Here will I hold ------ If there is a Pow'r above us
(And that there is, all Nature cries aloud,
Thro' all her Works), He must delight in Virtue
And that which he delights in must be Happy. Cato.
PART I.
Philada.
Nov. 20 1728.
First Principles
I believe there is one Supreme most perfect Being, Author and
Father of the Gods themselves.
For I believe that Man is not the most perfect Being but One,
rather that as there are many Degrees of Beings his Inferiors, so
there are many Degrees of Beings superior to him.
Also, when I stretch my Imagination thro' and beyond our System
of Planets, beyond the visible fix'd Stars themselves, into that
Space that is every Way infinite, and conceive it fill'd with Suns
like ours, each with a Chorus of Worlds for ever moving round him,
then this little Ball on which we move, seems, even in my narrow
Imagination, to be almost Nothing, and my self less than nothing, and
of no sort of Consequence.
When I think thus, I imagine it great Vanity in me to suppose,
that the _Supremely Perfect_, does in the least regard such an
inconsiderable Nothing as Man. More especially, since it is
impossible for me to have any positive clear Idea of that which is
infinite and incomprehensible, I cannot conceive otherwise, than that
He, _the Infinite Father_, expects or requires no Worship or Praise
from us, but that he is even INFINITELY ABOVE IT.
But since there is in all Men something like a natural
Principle which enclines them to DEVOTION or the Worship of some
unseen Power;
And since Men are endued with Reason superior to all other
Animals that we are in our World acquainted with;
Therefore I think it seems required of me, and my Duty, as a
Man, to pay Divine Regards to SOMETHING.
I CONCEIVE then, that the INFINITE has created many Beings or
Gods, vastly superior to Man, who can better conceive his Perfections
than we, and return him a more rational and glorious Praise. As
among Men, the Praise of the Ignorant or of Children, is not regarded
by the ingenious Painter or Architect, who is rather honour'd and
pleas'd with the Approbation of Wise men and Artists.
It may be that these created Gods, are immortal, or it may be
that after many Ages, they are changed, and Others supply their
Places.
Howbeit, I conceive that each of these is exceeding wise, and
good, and very powerful; and that Each has made for himself, one
glorious Sun, attended with a beautiful and admirable System of
Planets.
It is that particular wise and good God, who is the Author and
Owner of our System, that I propose for the Object of my Praise and
Adoration.
For I conceive that he has in himself some of those Passions he
has planted in us, and that, since he has given us Reason whereby we
are capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation, he is not above
caring for us, being pleas'd with our Praise, and offended when we
slight Him, or neglect his Glory.
I conceive for many Reasons that he is a _good Being_, and as I
should be happy to have so wise, good and powerful a Being my Friend,
let me consider in what Manner I shall make myself most acceptable to
him.
Next to the Praise due, to his Wisdom, I believe he is pleased
and delights in the Happiness of those he has created; and since
without Virtue Man (*) can have no Happiness in this World, I firmly
believe he delights to see me Virtuous, because he is pleas'd when he
sees me Happy.
(*) See Junto Paper of Good and Evil, &c.
And since he has created many Things which seem purely design'd
for the Delight of Man, I believe he is not offended when he sees his
Children solace themselves in any manner of pleasant Exercises and
innocent Delights, and I think no Pleasure innocent that is to Man
hurtful.
I _love_ him therefore for his Goodness and I _adore_ him for
his Wisdom.
Let me then not fail to praise my God continually, for it is
his Due, and it is all I can return for his many Favours and great
Goodness to me; and let me resolve to be virtuous, that I may be
happy, that I may please Him, who is delighted to see me happy.
Amen.
1. Adoration. 2. Petition. 3. Thanks.
Prel.
Being mindful that before I address the DEITY, my Soul ought to
be calm and Serene, free from Passion and Perturbation, or otherwise
elevated with Rational Joy and Pleasure, I ought to use a Countenance
that expresses a filial Respect, mixt with a kind of Smiling, that
signifies inward Joy, and Satisfaction, and Admiration.
