Catholic Encyclopedia: Modernism

Modernism

I Origin of the Word

II Theory of Theological Modernism

III The essential error of Modernism

IV Catholic and Modernist Notions of Dogma Compared

V Various Degrees of Modernism and its Criterion

VI Proofs of the Foregoing Views

VII Modernist Aims Explained by its Essential Error

XVII Modernist Propositions Explained by its Essential Error

VIII The Modernist Movement

IX The Philosophical Origin and Consequences of Modernism

X The Origin

XI The Consequences

XII The Psychological Causes of Modernism

XIII Pontifical Documents Concerning Modernism

Reference Material

XIV Protestant Sources

XV Modernist Sources

XVI Catholic Sources

I Origin of the Word

Etymologically, modernism means an exaggerated love of what is modern, an
infatuation for modern ideas, "the abuse of what is modern", as the Abbe  Gaudaud
explains (La Foi catholique, I, 1908, p. 248). The modern ideas of  which we speak are
not as old as the period called "modern times". Though  Protestantism has generated
them little by little, it did not understand from  the beginning that such would be its
sequel. There even exists a conservative  Protestant party which is one with the Church
in combating modernism. In  general we may say that modernism aims at that radical
transformation of human  thought in relation to God, man, the world, and life, here and
hereafter,  which was prepared by Humanism and eighteenth-century philosophy, and
solemnly  promulgated at the French Revolution. J. J. Rousseau, who treated an
atheistical philosopher of his time as a modernist, seems to have been the  first to use
the word in this sense ("Correspondance a M. D.", 15 Jan. 1769).  Littre (Dictionnaire),
who cites the passage; explains: "Modernist, one who  esteems modern times above
antiquity". After that, the word seems to have been  forgotten, till the time of the
Catholic publicist Perin (1815-1905),  professor at the University of Louvain, 1844-1889.
This writer, while  apologizing for the coinage, describes "the humanitarian tendencies
of  contemporary society" as modernism. The term itself he defines as "the  ambition to
eliminate God from all social life ". With this absolute modernism  he associates a more
temperate form, which he declares to be nothing less than  "liberalism of every degree
and shade" ("Le Modernisme dans l'Eglise d'apres  les lettres inedites de Lamennais",
Paris, 1881).

During the early years of the present century, especially about 1905 and  1906, the
tendency to innovation which troubled the Italian dioceses, and  especially the ranks of
the young clergy, was taxed with modernism. Thus at  Christmas, 1905, the bishops of
the ecclesiastical provinces of Turm and  Vercelli, in a circular letter of that date,
uttered grave warnings against  what they called " Modernismo nel clero " (Modernism
among the clergy) .  Several pastoral letters of the year 1906 made use of the same term;
among  others we may mention the Lenten charge of Cardinal Nava, Archbishop of
Catania, to his clergy, a letter of Cardinal Bacilieri, Bishop of Verona,  dated 22 July,
1906 and a letter of Mgr Rossi, Archbishop of Acerenza and  Matera. "Modernismo e
Modernisti", a work by Abbate Cavallanti which was  published towards the end of
1906, gives long extracts from these letters. The  name "modernism" was not to the
liking of the reformers. The propriety of the  new term was discussed even amongst
good Catholics. When the Decree  "Lamentabili" appeared, Mgr Baudrillart expressed
his pleasure at not finding  the word "modernism" mentioned in it (Revue pratique
d'apologetique, IV, p.  578). He considered the term "too vague". Besides it seemed to
insinuate "that  the Church condemns everything modern". The Encyclical "Pascendi" (8
Sept.,  1907) put an end to the discussion. It bore the official title, "De  Modernistarum
doctrinis". The introduction declared that the name commonly  given to the upholders
of the new errors was not inapt. Since then the  modernists themselves have acquiesced
in the use of the name, though they have  not admitted its propriety (Loisy, " Simples
reflexions sur le decret  'Lamentabili' et sur l'encyclique 'Pascendi' du 8 Sept., 1907", p.
14; "Il  programma dei modernisti": note at the beginning).

II Theory of Theological Modernism

III   The essential error of Modernism

A full definition of modernism would be rather difficult. First it stands for certain
tendencies, and secondly for a body of doctrine which, if it has not  given birth to these
tendencies (practice often precedes theory), serves at  any rate as their explanation and
support. Such tendencies manifest themselves  in different domains. They are not
united in each individual, nor are they  always and everywhere found together.
Modernist doctrine, too, may be more or  less radical, and it is swallowed in doses that
vary with each one's likes and  dislikes. In the Encyclical "Pascendi", Pius X says that
modernism embraces  every heresy. M. Loisy makes practically the same statement
when he writes  that "in reality all Catholic theology, even in its fundamental principles
the  general philosophy of religion, Divine law, and the laws that govern our
knowledge of God, come up for judgment before this new court of assize"  (Simples
reflexions, p. 24). Modernism is a composite system: its assertions  and claims lack that
principle which unites the natural faculties in a living  being. The Encyclical " Pascendi
" was the first Catholic synthesis of the  subject. Out of scattered materials it built up
what looked like a logical  system. Indeed friends and foes alike could not but admire
the patient skill  that must have been needed to fashion something like a coordinated
whole. In  their answer to the Encyclical, "Il programma dei Modernisti", the
Modernists  tried to retouch this synthesis. Previous to all this, some of the Italian
bishops, in their pastoral letters, had attempted such a synthesis. We would
particularly mention that of Mgr Rossi, Bishop of Acerenza and Matera. In this  respect,
too, Abbate Cavallanti's book, already referred to, deserves mention.  Even earlier still,
German and French Protestants had done some synthetical  work in the same direction.
Prominent among them are Kant, "Die Religion  innerhalb der Grenzen der reinen
Vernunft" (1803); Schleiermacher, "Der  christliche Glaube" (1821-1822); and A.
Sabatier, "Esquisse d'une philosophie  de la religion d'apre la psychologie et l'histoire"
(1897).

