered not once only, but frequently, there is no hindrance to
our publishing another at this time.' To which Eleusius bishop of Cyzicus,
replied: 'The Synod is at present convened not to learn what it had no
previous knowledge of, nor to receive a creed which it had not assented to
before, but to confirm the faith of the fathers, from which it should.
never recede, either in life or death.' Thus Eleusius opposing Acacius
spoke meaning by 'the faith of the fathers,' that creed which had been
promulgated at Antioch. But surely he too might have been fairly answered
in this way: 'How is it O Eleusius, that you call those convened at Antioch
"the fathers," seeing that you do not recognize those who were their
fathers? The framers of the Nicene creed, by whom the homoousian faith was
acknowledged, have a far higher claim to the title of "the fathers"; both
as having the priority in point of time, and also because those assembled
at Antioch were by them invested with the sacerdotal office. Now if those
at Antioch have disowned their own fathers, those who follow them are
unconsciously following parricides. Besides how can they have received a
legitimate ordination from those whose faith they pronounce unsound and
impious? If those, however, who constituted the Nicene Synod had not the
Holy Spirit which is imparted by the imposition of hands, (3) those at
Antioch have not duly received the priesthood: for how could they have
received it from those who had not the power of conferring it?' Such
considerations as these might have been submitted to Eleusius in reply to
his objections. But they then proceeded to another question, connected with
the assertion made by Acacius in his exposition of the faith, 'that the Son
was like the Father'; enquiring of one another in what this resemblance
consisted. The Acacian party affirmed that the Son was like the Father as
it respected his will only, and not his 'substance 'or' essence'; but the
rest maintained that the likeness extended to both essence and will. In
altercations on this point, the whole day was consumed; and Acacius, being
confuted by his own published works, in which he had asserted that 'the Son
is in all things like the Father, 'his opponents asked him 'how do you now
deny the likeness of the Son to the Father as to his "essence"?' Acacius in
reply said, that 'no author, ancient or modern, was ever condemned out of
his own writings.' As they kept on their discussion on this matter to a
most tedious extent, with much acrimonious feeling and subtlety of
argument, but without any approach to unity of judgment, Leonas arose and
dissolved the council: and this was the conclusion of the Synod at
Seleucia. For on the following day [Leonas] being urged to do so would not
again meet with them. 'I have been deputed by the emperor,' said he, 'to
attend a council where unanimity was expected to prevail: but since you can
by no means come to a mutual understanding, I can no longer be present: go
therefore to the church, if you please, and indulge in vain babbling
there.' The Acacian faction conceiving this decision to be advantageous to
themselves, also refused to meet with the others. The adverse party left
alone met in the church and requested the attendance of those who followed
Acacius, that cognizance might be taken of the case of Cyril, bishop of
Jerusalem: for that prelate had been accused long before, on what grounds
however I am unable to state. He had even been deposed, because owing to
fear, he had not made his appearance during two whole years, after having
been repeatedly summoned in order that the charges against him might be
investigated. Nevertheless, when he was deposed, he sent a written
notification to those who had condemned him, that he should appeal to a
higher jurisdiction: and to this appeal the emperor Constantius gave his
sanction. Cyril was thus the first and indeed only clergyman who ventured
to break through ecclesiastical usage, by becoming an appellant, in the way
commonly done in the secular courts of judicature: (4) and he was now
present at Seleucia, ready to be put upon his trial; on this account the
other bishops invited the Acacian party to take their places in the
assembly, that in a general council a definite judgment might be pronounced
on the case of those who were arraigned: for they cited others also charged
with various misdemeanors to appear before them at the same time, who to
protect themselves had sought refuge among the partisans of Acacius. When
therefore that faction persisted in their refusal to meet, after being
repeatedly summoned, the bishops deposed Acacius himself, together with
George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre, Theodulus of Chaeretapi in Phrygia,
Theodosius of Philadelphia in Lydia, Evagrius of the island of Mytilene,
Leontius of Tripolis in Lydia, and Eudoxius who had formerly been bishop of
Germanica, but had afterwards insinuated himself into the bishopric of
Antioch in Syria. They also deposed Patrophilus for contumacy, in not
having presented himself to answer a charge preferred against him by a
presbyter named Dorotheus. These they deposed: they also excommunicated
Asterius, Eusebius, Abgarus, Basilicus, Phoebus, Fidelis, Eutychius,
Magnus, and Eustathius; determining that they should not be restored to
communion, until they made such a defense as would clear them from the
imputations under which they lay. This being done, they addressed
explanatory letters to each of the churches whose bishops had been deposed.
Anianus was then constituted bishop of Antioch instead of Eudoxius: but the
Acacians having soon after apprehended him, he was delivered into the hands
of Leonas and Lauricius, by whom he was sent into exile. The bishops who
had ordained him being incensed on this account, lodged protests against
the Acacian party with Leonas and Lauricius, in which they openly charged
them with having violated the decisions of the Synod. Finding that no
redress could be obtained by this means, they went to Constantinople to lay
the whole matter before the emperor.