O wise God,
My good Father,
Thou beholdest the Sincerity of my Heart,
And of my Devotion;
Grant me a Continuance of thy Favour!
(1)
Powerful Goodness, &c.
O Creator, O Father, I believe that thou art Good, and that
thou art _pleas'd with the Pleasure_ of thy Children.
Praised be thy Name for Ever.
(2)
By thy Power hast thou made the glorious Sun, with his
attending Worlds; from the Energy of thy mighty Will they first
received their prodigious Motion, and by thy Wisdom hast thou
prescribed the wondrous Laws by which they move.
Praised be thy Name for ever.
(3)
By thy Wisdom hast thou formed all Things, Thou hast created
Man, bestowing Life and Reason, and plac'd him in Dignity superior to
thy other earthly Creatures.
Praised be thy Name for ever.
(4)
Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy GOODNESS are every where clearly
seen; in the Air and in the Water, in the Heavens and on the Earth;
Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable
Inhabitants of the Water; Thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and
Sunshine in their Season, and to the Fruits of the Earth Increase.
Praised be thy Name for ever.
(5)
I believe thou hast given Life to thy Creatures that they might
Live, and art not delighted with violent Death and bloody Sacrifices.
Praised be thy Name for Ever.
(6)
Thou abhorrest in thy Creatures Treachery and Deceit, Malice,
Revenge, Intemperance and every other hurtful Vice; but Thou art a
Lover of Justice and Sincerity, of Friendship, Benevolence and every
Virtue. Thou art my Friend, my Father, and my Benefactor.
Praised be thy Name, O God, for Ever.
Amen.
After this, it will not be improper to read part of some such
Book as Ray's Wisdom of God in the Creation or Blacmore on the
Creation, or the Archbishop of Cambray's Demonstration of the Being
of a God; &c. or else spend some Minutes in a serious Silence,
contemplating on those Subjects.
Then Sing
Milton's Hymn to the Creator
These are thy Glorious Works, Parent of Good!
Almighty: Thine this Universal Frame,
Thus wondrous fair! Thy self how wondrous then!
Speak ye who best can tell, Ye Sons of Light,
Angels, for ye behold him, and with Songs,
And Choral Symphonies , Day without Night
Circle his Throne rejoicing. You in Heav'n,
On Earth, join all Ye Creatures to extol
Him first, him last, him midst and without End.
Fairest of Stars, last in the Train of Night,
If rather thou belongst not to the Dawn,
Sure Pledge of Day! That crown'st the smiling Morn
With thy bright Circlet; Praise him in thy Sphere
While Day arises, that sweet Hour of Prime.
Thou Sun, of this Great World both Eye and Soul
Acknowledge Him thy Greater, Sound his Praise
In thy Eternal Course; both when thou climb'st,
And when high Noon hast gain'd, and when thou fall'st.
Moon! that now meet'st the orient Sun, now fly'st
With the fix'd Stars, fix'd in their Orb that flies,
And ye five other Wandring Fires, that move
In mystic Dance, not without Song, resound
His Praise, that out of Darkness call'd up Light.
Air! and ye Elements! the Eldest Birth
Of Nature's Womb, that in Quaternion run
Perpetual Circle, multiform; and mix
And nourish all Things, let your ceaseless Change
Vary to our great Maker still new Praise.
Ye Mists and Exhalations! that now rise
From Hill or steaming Lake, dusky or grey,
Till the Sun paint your fleecy Skirts with Gold,
In Honour to the World's Great Author rise.
Whether to deck with Clouds th' uncolour'd Sky
Or wet the thirsty Earth with falling Show'rs,
Rising or falling still advance his Praise.
His Praise, ye Winds! that from 4 Quarters blow,
Breathe soft or loud; and wave your Tops ye Pines!
With every Plant, in Sign of Worship wave.