The general idea of modernism may be best expressed in the words of Abbate
Cavallanti, though even here there is a little vagueness: " Modernism is  modern in a
false sense of the word; it is a morbid state of conscience among  Catholics, and
especially young Catholics, that professes manifold ideals,  opinions, and tendencies.
From time to time these tendencies work out into  systems, that are to renew the basis
and superstructure of society, politics,  philosophy, theology, of the Church herself and
of the Christian religion". A  remodelling, a renewal according to the ideas of the
twentieth century -- such  is the longing that possesses the modernists. "The avowed
modernists", says M.  Loisy, "form a fairly definite group of thinking men united in the
common  desire to adapt Catholicism to the intellectual, moral and social needs of
today" (op. cit., p. 13). "Our religious attitude", as "Il programma dei  modernisti" states
(p. 5, note l), "is ruled by the single wish to be one with  Christians and Catholics who
live in harmony with the spirit of the age". The  spirit of this plan of reform may be
summarized under the following heads:

A spirit of complete emancipation, tending to weaken ecclesiastical authority;  the
emancipation of science, which must traverse every field of investigation  without fear
of conflict with the Church; the emancipation of the State, which  should never be
hampered by religious authority; the emancipation of the  private conscience whose
inspirations must not be overridden by papal  definitions or anathemas; the
emancipation of the universal conscience, with  which the Church should be ever in
agreement;  A spirit of movement and  change, with an inclination to a sweeping form
of evolution such as abhors  anything fixed and stationary;  A spirit of reconciliation
among all men  through the feelings of the heart. Many and varied also are the
modernist  dreams of an understanding between the different Christian religions, nay,
even between religion and a species of atheism, and all on a basis of  agreement that
must be superior to mere doctrinal differences.

Such are the fundamental tendencies. As such, they seek to explain,  justify, and
strengthen themselves in an error, to which therefore one might  give the name of
"essential" modernism. What is this error? It is nothing less  than the perversion of
dogma. Manifold are the degrees and shades of modernist  doctrine on the question of
our relations with God. But no real modernist  keeps the Catholic notions of dogma
intact. Are you doubtful as to whether a  writer or a book is modernist in the formal
sense of the word? Verify every  statement about dogma; examine his treatment of its
origin, its nature, its  sense, its authority. You will know whether you are dealing with
a veritable  modernist or not, according to the way in which the Catholic conception of
dogma is travestied or respected. Dogma and supernatural knowledge are  correlative
terms; one implies the other as the action implies its object. In  this way then we may
define modernism as "the critique of our supernatural  knowledge according to the
false postulates of contemporary philosophy".

It will be advisable for us to quote a full critique of such supernatural  knowledge as
an example of the mode of procedure. (In the meantime however we  must not forget
that there are partial and less advanced modernists who do not  go so far). For them
external intuition furnishes man with but phenomenal  contingent, sensible knowledge.
He sees, he feels, he hears, he tastes, he  touches this something, this phenomenon that
comes and goes without telling  him aught of the existence of a suprasensible, absolute
and unchanging reality  outside all environing space and time. But deep within himself
man feels the  need of a higher hope. He aspires to perfection in a being on whom he
feels  his destiny depends. And so he has an instinctive, an affective yearning for  God.
This necessary impulse is at first obscure and hidden in the  subconsciousness. Once
consciously understood, it reveals to the soul the  intimate presence of God. This
manifestation, in which God and man  collaborate, is nothing else than revelation.
Under the influence of its  yearning, that is of its religious feelings, the soul tries to
reach God, to  adopt towards Him an attitude that will satisfy its yearning. It gropes, it
searches. These gropings form the soul's religious experience. They are more  easy,
successful and far-reaching, or less so, according as it is now one, now  another
individual soul that sets out in quest of God. Anon there are  privileged ones who reach
extraordinary results. They communicate their  discoveries to their fellow men, and
forthwith become founders of a new  religion, which is more or less true in the
proportion in which it gives peace  to the religious feelings.

The attitude Christ adopted, reaching up to God as to a father and then  returning to
men as to brothers -- such is the meaning of the precept, "Love  God and thy
neighbour" -- brings full rest to the soul. It makes the religion  of Christ the religion
<par excellence>, the true and definitive religion. The  act by which the soul adopts this
attitude and abandons itself to God as a  father and then to men as to brothers,
constitutes the Christian Faith.  Plainly such an act is an act of the will rather than of the
intellect. But  religious sentiment tries to express itself in intellectual concepts, which in
their turn serve to preserve this sentiment. Hence the origin of those  formulae
concerning God and Divine things, of those theoretical propositions  that are the
outcome of the successive religious experiences of souls gifted  with the same faith.
These formulae become dogmas, when religious authority  approves of them for the life
of the community. For community life is a  spontaneous growth among persons of the
same faith, and with it comes  authority. Dogmas promulgated in this way teach us
nothing of the unknowable,  but only symbolize it. They contain no truth. Their
usefulness in preserving  the faith is their only <raison d'etre>. They survive as long as
they exert  their influence. Being the work of man in time, and adapted to his varying
needs, they are at best but contingent and transient. Religious authority too,  naturally
conservative, may lag behind the times. It may mistake the best  methods of meeting
needs of the community, and try to keep up worn-out  formulae. Through respect for
the community, the individual Christian who sees  the mistake continues in an attitude
of outward submission. But he does not  feel himself inwardly bound by the decisions
of higher powers; rather he makes  praiseworthy efforts to bring his Church into
harmony with the times. He may  confine himself, too, if he cares, to the older and
simpler religious forms;  he may live his life in conformity with the dogmas accepted
from the  beginning. Such is Tyrrell's advice in his letter to Fogazzaro, and such was
his own private practice.

IV   Catholic and Modernist Notions of Dogma Compared

The tradition of the Catholic Church, on the other hand, considers dogmas as  in part
supernatural and mysterious, proposed to our faith by a Divinely  instituted authority
on the ground that they are part of the general  revelation which the Apostles preached
in the name of Jesus Christ. This faith  is an act of the intellect made under the sway of
the will. By it we hold  firmly what God has revealed and what the Church proposes to
us to believe.  For believing is holding something firmly on the authority of God's
word, when  such authority may be recognized by signs that are sufficient, at least with
the help of grace, to create certitude.