CHAPTER XLI: On the Emperor's Return from the West, the Acacians assemble
at Constantinople, and confirm the Creed of Ariminum, after making Some
Additions to it.

   AND now the emperor returned from the West and appointed a prefect over
Constantinople, Honoratus by name, having abolished the office of
proconsul. (1) But the Acacians being beforehand with the bishops,
calumniated them to the emperor, persuading him not to admit the creed
which they had proposed. This so annoyed the emperor that he resolved to
disperse them; he therefore published an edict, commanding that such of
them as were subject to fill certain public offices should be no longer
exempted from the performance of the duties attached to them. For several
of them were liable to be called on to occupy various official departments,
(2) connected both with the city magistracy, and in subordination to the
presidents and governors of provinces. (3) While these were thus harassed
the partisans of Acacius remained for a considerable time at Constantinople
and held another Synod. Sending for the  bishops at Bithynia, about fifty
assembled on this occasion, among whom was Maris, bishop of Chalcedon:
these confirmed the creed read at Ariminum to which the names of the
consuls had been prefixed. (4) It would have been unnecessary to repeat it
here, had there not been some additions made to it; but since that was
done, it may be desirable to transcribe it in its new form?

   'We believe in one God the Father Almighty, of whom are all things. And
in the only-begot-ten Son of God, begotten of God before all ages, and
before every beginning; through whom all things visible and invisible were
made: who is the only-begotten born of the Father, the only of the only,
God of God, like to the Father who begat him, according to the Scriptures,
and whose generation no one knows but the Father only that begat him. We
know that this only-begotten Son of God, as sent of the Father, came down
from the heavens, as it is written, for the destruction of sin and death:
and that he was born of the Holy Spirit, and of the Virgin Mary according
to the flesh, as it is written, and conversed with his disciples; and that
after every dispensation had been fulfilled according to his Father's will,
he was crucified and died,  and was buried and descended into the lower
parts of the earth, at whose presence hades itself trembled: who also arose
from the dead on the third day, again conversed with his disciples, and
after the completion of forty days was taken up into the heavens, and sits
at the right hand of the Father, whence he will come in the last day, the
day of the resurrection, in his Father's glory, to requite every one
accord-to his works. [We believe] also in the Holy Spirit, whom he himself
the only-begotten of God, Christ our Lord and God, promised to send to
mankind as the Comforter, according as it is written, (6) "the Spirit of
truth"; whom he sent to them after he was received into the heavens. But
since the term ousia [substance or essence], which was used by the fathers
in a very simple and intelligible sense, but not being understood by the
people, has been a cause of offense, we have thought proper to reject it,
as it is not contained even in the sacred writings; and that no mention of
it should be made in future, inasmuch as the holy Scriptures have nowhere
mentioned the substance of the Father and of the Son. Nor ought the
"subsistence" of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit to be
even named. But we affirm that the Son is like the Father, in such a manner
as the sacred Scriptures declare and teach. Let therefore all heresies
which have been already condemned, or may have arisen of late, which are
opposed to this exposition of the faith, be anathema.'

   These things were recognized at that time at Constantinople. And now as
we have at length wound our way through the labyrinth of all the various
forms of faith, let us reckon the number of them. After that which was
promulgated at Nicaea, two others were proposed at Antioch at the
dedication of the church there. (7) A third was presented to the Emperor
in Gaul by Narcissus and those who accompanied him. (8) The fourth was sent
by Eudoxius into Italy. (9) There were three forms of the creed published
at Sirmium, one of which having the consuls' names prefixed was read at
Ariminum. (10) The Acacian party produced an eighth at Seleucia. (11) The
last was that of Constantinople, containing the prohibitory clause
respecting the mention of 'substance' or 'subsistence' in relation to God.
To this creed Ulfilas bishop of the Goths gave his assent, although he had
previously adhered to that of Nicaea; for he was a disciple of Theophilus
bishop of the Goths, who was present at the Nicene council, and subscribed
what was there determined. Let this suffice on these subjects.