Fountains! and ye that warble as ye flow
Melodious Murmurs, warbling tune his Praise.
Join Voices all ye living Souls, ye Birds!
That singing, up to Heav'n's high Gate ascend,
Bear on your Wings, and in your Notes his Praise.
Ye that in Waters glide! and ye that walk
The Earth! and stately Tread, or lowly Creep;
Witness _if I be silent_, Ev'n orain or Fresh Shade,
Made Vocal by my Song, and taught his Praise.
Here follows the Reading of some Book or part of a Book
Discoursing on and exciting to MORAL VIRTUR
Petition.
Prel.
In as much as by Reason of our Ignorance We cannot be Certain
that many Things Which we often hear mentioned in the Petitions of
Men to the Deity, would prove REAL GOODS if they were in our
Possession, and as I have Reason to hope and believe that the
Goodness of my Heavenly Father will not withold from me a suitable
Share of Temporal Blessings, if by a VIRTUOUS and HOLY Life I merit
his Favour and Kindness, Therefore I presume not to ask such Things,
but rather Humbly, and with a sincere Heart express my earnest
Desires that he would graciously assist my Continual Endeavours and
Resolutions of eschewing Vice and embracing Virtue; Which kind of
Supplications will at least be thus far beneficial, as they remind me
in a solemn manner of my Extensive DUTY.
That I may be preserved from Atheism and Infidelity, Impiety
and Profaneness, and in my Addresses to Thee carefully avoid
Irreverence and Ostentation, Formality and odious Hypocrisy,
Help me, O Father
That I may be loyal to my Prince, and faithful to my Country,
careful for its Good, valiant in its Defence, and obedient to its
Laws, abhorring Treason as much as Tyranny,
Help me, O Father
That I may to those above me be dutiful, humble, and
submissive, avoiding Pride, Disrespect and Contumacy,
Help me, O Father
That I may to those below me, be gracious, Condescending and
Forgiving, using Clemency, protecting _Innocent Distress_, avoiding
Cruelty, Harshness and Oppression, Insolence and unreasonable
Severity,
Help me, O Father
That I may refrain from Calumny and Detraction; that I may
avoid and abhor Deceit and Envy, Fraud, Flattery and Hatred, Malice,
Lying and Ingratitude,
Help me, O Father
That I may be sincere in Friendship, faithful in Trust, and
impartial in Judgment, watchful against Pride, and against Anger
(that momentary Madness),
Help me, O Father
That I may be just in all my Dealings and temperate in my
Pleasures, full of Candour and Ingenuity, Humanity and Benevolence,
Help me, O Father
That I may be grateful to my Benefactors and generous to my
Friends, exerting Charity and Liberality to the Poor, and Pity to the
Miserable,
Help me, O Father
That I may avoid Avarice, Ambition, and Intemperance, Luxury
and Lasciviousness,
Help me, O Father
That I may possess Integrity and Evenness of Mind, Resolution
in Difficulties, and Fortitude under Affliction; that I may be
punctual in performing my Promises, peaceable and prudent in my
Behaviour,
Help me, O Father
That I may have Tenderness for the Weak, and a reverent Respect
for the Ancient; That I may be kind to my Neighbours, good-natured to
my Companions, and hospitable to Strangers,
Help me, O Father
That I may be averse to Craft and Overreaching, abhor
Extortion, Perjury, and every kind of Wickedness,
Help me, O Father
That I may be honest and Openhearted, gentle, merciful and
Good, chearful in Spirit, rejoicing in the Good of Others,
Help me, O Father
That I may have a constant Regard to Honour and Probity; That I
may possess a perfect Innocence and a good Conscience, and at length
become Truly Virtuous and Magnanimous, Help me, Good God,
Help me, O Father
And forasmuch as Ingratitude is one of the most odious of
Vices, let me not be unmindful gratefully to acknoledge the Favours I
receive from Heaven.
Thanks.