Comparing these notions, the Catholic and the modernist, we shall see that  modernism
alters the source, the manner of promulgation, the object, the  stability, and the truth of
dogma. For the modernist, the only and the  necessary source is the private
consciousness. And logically so, since he  rejects miracles and prophecy as signs of
God's word (Il programma, p. 96).  For the Catholic, dogma is a free communication of
God to the believer made  through the preaching of the Word. Of course the truth from
without, which is  above and beyond any natural want, is preceded by a certain interior
finality  or perfectibility which enables the believer to assimilate and live the truth
revealed. It enters a soul well-disposed to receive it, as a principle of  happiness which,
though an unmerited gift to which we have no right, is still  such as the soul can enjoy
with unmeasured gratitude. In the modernist  conception, the Church can no longer
define dogma in God's name and with His  infallible help; the ecclesiastical authority is
now but a secondary  interpreter, subject to the collective consciousness which she has
to express.  To this collective consciousness the individual need conform only
externally;  as for the rest he may embark on any private religious adventures he cares
for. The modernist proportions dogma to his intellect or rather to his heart.  Mysteries
like the Trinity or the Incarnation are either unthinkable (a  modernist Kantian
tendency), or are within the reach of the unaided reason (a  modernist Hegelian
tendency). "The truth of religion is in him (man)  implicitly, as surely as the truth of the
whole physical universe, is involved  in every part of it. Could he read the needs of his
own spirit and conscience,  he would need no teacher" (Tyrrell, "Scylla and Charybdis",
p. 277).

Assuredly Catholic truth is not a lifeless thing. Rather is it a living  tree that breaks
forth into green leaves, flowers, and fruits. There is a  development, or gradual
unfolding, and a clearer statement of its dogmas.  Besides the primary truths, such as
the Divinity of Christ and His mission as  Messias, there are others which, one by one,
become better understood and  defined, eg. the dogma of the Immaculate Conception
and that of the  Infallibility of the Pope. Such unfolding takes place not only in the
study of  the tradition of the dogma but also in showing its origin in Jesus Christ and
the Apostles, in the understanding of the terms expressing it and in the  historical or
rational proofs adduced in support of it. Thus the historical  proof of the dogma of the
Immaculate Conception has certainly been  strengthened since the definition in 1854.
The rational conception of the  dogma of Divine Providence is a continual object of
study the dogma of the  Sacrifice of the Mass allows the reason to inquire into the idea
of sacrifice.  It has always been believed that there is no salvation outside the Church,
but  as this belief has gradually come to be better understood, many are now
considered within the soul of the Church who would have been placed without,  in a
day when the distinction between the soul and the body of the Church had  not
generally obtained. In another sense, too dogma is instinct with life. For  its truth is not
sterile, but always serves to nourish devotion. But while  holding with life, progress
and development, the Church rejects transitory  dogmas that in the modernist theory
would be forgotten unless replaced by  contrary formulae. She cannot admit that
"thought, hierarchy, cult, in a word,  everything has changed in the history of
Christianity", nor can she be content  with "the identity of religious spirit" which is the
only permanency that  modernism admits (Il programma dei Modernisti).

Truth consists in the conformity of the idea with its object. Now, in the  Catholic
concept, a dogmatic formula supplies us with at least an analogical  knowledge of a
given object. For the modernist, the essential nature of dogma  consists in its
correspondence with and its capacity to satisfy a certain  momentary need of the
religious feeling. It is an arbitrary symbol that tells  nothing of the object it represents.
At most, as M. Leroy, one of the least  radical of modernists, suggests, it is a positive
prescription of a practical  order (Leroy, "Dogme et critique", p. 25). Thus the dogma of
the Real Presence  in the Holy Eucharist means: " Act as if Christ had the local presence,
the  idea of which is so familiar to you". But, to avoid exaggeration, we add this  other
statement of the same writer (loc. cit.), "This however does not mean  that dogma bears
no relation to thought; for (1) there are duties concerning  the action of thinking; (2)
dogma itself implicitly affirms that reality  contains in one form or another the
justification of such prescriptions as are  either reasonable or salutary".

V Various Degrees of Modernism and its Criterion

Modernist attacks on dogma, as we have already remarked, vary according to  the
degree in which its doctrines are embraced. Thus, in virtue of the leading  idea of their
systems, Father Tyrrell was an agnostic modernist, and Campbell  (a Congregationalist
minister) is a symbolic modernist. Again the tendency to  innovation is at times not at
all general, but limited to some particular  domain. Along with modernism in the strict
sense, which is directly  theological, we find other kinds of modernism in philosophy,
politics, and  social science. In such cases a wider meaning must be given to the term.

Here, however, it is needful to speak a word of warning against  unreasonable attacks.
Not every novelty is to be condemned, nor is every  project of reform to be dubbed
modernist because it is untimely or  exaggerated. In the same way, the attempt fully to
understand modern  philosophic thought so as to grasp what is true in such systems,
and to  discover the points of contact with the old philosophy, is very far from being
modernism. On the contrary, that is the very best way to refute modernism.  Every
error contains an element of truth. Isolate that element and accept it.  The structure
which it helps to support, having lost its foundation, will soon  crumble. The name
modernist then will be appropriate only when there is  question of opposition to the
certain teaching of ecclesiastical authority  through a spirit of innovation. The words of
Cardinal Ferrari. Archbishop of  Milan, as cited in "La Revue Pratique d'Apologetique"
(VI, 1908, p. 134), will  help to show the point of our last remark. "We are deeply
pained", he says,  "to find that certain persons, in public controversy against
modernism, in  brochures, newspapers and other periodicals, go to the length of
detecting the  evil everywhere, or at any rate of imputing it to those who are very far
from  being infected with it". In the same year, Cardinal Maffei had to condemn "La
Penta azurea", an anti-modernist organ, on account of its exaggeration in this  respect.
On the other hand, it is regrettable that certain avowed leaders of  modernism, carried
away perhaps by the desire to remain within the Church at  all costs -- another
characteristic of modernism -- have taken refuge in  equivocation, reticence, or
quibbles. Such a line of action merits no  sympathy; while it explains, if it does not
altogether justify, the distrust  of sincere Catholics.