CHAPTER XLII: On the Deposition of Macedonius, Eudoxius obtains the
Bishopric of Constantinople.

   ACACIUS, Eudoxius, and those at Constantinople who took part with them,
became exceedingly anxious that they also on their side might depose some
of the opposite party. Now it should be observed that neither of the
factions were influenced by religious considerations in making depositions,
but by other motives: for although they did not agree respecting the faith,
yet the ground of their reciprocal depositions was not error in doctrine.
The Acacian party therefore availing themselves of the emperor's
indignation against others, and especially against Macedonius, which he was
cherishing and anxious to vent, in the first place deposed Macedonius, both
on account of his having occasioned so much slaughter, and also because he
had admitted to communion a deacon who had been found guilty of
fornication. (1) They then depose Eleusius bishop of Cyzicus, for having
baptized, and afterwards invested with the diaconate, a priest of Hercules
at Tyre named Heraclius, who was known to have practiced magic arts. (2) A
like sentence was pronounced against Basil, or Basilas, -- as he was also
called, -- who had been constituted bishop of Ancyra instead of Marcellus:
the causes assigned for this condemnation were, that he had unjustly
imprisoned a certain individual, loaded him with chains, and put him to the
torture; that he had traduced some persons; and that he had disturbed the
churches of Africa by his epistles. Dracontius was also deposed, because he
had left the Galatian church for that of Pergamos. Moreover they deposed,
on various pretenses, Neonas bishop of Seleucia, the city in which the
Synod had been convened, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia,
Elpidius of Satala, in Macedonia, and Cyril of Jerusalem, and others for
various reasons.

CHAPTER XLIII: Of Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia.

   BUT Eustathius bishop of Sebastia in Armenia was not even permitted to
make his defense; because he had been long before deposed by Eulalius, his
own father, who was bishop of Caeasarea in Cappadocia, for dressing in a
style unbecoming the sacerdotal office. (1) Let it be noted that Meletius
was appointed his successor, of whom we shall hereafter speak. Eustathius
indeed was subsequently condemned by a Synod convened on his account at
Gangra in Paphlagonia; he having, after his deposition by the council at
Caesarea, done many things repugnant to the ecclesiastical canons. For he
had forbidden marriage,' (2)  and maintained that meats were to be
abstained from: he even separated many from their wives, and persuaded
those who disliked to assemble in the churches to commune at home. Under
the pretext of piety, he also seduced servants from their masters. He
himself wore the habit of a philosopher, and induced his followers to adopt
a new and extraordinary garb, directing that the hair of women should be
cropped. He permitted the prescribed fasts to be neglected, but recommended
fasting on Sundays. In short, he forbade prayers to be offered in the
houses of married persons: and declared that both the benediction and the
communion of a presbyter who continued to live with a wife whom he might
have lawfully married, while still a layman, ought to be shunned as an
abomination. For doing and teaching these things and many others of a
similar nature, a Synod convened, as we have said, at Gangra (30 in
Paphlagonia deposed him, and anathematized his opinions. This, however, was
done afterwards. But on Macedonius being ejected from the see of
Constantinople, Eudoxius, who now looked upon the see of Antioch as
secondary in importance, was promoted to the vacant bishopric; being
consecrated by the Acacians, who in this instance cared not to consider
that it was inconsistent with their former proceedings. For they who had
deposed Dracontius because of his translation from Galatia to Pergamos,
were clearly acting in contrariety to their own principles and decisions,
in ordaining Eudoxius, who then made a second change. After this they sent
their own exposition of the faith, in its corrected and supplementary form,
to Arminium, ordering that all those who refused to sign it should be
exiled on the authority of the emperor's edict. They also informed such
other prelates in the East as coincided with them in opinion of what they
had done; and more especially Patrophilus bishop of Scythopolis, who on
leaving Seleucia had proceeded directly to his own city. Eudoxius having
been constituted bishop of the imperial city, the great church named Sophia
was at that time consecrated, (4) in the tenth consulate (5) of
Constantius, and the third of Julian Caesar, on the 15th day of February.
It was while Eudoxius occupied this see, that he first uttered that
sentence which is still everywhere current, 'The Father is impious, the Son
is pious.' When the people seemed startled by this expression, and a
disturbance began to be made,' Be not troubled,' said he, 'on account of
what I have just said: for the Father is impious, because he worships no
person; but the Son is pious because he worships the Father.' Eudoxius
having said this, the tumult was appeased, and great laughter was excited
in the church: and this saying of his continues to be a jest, even in the
present day. The heresiarchs indeed frequently devised such subtle phrases
as these, and by them rent the church asunder. Thus was the Synod at
Constantinople terminated.