For Peace and Liberty, for Food and Raiment, for Corn and Wine,
and Milk, and every kind of Healthful Nourishment, _Good God, I Thank
thee._
For the Common Benefits of Air and Light, for useful Fire and
delicious Water, _Good God, I Thank thee._
For Knowledge and Literature and every useful Art; for my
Friends and their Prosperity, and for the fewness of my Enemies,
_Good God, I Thank thee._
For all thy innumerable Benefits; For Life and Reason, and the
Use of Speech, for Health and Joy and every Pleasant Hour, _my Good
God, I thank thee._
End of the first Part.
_Epitaph_
The Body of
B. Franklin,
Printer;
Like the Cover of an old Book,
Its Contents torn out,
And stript of its Lettering and Gilding,
Lies here, Food for Worms.
But the Work shall not be wholly lost:
For it will, as he believ'd, appear once more,
In a new & more perfect Edition,
Corrected and amended
By the Author.
He was born Jan. 6. 1706.
Died 17
1728
_The Busy-Body, No. 1_
Mr. _Andrew Bradford_,
I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one
of your _Courteous Readers_, have lately entertain'd some Thoughts of
setting up for an Author my Self; not out of the least Vanity, I
assure you, or Desire of showing my Parts, but purely for the Good of
my Country.
I have often observ'd with Concern, that your _Mercury_ is not
always equally entertaining. The Delay of Ships expected in, and
want of fresh Advices from _Europe_, make it frequently very Dull;
and I find the Freezing of our River has the same Effect on News as
on Trade. -- With more Concern have I continually observ'd the
growing Vices and Follies of my Country-folk. And tho' Reformation
is properly the concern of every Man; that is, _Every one ought to
mend One_; yet 'tis too true in this Case, that _what is every Body's
Business is no Body's Business_, and the Business is done
accordingly. I, therefore, upon mature Deliberation, think fit to
take _no Body's Business_ wholly into my own Hands; and, out of Zeal
for the Publick Good, design to erect my Self into a Kind of _Censor
Morum_; proposing with your Allowance, to make Use of the _Weekly
Mercury_ as a Vehicle in which my Remonstrances shall be convey'd to
the World.
I am sensible I have, in this Particular, undertaken a very
unthankful Office, and expect little besides my Labour for my Pains.
Nay, 'tis probable I may displease a great Number of your Readers,
who will not very well like to pay 10 s a Year for being told of
their Faults. But as most People delight in Censure when they
themselves are not the Objects of it, if any are offended at my
publickly exposing their private Vices, I promise they shall have the
Satisfaction, in a very little Time, of seeing their good Friends and
Neighbours in the same Circumstances.
However, let the Fair Sex be assur'd, that I shall always treat
them and their Affairs with the utmost _Decency_ and Respect. I
intend now and then to dedicate a Chapter wholly to their Service;
and if my Lectures any Way contribute to the Embellishment of their
Minds, and Brightning of their Understandings, without offending
their _Modesty_, I doubt not of having their Favour and
Encouragement.
'Tis certain, that no Country in the World produces naturally
finer Spirits than ours, Men of Genius for every kind of Science, and
capable of acquiring to Perfection every Qualification that is in
Esteem among Mankind. But as few here have the Advantage of good
Books, for want of which, good Conversation is still more scarce, it
would doubtless have been very acceptable to your Readers, if,
instead of an old out-of-date Article from _Muscovy_ or _Hungary_,
you had entertained them with some well-chosen Extract from a good
Author. This I shall sometimes do, _when I happen to have nothing of
my own to say that I think of more Consequence._ Sometimes, I propose
to deliver Lectures of Morality or Philosophy, and (because I am
naturally enclin'd to be meddling with Things that don't concern me)
perhaps I may sometimes talk Politicks. And if I can by any means
furnish out a Weekly Entertainment for the Publick, that will give a
rational Diversion, and at the same Time be instructive to the
Readers, I shall think my Leisure Hours well employ'd: And if you
publish this I hereby invite all ingenious Gentlemen and others,
(that approve of such an Undertaking) to my Assistance and
Correspondence.