VI Proofs of the Foregoing Views

But does the principle and the quasi-essential error of modernism  lie in its corruption
of dogma? Let us consult the Encyclical "Pascendi". The  official Latin text calls the
modernist dogmatic system a leading chapter in  their doctrine. The French translation,
which is also authentic, speaks thus:  "Dogma, its origin and nature, such is the ground
principle of modernism." The  fundamental principle of modernism is, according to M.
Loisy, "the  possibility, the necessity and the legitimacy of evolution in understanding
the dogmas of the Church, including that of papal infallibility and authority,  as well as
in the manner of exercising this authority" (op. cit., p. 124). The  character and leaning
of our epoch confirm our diagnosis. It likes to  substitute leading and fundamental
questions in the place of side issues. The  problem of natural knowledge is the burning
question in present-day  metaphysics. It is not surprising therefore that the question of
supernatural  knowledge is the main subject of discussion in religious polemics.
Finally,  Pius X has said that modernism embraces all the heresies. (The same opinion is
expressed in another way in the encyclical "Editae" of 16 May, 1910.) And what  error,
we ask, more fully justifies the pope's statement than that which  alters dogma in its
root and essence? It is furthermore clear -- to use a  direct argument -- that modernism
fails in its attempt at religious reform, if  it makes no change in the Catholic notion of
dogma. Moreover, does not its own  conception of dogma explain both a large number
of its propositions and its  leanings towards independence, evolution, and conciliation?

VII Modernist Aims Explained by its Essential Error

The definition of an unchangeable  dogma imposes itself on every Catholic, learned or
otherwise, and it  necessarily supposes a Church legislating for all the faithful, passing
judgment on State action -- from its own point of view of course -- and that  even seeks
alliance with the civil power to carry on the work of the  Apostolate. On the other hand,
once dogma is held to be a mere symbol of the  unknowable, a science which merely
deals with the facts of nature or history  could neither oppose it nor even enter into
controversy with it. If it is true  only in so far as it excites and nourishes religious
sentiment, the private  individual is at full liberty to throw it aside when its influence
on him has  ceased; nay, even the Church herself, whose existence depends on a dogma
not  different from the others in nature and origin, has no right to legislate for  a self-
sufficing State. And thus independence is fully realized. There is no  need to prove that
the modernist spirit of movement and evolution is in  perfect harmony with its concept
of ever-changing dogma and is unintelligible  without it; the matter is self-evident.
Finally, as regards the conciliation  of the different religions, we must necessarily
distinguish between what is  essential to faith regarded as a sentiment, and beliefs
which are accessory,  mutable, and practically negligible. If therefore you go as far as
making the  Divinity a belief, that is to say, a symbolical expression of faith, then
docility in following generous impulses may be religious, and the atheist's  religion
would not seem to differ essentially from yours.

XVII Modernist  Propositions Explained by its Essential Error

We make a selection of the  following propositions from the Encyclical for discussion:

the Christ of  faith is not the Christ of history. Faith portrays Christ according to the
religious needs of the faithful; history represents Him as He really was, that  is, in so far
as His appearance on earth was a concrete phenomenon. In this  way it is easy to
understand how a believer may, without contradiction,  attribute certain things to
Christ, and at the same time deny them in the  quality of historian. In the "Hibbert
Journal" for Jan., 1909, the Rev. Mr.  Robert wished to call the Christ of history "Jesus"
and reserve "Christ" for  the same person as idealized by faith;  Christ's work in
founding the  Church and instituting the sacraments was mediate, not immediate. The
main  point is to find supports for the faith. Now, as religious experience succeeds  so
well in creating useful dogmas, why may it not do likewise in the matter of  institutions
suited to the age?  The sacraments act as eloquent formulae  which touch the soul and
carry it away. Precisely; for if dogmas exist only in  so far as they preserve religious
sentiment, what other service can one expect  of the sacraments?  The Sacred Books are
in every religion a collection of  religious experiences of an extraordinary nature. For if
there is no external  revelation, the only substitute possible is the subjective religious
experience of men of particular gifts, experiences such as are worthy of being
preserved for the community.

VIII The Modernist Movement

The late M.  Perin dated the modernist movement from the French Revolution. And
rightly so,  for it was then that many of those modern liberties which the Church has
reproved as unrestrained and ungoverned, first found sanction. Several of the
propositions collected in the Syllabus of Pius IX, although enunciated from a  rationalist
point of view, have been appropriated by modernism. Such, for  example are, the
fourth proposition which derives all religious truth from the  natural force of reason;
the fifth, which affirms that revelation, if it joins  in the onward march of reason, is
capable of unlimited progress; the seventh,  which treats the prophecies and miracles of
Holy Scripture as poetical  imaginings; propositions sixteen to eighteen on the equal
value of all  religions from the point of view of salvation; proposition fifty-five on the
separation of Church and State; propositions seventy-five and seventy-six,  which
oppose the temporal power of the pope. The modernist tendency is still  more apparent
in the last proposition, which was condemned on 18 March, 1861:  "The Roman Pontiff
can and ought to conform with contemporary progress,  liberalism, and civilization."

Taking only the great lines of the modernist movement within the Church  itself. we
may say that under Pius IX its tendency was politico-liberal, under  Leo XIII and Pius X
social; with the latter pontiff still reigning, its  tendency has become avowedly
theological.

It is in France and Italy above all that modernism properly so-called, that  is, the form
which attacks the very concept of religion and dogma, has spread  its ravages among
Catholics. Indeed, some time after the publication of the  Encyclical of 8th September,
1907 the German, English, and Belgian bishops  congratulated themselves that their
respective countries had been spared the  epidemic in its more contagious form. Of
course, individual upholders of the  new error are to be found everywhere, and even
England as well as Germany has  produced modernists of note. In Italy, on the
contrary, even before the  Encyclical appeared, the bishops have raised the cry of alarm
in their  pastoral letters of 1906 and 1907. Newspapers and reviews, openly modernist
in  their opinions, bear witness to the gravity of the danger which the Sovereign  Pontiff
sought to avert. After Italy it is France that has furnished the  largest number of
adherents to this religious reform or ultra-progressive  party. In spite of the notoriety of
certain individuals, comparatively few  laymen have joined the movement; so far it has
found adherents chiefly among  the ranks of the younger clergy. France possesses a
modernist publishing house  (La librairie Nourry). A modernist review founded by the
late Father Tyrrell,  "Nova et Vetera", is published at Rome. "La Revue Moderniste
Internationale"  was started this year (1910) at Geneva. This monthly periodical calls
itself  "the organ of the international modernist society"= It is open to every shade  of
modernist opinions, and claims to have co-workers and correspondents in  France,
Italy, Germany, England, Austria, Hungary, Spain, Belgium, Russia,  Rumania and
America. The Encyclical "Pascendi" notes and deplores the ardour  of the modernist
propaganda. A strong current of modernism is running through  the Russian
Schismatic Church. The Anglican Church has not escaped. And indeed  liberal
Protestantism is nothing but a radical form of modernism that is  winning the greater
number of the theologians of the Reformed Church. Others  who oppose the innovation
find refuge in the authority of the Catholic Church.