CHAPTER XLIV: Of Meletius (1) Bishop of Antioch.

   IT becomes us now to speak of Meletius, who, as we have recently
observed, was created bishop of Sebastia in Armenia, after the deposition
of Eustathius; from Sebastia he was transferred to Beroea, a city of Syria.
Being present at the Synod of Seleucia, he subscribed the creed set forth
there by Acacius, and immediately returned thence to Beroea. When the
convention of the Synod at Constantinople was held, the people of Antioch
finding that Eudoxius, captivated by the magnificence of the see of
Constantinople, had contemned their church, they sent for Meletius, and
invested him with the bishopric of the church at Antioch. Now he at first
avoided all doctrinal questions, confining his discourses to moral
subjects; but subsequently he expounded to his auditors the Nicene creed,
and asserted the doctrine of the homoousion. The emperor being informed of
this, ordered that he should be sent into exile; and caused Euzoius, who
had before been deposed together with Arius, to be installed bishop of
Antioch in his stead. Such, however, as were attached to Meletius,
separated themselves from the Arian congregation, and held their assemblies
apart: nevertheless, those who originally embraced the homoousian opinion
would not communicate with them, because Meletius had been ordained by the
Arians, and his adherents had been baptized by them. Thus was the
Antiochian church divided, even in regard to those whose views on matters
of faith exactly corresponded. Meanwhile the emperor getting intelligence
that the Persians were preparing to undertake another war against the
Romans, repaired in great haste to Antioch.

CHAPTER XLV: The Heresy of Macedonius.

   MACEDONIUS on being ejected from Constantinople, bore his condemnation
ill and became restless; he therefore associated himself with the other
faction that had deposed Acacius and his party at Seleucia, and sent a
deputation to Sophronius and Eleusius, to encourage them to adhere to that
creed which was first promulgated at Antioch, and afterwards confirmed at
Seleucia, proposing to give it the counterfeit (1) name of the
'homoiousian' creed. (2) By this means he drew around him a great number of
adherents, who from him are still denominated 'Macedonians.' And although
such as dissented from the Acacians at the Seleucian Synod had not
previously used the term homoiousios, yet from that period they distinctly
asserted it. There was, however, a popular report that this term did not
originate with Macedonius, but was the invention rather of Marathonius, who
a little before had been set over the church at Nicomedia; on which account
the maintainers of this doctrine were also called 'Marathonians.' To this
party Eustathius joined himself, who for the reasons before stated had been
ejected from the church at Sebastia. But when Macedonius began to deny the
Divinity of the Holy Spirit in the Trinity, Eustathius said: 'I can neither
admit that the Holy Spirit is God, nor can I dare affirm him to be a
creature.' For this reason those who hold the homoousion of the Son call
these heretics 'Pneumatomachi.' (3) By what means these Macedonians became
so numerous in the Hellespont, I shall state in its proper place. (4) The
Acacians meanwhile became extremely anxious that another Synod should be
convened at Antioch, in consequence of having changed their mind respecting
their former assertion of the likeness 'in all things' of the Son to the
Father. A small number of them therefore assembled in the following
consulate (5) which was that of Taurus and Florentius, at Antioch in Syria,
where the emperor was at that time residing, Euzoius being bishop. A
discussion was then renewed on some of those points which they had
previously determined, in the course of which they declared that the term
'homoios' ought to be erased from the form of faith which had been
published both at Ariminum and Constantinople; and they no longer concealed
but openly declared that the Son was altogether unlike the Father, not
merely in relation to his essence, but even as it respected his will i
asserting boldly also, as Arius had already done, that he was made of
nothing. Those in that city who favored the heresy of Aetius, gave, their
assent to this opinion; from which circumstance in addition to the general
appellation of Arians, they were also termed 'Anomoeans,' (6) and
'Exucontians,' (7) by those at Antioch who embraced the homoousian, who
nevertheless were at that time divided among themselves on account of
Meletius, as I have before observed. Being therefore questioned by them,
how they dared to affirm that the Son is unlike the Father, and has his
existence from nothing, after having acknowledged him 'God of God' in their
former creed? they endeavored to elude this objection by such fallacious
subterfuges as these. 'The expression, "God of God,"' said they, 'is to be
understood in the same sense as the words of the apostle, (8)" but all
things of God.'' Wherefore the Son is of God, as being one of these all
things: and it is for this reason the words "according to the Scriptures"
are added in the draught of the creed.' The author of this sophism was
George bishop of Laodicea, who being unskilled in such phrases, was
ignorant of the manner in which Origen had formerly explained these
peculiar expressions of the apostle, having thoroughly investigated the
matter. But notwithstanding these evasive cavilings, they were unable to
bear the reproach and contumely they had drawn upon themselves, and fell
back upon the creed which they had before put forth at Constantinople; and
so each one retired to his own district. George returning to Alexandria,
resumed his authority over the churches there, Athanasius still not having
made his appearance. Those in that city who were opposed to his sentiments
he persecuted; and conducting himself with great severity and cruelty, he
rendered himself extremely odious to the people. At Jerusalem Arrenius (9)
was placed over the church instead of Cyril: we may also remark that
Heraclius was ordained bishop there after him, and after him Hilary. At
length, however, Cyril returned to Jerusalem, and was again invested with
the presidency over the church there. About the same time another heresy
sprang up, which arose from the following circumstance.