'Tis like by this Time you have a Curiosity to be acquainted
with my Name and Character. As I do not aim at publick Praise I
design to remain concealed; and there are such Numbers of our Family
and Relations at this Time in the Country, that tho' I've sign'd my
Name at full Length, I am not under the least Apprehension of being
distinguish'd and discover'd by it. My Character indeed I would
favour you with, but that I am cautious of praising my Self, lest I
should be told _my Trumpeter's dead_: And I cannot find in my Heart,
at present, to say any Thing to my own Disadvantage.
It is very common with Authors in their First Performances to
talk to their Readers thus, _If this meets with a SUITABLE
_Reception_; Or, _If this should meet with DUE _Encouragement, I
shall hereafter publish, &c._ This only manifests the Value they put
on their own Writings, since they think to frighten the Publick into
their Applause, by threatning, that unless you approve what they have
already wrote, they intend never to write again; when perhaps, it
mayn't be a Pin Matter whether they ever do or no. As I have not
observ'd the Criticks to be more favourable on this Account, I shall
always avoid saying any Thing of the Kind; and conclude with telling
you, that if you send me a Bottle of Ink and a Quire of Paper by the
Bearer, you may depend on hearing further from
SIR,
Your most humble Servant
_The Busy Body._
_No 1_.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, February 4, 1728/9
_The Busy-Body, No. 2_
_All Fools have still an Itching to deride;
And fain would be upon the laughing Side._ Pope.
Monsieur _Rochefocaut_ tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that
the Prince of _Conde_ delighted much in Ridicule; and us'd frequently
to shut himself up for Half a Day together in his Chamber with a
Gentleman that was his Favourite, purposely to divert himself with
examining what was the Foible or ridiculous side of every Noted
Person in the Court. That Gentleman said afterwards in some Company,
that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in any Body, than this
same Humour in the Prince; and I am somewhat inclin'd to be of his
Opinion. The General Tendency there is among us to this
Embellishment, (which I fear has too often been grossly imposed upon
my loving Countrymen instead of Wit) and the Applause it meets with
from a rising Generation, fill me with fearful Apprehensions for the
future Reputation of my Country: A young Man of Modesty (which is the
most certain Indication of large Capacities) is hereby discourag'd
from attempting to make any Figure in Life: His Apprehensions of
being out-laugh'd, will force him to continue in a restless
Obscurity, without having an Opportunity of knowing his own Merit
himself, or discovering it to the World, rather than venture to
expose himself in a Place where a Pun or a Sneer shall pass for Wit,
Noise for Reason, and the Strength of the Argument be judg'd by that
of the Lungs. Among these witty Gentlemen let us take a View of
_Ridentius_: What a contemptible Figure does he make with his Train
of paultry Admirers? This Wight shall give himself an Hours
Diversion with the Cock of a Man's Hat, the Heels of his Shoes, an
unguarded Expression in his Discourse, or even some Personal Defect;
and the Height of his low Ambition is to put some One of the Company
to the Blush, who perhaps must pay an equal Share of the Reckoning
with himself. If such a Fellow makes Laughing the sole End and
Purpose of his Life, if it is necessary to his Constitution, or if he
has a great Desire of growing suddenly fat, let him treat; let him
give publick Notice where any dull stupid Rogues may get a Quart of
Four-penny for being laugh'd at; but 'tis barbarously unhandsome,
when Friends meet for the Benefit of Conversation, and a proper
Relaxation from Business, that one should be the _Butt_ of the
Company, and Four Men made merry at the Cost of the Fifth.