IX The Philosophical Origin and Consequences of Modernism

X   1. The Origin

Philosophy renders great service to the cause of truth; but error calls for  its assistance
too. Many consider the philosophic groundwork of modernism to  be Kantian. This is
true, if by Kantian philosophy is meant every system that  has a root connexion with
the philosophy of the Koenigsberg sage. In other  words, the basis of modernist
philosophy is Kantian if, because Kant is its  father and most illustrious moderate
representative, all agnosticism be called  Kantism (by agnosticism is meant the
philosophy which denies that reason, used  at any rate in a speculative and theoretical
way, can gain true knowledge of  suprasensible things). It is not our business here to
oppose the application  of the name Kantian to modernist philosophy. Indeed if we
compare the two  systems, we shall find that they have two elements in common, the
negative  part of the "Critique of Pure Reason" (which reduces pure or speculative
knowledge to phenomenal or experiential intuition), and a certain  argumentative
method in distinguishing dogma from the real basis of religion.  On the positive side,
however, modernism differs from Kantism in some  essential points. For Kant, faith is a
really rational adhesion of the mind to  the postulates of practical reason. The will is
free to accept or reject the  moral law; and it is on account of this option that he calls its
acceptance  "belief". Once it is accepted, the reason cannot but admit the existence of
God, liberty, and immortality. Modernist faith, on the other hand, is a matter  of
sentiment, a flinging of oneself towards the Unknowable, and cannot be  scientifically
justified by reason. In Kant's system, dogmas and the whole  positive framework of
religion are necessary only for the childhood of  humanity or for the common people.
They are symbols that bear a certain  analogy to images and comparisons. They serve to
inculcate those moral  precepts that for Kant constitute religion. Modernist symbols,
though  changeable and fleeting, correspond to a law of human nature. Generally
speaking, they help to excite and nourish the effective religious sentiment  which Kant
(who knew it from his reading of the pietists) calls <schwarmerei>.  Kant, as a
rationalist, rejects supernatural religion and prayer. The  modernists consider natural
religion a useless abstraction; for them it is  prayer rather that constitutes the very
essence of religion. It would be more  correct to say that modernism is an offshoot of
Schleiermacher (1768-1834),  who though he owed something to Kant's philosophy,
nevertheless built up his  own theological system. Ritschl called him the " legislator of
theology"  (Rechtf. und Vers., III, p. 486). Schleiermacher conceives the modernist plan
of reforming religion with the view of conciliating it with science. Thus  would he
establish an <entente cordiale> among the various cults, and even  between religion
and a kind of religious sentimentality which, without  recognizing God, yet tends
towards the Good and the Infinite. Like the  modernists, he has dreams of new
religious apologetics; he wants to be a  Christian; he declares himself independent of all
philosophy; he rejects  natural religion as a pure abstraction, and derives dogma from
religious  experience. His principal writings on this subject are "Ueber die Religion"
(1799: note the difference between the first and the later editions) and "Der  Christliche
Glaube" (1821-22). Ritschl, one of Kant's disciples, recognizes  the New Testament as
the historical basis of religion. He sees in Christ the  consciousness of an intimate union
with God, and considers the institution of  the Christian religion, which for him is
inconceivable without faith in  Christ, as a special act of God's providence. Thus has he
prepared the way for  a form of modernism more temperate than that of
Schleiermacher. Though he  predicted a continual development of religion,
Schleiermacher admitted a  certain fixity of dogma. For this reason it seems to us that
modernists owe  their radical evolutionary theory to Herbert Spencer (1820-1903). It
was  through the writings of A. Sabatier (18391901), a French Protestant of the  Broad
Church type) that the religious theories we have spoken of, spread among  the Latin
races, in France and in Italy. It is in these countries, too, that  modernism has done
greatest harm among the Catholics. Sabatier is a radical  modernist. He has especially
drawn upon Schleiermacher for the composition of  his two works on religious
synthesis ("Esquisse d'une philosophie de la  religion e la psychologie et l'histoire",
Paris, 1897; "Les religions  d'autorite et la religion de l'esprit", Paris, 1902).

The fundamental error of the modernist philosophy is its misunderstanding  of the
scholastic formula which takes account of the two aspects of human  knowledge.
Doubtless, the human mind is a vital faculty endowed with an  activity of its own, and
tending towards its own object. However, as it is not  in continual activity, it is not self-
sufficient; it has not in itself the  full principle of its operations, but is forced to utilize
sensible experience  in order to arrive at knowledge. This incompleteness and falling
short of  perfect autonomy is due to man's very nature. As a consequence, in all human
knowledge and activity, account must be taken both of the intrinsic and of the  extrinsic
side. Urged on by the finality that inspires him man tends towards  those objects which
suit him, while at the same time objects offer themselves  to him. In the supernatural
life, man acquires new principles of action and,  as it were, a new nature. He is now
capable of acts of which God is the formal  object. These acts, however, most be
proposed to man, whether God deigns to do  so by direct revelation to man's soul, or
whether, in conformity with man's  social nature, God makes use of intermediaries who
communicate exteriorly with  man. Hence the necessity of preaching, of motives of
credibility, and of  external teaching authority. Catholic philosophy does not deny the
soul's  spontaneous life, the sublimity of its suprasensible and supernatural  operations,
and the inadequacy of words to translate its yearnings. Scholastic  doctors give
expression to mystical transports far superior to those of the  modernists. But in their
philosophy they never forget the lowliness of human  nature, which is not purely
spiritual. The modernist remembers only the  internal element of our higher activity.
This absolute and exclusive  intrinsecism constitutes what the Encyclical calls "vital
immanence". When  deprived of the external support which is indispensable to them,
the acts of  the higher intellectual faculties can only consist in vague sentiments which
are as indetermined as are those faculties themselves. Hence it is that  modernist
doctrines, necessarily expressed in terms of this sentiment, are so  intangible.
Furthermore, by admitting the necessity of symbols, modernism  makes to extrinsecism
a concession which is its own refutation.