CHAPTER XLVI: Of the Apollinarians, and their Heresy. (1)

   THERE were two men of the same name at Laodicea in Syria, a father and
son: their name was Apollinaris; the former of them was a presbyter, and
the latter a reader in that church. Both taught Greek literature, the
father grammar, and the son rhetoric. The father was a native of
Alexandria, and at first taught at Berytus, but afterwards removed to
Laodicea, where he married, and the younger Apollinaris was born. They were
contemporaries of Epiphanius the sophist, and being true friends they
became intimate with him; but Theodotus bishop of Laodicea, fearing that
such communication should pervert their principles, and lead them into
paganism, forbade their associating with him: they, however, paid but
little attention to this prohibition, their familiarity with Epiphanius
being still continued. George, the successor of Theodotus, also endeavored
to prevent their conversing with Epiphanius; but not being able in any way
to persuade them on this point, he excommunicated them. The younger
Apollinaris regarding this severe procedure as an act of injustice, and
relying on the resources of his rhetorical sophistry, originated a new
heresy, which was named after its inventor, and still has many supporters.
Nevertheless some affirm that it was not for the reason above assigned that
they dissented from George, but because they saw the unsettledness and
inconsistency of his profession of faith; since he sometimes maintained
that the Son is like the Father, in accordance with what had been
determined in the Synod at Seleucia, and at other times countenanced the
Arian view. They therefore made this a pretext for separation from him: but
as no one followed their example, they introduced a new form of doctrine,
and at first they asserted that in the economy of the incarnation, God the
Word assumed a human body without a soul. Afterwards, as if changing mind,
they retracted, admitting that he took a soul indeed, but that it was an
irrational one, God the Word himself being in the place of a mind. Those
who followed them and bear their name at this day affirm that this is their
only point of distinction [from the Catholics]; for they recognize the
consubstantiality of the persons in the Trinity. But we will make further
mention of the two Apollinares in the proper place?

CHAPTER XLVII: Successes of Julian; Death of the Emperor Constantius.

   WHILE the Emperor Constantius continued his residence at Antioch,
Julian Caesar engaged with an immense army of barbarians in the Gauls, and
obtaining the victory over them, he became extremely popular among the
soldiery and was proclaimed emperor by them. When this was made known, the
Emperor Constantius was affected most painfully; he was therefore baptized
by Euzoius, and immediately prepared to undertake an expedition against
Julian. On arriving at the frontiers of Cappadocia and Cilicia, his
excessive agitation of mind produced apoplexy, which terminated his life at
Mopsucrene, in the consulate of Taurus and Florentius, (1) on the 3d of
November. This was in the first year of the 285th Olympiad. Constantius had
lived forty-five years, having reigned thirty-eight years; thirteen of
which he was his father's colleague in the empire, and after his father's
death for twenty-five years [sole emperor], the history of which latter
period is contained in this book.

Taken from "The Early Church Fathers and Other Works" originally published
by Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. in English in Edinburgh, Scotland, beginning in
1867. (LNPF II/II, Schaff and Wace). The digital version is by The
Electronic
Bible Society, P.O. Box 701356, Dallas, TX 75370, 214-407-WORD.

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