How different from this Character is that of the good-natur'd
gay _Eugenius_? who never spoke yet but with a Design to divert and
please; and who was never yet baulk'd in his Intention. _Eugenius_
takes more Delight in applying the Wit of his Friends, than in being
admir'd himself: And if any one of the Company is so unfortunate as
to be touch'd a little too nearly, he will make Use of some ingenious
Artifice to turn the Edge of Ridicule another Way, chusing rather to
make even himself a publick Jest, than be at the Pain of seeing his
Friend in Confusion.
Among the Tribe of Laughers I reckon the _pretty Gentlemen_
that write _Satyrs_, and carry them about in their Pockets, reading
them themselves in all Company they happen into; taking an Advantage
of the ill Taste of the Town, to make themselves famous for a Pack of
paultry low Nonsence, for which they deserve to be kick'd, rather
than admir'd, by all who have the least Tincture of Politeness.
These I take to be the most incorrigible of all my Readers; nay I
expect they will be squibbing at the _BUSY-BODY_ himself: However the
only Favour he begs of them is this; that if they cannot controul
their over-bearing Itch of _Scribbling_, let him be attack'd in down
right _BITING LYRICKS_; for there is no _Satyr_ he Dreads half so
much as an Attempt towards a Panegyrick.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, February 11, 1728/9
_The Busy-Body, No. 3_
_Non vultus instantis Tyranni
Mente quatit solida -- neque Auster
Dux inquieti turbidus Adriae,
Nec fulminantis magna Jovis manus._ Hor.
It is said that the _Persians_ in their ancient Constitution,
had publick Schools in which Virtue was taught as a Liberal Art or
Science; and it is certainly of more Consequence to a Man that he has
learnt to govern his Passions; in spite of Temptation to be just in
his Dealings, to be Temperate in his Pleasures, to support himself
with Fortitude under his Misfortunes, to behave with Prudence in all
Affairs and in every Circumstance of Life; I say, it is of much more
real Advantage to him to be thus qualified, than to be a Master of
all the Arts and Sciences in the World beside.
_Virtue alone is sufficient to make a Man Great, Glorious and
Happy._ -- He that is acquainted with _CATO_, as I am, cannot help
thinking as I do now, and will acknowledge he deserves the Name
without being honour'd by it. _Cato_ is a Man whom Fortune has
plac'd in the most obscure Part of the Country. His Circumstances
are such as only put him above Necessity, without affording him many
Superfluities; Yet who is greater than _Cato_? -- I happened but the
other Day to be at a House in Town, where among others were met Men
of the most Note in this Place: _Cato_ had Business with some of
them, and knock'd at the Door. The most trifling Actions of a Man,
in my Opinion, as well as the smallest Features and Lineaments of the
Face, give a nice Observer some Notion of his Mind. Methought he
rapp'd in such a peculiar Manner, as seem'd of itself to express,
there was One who deserv'd as well as desir'd Admission. He appear'd
in the plainest Country Garb; his Great Coat was coarse and looked
old and thread-bare; his Linnen was homespun; his Beard perhaps of
Seven Days Growth, his Shoes thick and heavy, and every Part of his
Dress corresponding. Why was this Man receiv'd with such concurring
Respect from every Person in the Room, even from those who had never
known him or seen him before? It was not an exquisite Form of
Person, or Grandeur of Dress that struck us with Admiration. I
believe long Habits of Virtue have a sensible Effect on the
Countenance: There was something in the Air of his Face that
manifested the true Greatness of his Mind; which likewise appear'd in
all he said, and in every Part of his Behaviour, obliging us to
regard him with a Kind of Veneration. His Aspect is sweetned with
Humanity and Benevolence, and at the same Time emboldned with
Resolution, equally free from a diffident Bashfulness and an
unbecoming Assurance. The Consciousness of his own innate Worth and
unshaken Integrity renders him calm and undaunted in the Presence of
the most Great and Powerful, and upon the most extraordinary
Occasions. His strict Justice and known Impartiality make him the
Arbitrator and Decider of all Differences that arise for many Miles
around him, without putting his Neighbours to the Charge, Perplexity
and Uncertainty of Law-Suits. He always speaks the Thing he means,
which he is never afraid or asham'd to do, because he knows he always
means well; and therefore is never oblig'd to blush and feel the
Confusion of finding himself detected in the Meanness of a Falshood.