XI   2. The Consequences

The fact that this radically intrinsic conception of the spiritual or  religious activity of
man (this perfect autonomy of the reason <vis-a-vis> of  what is exterior) is the
fundamental philosophical conception of the  modernists, as the alteration of dogma is
the essential characteristic of  their heresy, can be shown without difficulty by
deducting from it their  entire system of philosophy. First of all, of their agnosticism:
the vague  nature which they attribute to our faculties does not permit them, without
scientific observation, to arrive at any definite intellectual result. Next,  of their
evolutionism: there is no determined object to assure to dogmatic  formulae a
permanent and essential meaning compatible with the life of faith  and progress. Now,
from the moment that these formulae simply serve to nourish  the vague sentiment
which for modernism is the only common and stable  foundation of religion, they must
change indefinitely with the subjective  needs of the believer. It is a right and even a
duty for the latter freely to  interpret, as he sees fit, religious facts and doctrines. We
meet here with  the <a priorisms> to which the Encyclical "Pascendi" drew attention.

We wish to insist a little on the grave consequence that this Encyclical  puts especially
before our eyes. In many ways, modernism seems to be on the  swift incline which
leads to pantheism. It seems to be there on account of its  symbolism. After all, is not
the affirmation of a personal God one of these  dogmatic formulae which serve only as
symbolic expressions of the religious  sentiment? Does not the Divine Personality then
become something uncertain?  Hence radical modernism preaches union and
friendship, even with mystical  atheism. Modernism is inclined to pantheism also by its
doctrine of Divine  Immanence that is, of the intimate presence of God within us. Does
this God  declare Himself as distinct from us? If so, one must not then oppose the
position of modernism to the Catholic position and reject exterior revelation.  But if
God declares Himself as not distinct from us, the position of modernism  becomes
openly pantheistic. Such is the dilemma proposed in the Encyclical.  Modernism is
pantheistic also by its doctrine of science and faith. Faith  having for object the
Unknowable cannot make up for the want of proportion  that modernists put between
the intellect and its object. Hence, for the  believer as well as for the philosopher, this
object remains unknown. Why  should not this "Unknowable" be the very soul of the
world? It is pantheistic  also in its way of reasoning. Independent of and superior to
religious  formulae, the religious sentiment on the one hand originates them and gives
them their entire value, and, on the other hand, it cannot neglect them, it  must express
itself in them and by them; they are its reality. But we have  here the ontology of
pantheism, which teaches that the principle does not  exist outside of the expression
that it gives itself. In the pantheist  philosophy, Being or the Idea, God, is before the
world and superior to it, He  creates it and yet He has no reality outside the world; the
world is the  realization of God.

XII The Psychological Causes of Modernism

Curiosity and pride are, according to the Encyclical "Pascendi", two remote  causes.
Nothing is truer; but, apart from offering an explanation common to  all heretical
obstinacy, we ask ourselves here why this pride has taken the  shape of modernism. We
proceed to consider this question. In modernism we  find, first of all, the echo of many
tendencies of the mentality of the  present generation. Inclined to doubt, and distrustful
of what is affirmed,  men's minds tend of their own accord to minimize the value of
dogmatic  definitions. Men are struck by the diversity of the religions which exist on
the face of the earth. The Catholic religion is no longer, in their eyes, as  it was in the
eyes of our ancestors, the morally universal religion of  cultured humanity. They have
been shown the influence of race on the diffusion  of the Gospel. They have been shown
the good sides of other cults and beliefs.  Our contemporaries find it hard to believe
that the greater part of humanity  is plunged in error, especially if they are ignorant
that the Catholic  religion teaches that the means of salvation are at the disposal of those
who  err in good faith. Hence they are inclined to overlook doctrinal divergencies  in
order to insist on a certain fundamental conformity of tendencies and of  aspirations.

Then again they are moved by sentiments of liberalism and moderation, which  reduce
the importance of formal religion, as they see in the various cults  only private opinions
which change with time and place, and which merit an  equal respect from all. In the
West where people are of a more practical turn,  a non-intellectual interest explains the
success of heresies which win a  certain popularity. Consider the countries in which
modernism is chiefly  promulgated: France and Italy. In these two countries, and
especially in  Italy, ecclesiastical authority has imposed social and political directions
which call for the sacrifice of humanitarian and patriotic ideas or dreams.  That there
are important reasons for such commands does not prevent  discontent. The majority of
men have not enough virtue or nobility to  sacrifice for long, to higher duties, a cause
which touches their interest or  which engages their sympathy. Hence it is that some
Catholics, who are not  quite steady in their faith and religion, attempt to revolt, and
count  themselves fortunate in having some doctrinal pretexts to cover their  secession.

The founder of the periodical "La Foi Catholique", a review started for  the purpose of
combating modernism, adds this explanation: " The insufficient  cultivation of Catholic
philosophy and science is the second deep explanation  of the origin of modernist
errors. Both have too long confined themselves to  answers which, though
fundamentally correct, are but little suited to the  mentality of our adversaries, and are
formulated in a language which they do  not understand and which is no longer to the
point. Instead of utilizing what  is quite legitimate in their positive and critical
tendencies, they have only  considered them as so many abnormal leanings that must
be opposed . . ."  (Gaudeau, "La Foi Catholique", I, pp. 62-65). Another point is that the
intrinsic nature of the movement of contemporary philosophy has been too much
despised or ignored in Catholic schools. They have not given it that partial  recognition
which is quite consonant with the best scholastic tradition: "In  this way, we have failed
to secure a real point of contact between Catholic  and modern thought" (Gaudeau,
ibid.). For lack of professors who knew how to  mark out the actual path of religious
science, many cultured minds, especially  among the young clergy, found themselves
defenseless against an error which  seduced them by its speciousness and by any
element of truth contained in its  reproaches against the Catholic schools. It is
scholasticism ill-understood  and calumniated that has incurred this disdain. And for
the pope, this is one  of the immediate causes of modernism. "Modernism", he says "is
nothing but the  union of the faith with false philosophy". Cardinal Mercier, on the
occasion  of his first solemn visit to the Catholic University of Louvain (8 December,
1907), addressed the following compliment to the professors of theology:  "Because,
with more good sense than others, you have vigorously kept to  objective studies and
the calm examination of facts, you have both preserved  our Alma Mater from the
strayings of modernism and have secured for her the  advantages of modern scientific
methods." ("Annuaire de l'Universite;  Catholique de Louvain", 1908, p. XXV, XXVI.)
Saint Augustine (De Genesi contra  Manicheos, I, Bk. I, i) in a text that has passed into
the Corpus Juris  Canonici (c. 40, c. xxiv, q. 3) had already spoken as follows: "Divine
Providence suffers many heretics of one kind or another, so that their  challenges and
their questions on doctrines that we are ignorant of, may force  us to arise from our
indolence and stir us with the desire to know Holy  Scripture." From another point of
view, modernism marks a religious reaction  against materialism and positivism, both
of which fail to satisfy the soul's  longing. This reaction however, for reasons that have
just been given, strays  from the right path.

XIII Pontifical Documents Concerning Modernism

The semi-rationalism of several modernists, such as Loisy for instance, had  already
been condemned in the Syllabus; several canons of the Vatican Council  on the
possibility of knowing God through his creatures, on the distinction  between faith and
science, on the subordination of human science to Divine  revelation on the
unchangeableness of dogma, deal in a similar strain with the  tenets of modernism.

The following are the principal decrees or documents expressly directed  against
modernism.

The pope's address on 17 April, 1907, to the newly-created cardinals.  It is a resume
which anticipates the Encyclical "Pascendi".

A letter from the Congregation of the Index of 29 April, 1907, to the  Cardinal
Archbishop of Milan with regard to the review "Il Rinnovamento" . In  it we find more
concrete notions of the tendencies which the popes condemn.  The letter even goes so
far as to mention the names of Fogazzaro, Father  Tyrrell, von Hugel and the Abbate
Murri.

Letters from Pius X, 6 May, 1907, to the archbishops and bishops and  to the patrons of
the Catholic Institute of Paris. It shows forth clearly the  great and twofold care of Pius
X for the restoration of sacred studies and  Scholastic philosophy, and for the
safeguarding of the clergy.

The decree "Lamentabili" of the Holy Office, 3-4 July, 1907,  condemning 65 distinct
propositions.

The injunction of the Holy Office, "Recentissimo", of 28 August, 1907,  which with a
view to remedying the evil, enjoins certain prescriptions upon  bishops and superiors of
religious orders.

The Encyclical "Pascendi", of 8 September, 1907, of which we shall speak  later on.

Three letters of the Cardinal Secretary of State, of 2 and 10 October,  and of 5
November, 1907, on the attendance of the clergy at secular  universities, urging the
execution of a general regulation of 1896 on this  subject. The Encyclical had extended
this regulation to the whole Church.

The condemnation by the Cardinal-Vicar of Rome of the pamphlet " Il  programma dei
modernisti", and a decree of 29 October, 1907, declaring the  excommunication of its
authors, with special reservations.

The decree Motu Proprio of 18 November, 1907, on the value of the  decisions of the
Biblical Commission, on the decree "Lamentabili", and on the  Encyclical "Pascendi" .
These two documents are again confirmed and upheld  by ecclesiastical penalties.

The address at the (Consistory of 16 December, 1907.

The decree of the Holy Office of 13 February, 1908, in condemnation of  the two
newspapers, "La Justice sociale" and "La Vie Catholique ". Since then  several
condemnations of the books have appeared.

The Encyclical "Editae" of 26 May, 1910, renewed the previous condemnations.

Still stronger is the tone of the Motu Proprio " Sacrorum  Antistitum", of 1 September,
1910, declared:

by a decree of the Consistorial Congregations of 25 September, 1910.  This Motu
Proprio inveighs against modernist obstinacy and specious cunning.  After having
quoted the practical measures prescribed in the Encyclical  "Pascendi", the pope urges
their execution, and, at the same time, makes new  directions concerning the formation
of the clergy in the seminaries and  religious houses. Candidates for higher orders,
newly appointed confessors,  preachers, parish priests, canons, the beneficed clergy, the
bishop's staff,  Lenten preachers, the officials of the Roman congregations, or tribunals,
superiors and professors in religious congregations, all are obliged to swear  according
to a formula which reprobates the principal modernist tenets.

The pope's letter to Prof. Decurtins on literary modernism. (All  these documents are
contained in Vermeersch, op. cit. infra.)

These acts are for the most part of a disciplinary character (the Motu  Proprio of
September, 1910, is clearly of the same nature); the decree  "Lamentabili" is entirely
doctrinal; the Encyclical "Pascendi" and the Motu  Proprio of 18 March, 1907, are both
doctrinal and disciplinary in character.  Writers do not agree as to the authority of the
two principal documents; the  decree " Lamentabili " and the Encyclical "Pascendi". In
the present writer's  opinion, since the new confirmation accorded to these decrees by
the Motu  Proprio, they contain in their doctrinal conclusions the infallible teaching  of
the Vicar of Jesus Christ. (For a more moderate opinion cf. Choupin in  "Etudes", Paris,
CXIV, p. 119-120.) The decree "Lamentabili" has been called  the new Syllabus, because
it contains the proscription by the Holy Office of  65 propositions, which may be
grouped under the following heads: Prop. 1-8,  errors concerning the teaching of the
Church; Prop. 9-19, errors concerning  the inspiration, truth, and study of Holy Writ,
especially the Gospels; Prop.  20-36, errors concerning revelation and dogma; Prop.
2728, Christological  errors; Prop. 39-51, errors relative to the sacraments; Prop. 52-57,
errors  concerning the institution and organization of the Church; Prop= 58-65, errors
on doctrinal evolution. The Encyclical "Pascendi" in the introduction laid  bare the
gravity of the danger, pointed out the necessity of firm and decisive  action, and
approved of the title "Modernism" for the new errors. It gives us  first a very
methodical exposition of modernism; next follows its general  condemnation with a
word as to corollaries that may be drawn from the heresy.  The pope then goes on to
examine the causes and the effects of modernism, and  finally seeks the necessary
remedies. Their application he endeavors to put  into practice by a series of energetic
measures. An urgent appeal to the  bishops fittingly closes this striking document.

XIV Protestant Sources

KANT, <Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der reinen Vernunft> (2nd ed., 1794)

FICHTE, <Versuch einer Kritik aller Offenbarung> (1792)

SCHLEIRMACHER, <Ueber die Religion, Reden an die Gebildeten unter ihren
Veraechtern> (4th ed., 1831)

IDEM, <Der christliche Glaube nach den Grundsaetzen der evangelischen  Kirche, im
Zusammenhang dargestellt> (1811-22; 6th ed., 1884)

SCHELLING, <Vorlesungen ueber die Methode des akademischen Studiums>  (3rd
ed., 1830);

HEGEL, <Vorlesungen ueber die Philosophie der Religion> (1832), in  vols. XI and XII
of his complete works;

RITSCHL, ALBRECHT, <Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und
Versoehnung> (3 vol., 1870-84);

IDEM, <Theologie und Metaphysik> (1881);

HERMAN, <Die Gewissheit des Glaubens und die Freihet der Theologie>  (2nd ed.,
1889);

LIPSIUS, <Dogmatische Beitraege> (1878);

IDEM, <Philosophie und Religion> (1885)

LANGE, <Geschichte des Materialismus> (4th part, 3rd ed., 1876)

SCHWARZ, <Zur Geschichte der neusten Theologie> (3rd ed., 1864);

EUCKEN, from his numerous works on the subject we may mention <Der
Wahrheitsgehalt der Religion> (1901); PFLEIDERER, <Die Religion, ihr  Wesen und
ihre Geschichte> (2nd vol., 1869);

IDEM <Grundriss der christlichen Glaubens- und Sittenlehere> (1880);

IDEM, <Entwickelung der protestantischen Theologie seit Kant >(1892);

SABATIER, <Esquisse d'une philosophie de la religion apre la  philosophie et
l'histoire> (1897);

IDEM, <Les religions d'autorite et la religion de l'espiri>t  [posthumous] (1902);

HAMILTON, <Discussion on Philosophy and Literatur>e (3rd ed., 1866);

CAMPBELL, <The New Theology> (London, 1907);

HARNACK, <Das Wesen des Christentums> (enlarged ed., Jena, 1908);

GORE (anti-modernist), <The New Theology and the Old Religion>  (London 1907);

HAKLUYT (anti-modernist), <Liberal Theology and the Ground of Faith>  (London,
1908);   Father Tyrell's <Modernism : an expository criticism of "Through Scylla and
Charybdis  in an open letter to Mr. Athelstan Riley (London, 1909)

 <a name ="XV Modernist Sources    MURRI, <Psicologia della religione, note ed
appunti>, published under  the pseudonym of SOSTENE GELLI (Rome, 1905);

IDEM, <Democrazia e christianesimo>;

IDEM, <I principi comuni> in <Programma della societa regionale di  cultura>
(Rome,1906);

IDEM, <La Vita religiosa nel cristianesimo: Discorsi> (Rome, 1907)

IDEM, <La filosofia nuova e l'enciclica contro il modernismo> (Rome,  1908)

FOGAZZARO, <Il Santo> (Milan, 1905);

<Il Programma dei Modernisti. Riposta all' Enciclica di Pio X, "Pascendi  Dominici
gregis  (Rome, 1908);

VOGRINEC, <Nostra maxima culpa! Die bedraengte Lage der katholischen  Kirche,
deren Ursachen und Vorschlaege zur Besserung> (Vienna and Leipzig,  1904);

LOISY, <l'Evangile et l'Eglise> (Paris, 1902);

IDEM, <Autour d'un petit livre> (Paris, 1903);

IDEM, <Simples reflexions sur le decret du Saint-Office "Lamentabili  sane exitu", et sur
l'Encyclique "Pascendi Dominici gregis  (Ceffonds,  1908);

LEROY, <Dogme et critique> (Paris) [In referring to this book, which  has been
condemned, we do not wish to make any reflexion on the Catholicity of  the author];

TYRRELL, <Lex orandi> (London, New York, Bombay, 1906);

IDEM, <A confidential letter to a friend who is a professor of  anthropology>, It. tr.
(inaccurate) in <Il Corriere della Sera> (1  January, 1906); <Letters to His Holines Pope
Pius X by a Modernist>  (Chicago, 1910)

 <a name="XVI Catholic Sources    PORTALIE, <Dogme et Histoire> in <Bulletin de
litterature  ecclesiastique> (Feb. to March, 1904);

CAVALLANTI, <Modernismo e Modernisti> (Brescia, 1907);

MERCIER, <Le modernisme, sa position vis-a-vis de la science, sa  condamnation par le
Pape Pie X> (Brussels, 1908);

DE TONQUEDEC, <La notion de verite dans la philosophie nouvelle>  (Paris, 1908);

LEPIN, <Christologie : Commentaire des propositions 27-38 du decret du  S. Office
"Lamentabili  (Paris, 1908);

LEBRETON, <L'encyclique et la theologie modernista> (Paris, 1908);

GAUDAUD, <Les erreurs du Modernisme> in <La foi catholique>  (1908, 1909);

PESCH, <Theologische Zeitfragen, Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtlichen  Tatsachen.
Eine Untersuching ueber den Modernismus>, 4th series (Freibug im  Breisgau, 1908);

HEINER, <Der neue Syllabus Pius X >(Mainz, 1908);

MICHELITSCH, <Der neue Syllabus> (Gras and Vienna, 1908);

KNEIB, <Wesen und Bedeutung der Encyclika gegen den Modernismus>  (Mainz,
1908);

GODRYEZ, <The doctrine of Modernism and its refutation>  (Philadelphia, 1908);

RICKABY, T <he Modernist>, (London, 1908);

MAUMUS, <Les modernistes> (Paris, 1909);

VERMEERSCH, <De modernismo tractatus et notae canonicae cum Actis S.  Sedis a 17
April, 1907 ad 25 Sept., 1910> (Bruges, 1901)

A. VERMEERSCH

Transcribed by Gerard Haffner

Taken from the New Advent Web Page (www.knight.org/advent).

This article is part of the Catholic Encyclopedia Project, an effort aimed at placing the
entire Catholic Encyclopedia on the World Wide Web. The coordinator is Kevin Knight,
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worthwhile project, you can contact him by e-mail at ([email protected]). For
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