He never contrives Ill against his Neighbour, and therefore is never
seen with a lowring suspicious Aspect. A mixture of Innocence and
Wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful. His generous Hospitality
to Strangers according to his Ability, his Goodness, his Charity, his
Courage in the Cause of the Oppressed, his Fidelity in Friendship,
his Humility, his Honesty and Sincerity, his Moderation and his
Loyalty to the Government, his Piety, his Temperance, his Love to
Mankind, his Magnanimity, his Publick-spiritedness, and in fine, his
_Consummate Virtue_, make him justly deserve to be esteem'd the Glory
of his Country.
------ _The Brave do never shun the Light,
Just are their Thoughts and open are their Tempers;
Freely without Disguise they love and hate;
Still are they found in the fair Face of Day,
And Heaven and Men are Judges of their Actions._
Rowe.
Who would not rather chuse, if it were in his Choice, to merit
the above Character, than be the richest, the most learned, or the
most powerful Man in the Province without it?
Almost every Man has a strong natural Desire of being valu'd
and esteem'd by the rest of his Species; but I am concern'd and
griev'd to see how few fall into the Right and only infallible Method
of becoming so. That laudable Ambition is too commonly misapply'd
and often ill employ'd. Some to make themselves considerable pursue
Learning, others grasp at Wealth, some aim at being thought witty,
and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome Person;
But what is Wit, or Wealth, or Form, or Learning when compar'd with
Virtue? 'Tis true, we love the handsome, we applaud the Learned, and
we fear the Rich and Powerful; but we even Worship and adore the
Virtuous. -- Nor is it strange; since Men of Virtue, are so rare, so
very rare to be found. If we were as industrious to become Good, as
to make ourselves Great, we should become really Great by being Good,
and the Number of valuable Men would be much increased; but it is a
Grand Mistake to think of being Great without Goodness; and I
pronounce it as certain, _that there was never yet a truly Great Man
that was not at the same Time truly Virtuous._
O _Cretico_! Thou sowre Philosopher! Thou cunning States-man!
Thou art crafty, but far from being Wise. When wilt thou be
esteem'd, regarded and belov'd like _Cato_? When wilt thou, among
thy Creatures meet with that unfeign'd Respect and warm Good-will
that all Men have for him? Wilt thou never understand that the
cringing, mean, submissive Deportment of thy Dependants, is (like the
Worship paid by _Indians_ to the Devil) rather thro' Fear of the Harm
thou may'st do to them, than out of Gratitude for the Favours they
have receiv'd of thee? -- Thou art not wholly void of Virtue; there
are many good Things in thee, and many good Actions reported of thee.
Be advised by thy Friend: Neglect those musty Authors; let them be
cover'd with Dust, and moulder on their proper Shelves; and do thou
apply thy self to a Study much more profitable, The Knowledge of
Mankind, and of thy Self.
_This is to give Notice that the BUSY-BODY strictly forbids all
Persons, from this Time forward, of what Age, Sex, Rank, Quality,
Degree or Denomination soever, on any Pretence to enquire who is the
Author of this Paper, on Pain of his Displeasure, (his own near and
Dear Relations only excepted)._
_'Tis to be observ'd that if any bad Characters happen to be
drawn in the Course of these Papers, they mean no particular Person,
if they are not particularly apply'd._
_Likewise that the Author is no Partyman, but a general
Meddler._
N. B. Cretico _lives in a neighbouring Province_.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, February 18, 1728/9
_The Busy-Body, No. 4_
_Nequid nimis._
In my first Paper I invited the Learned and the Ingenious to
join with me in this Undertaking; and I now repeat that Invitation.
I would have such Gentlemen take this Opportunity, (by trying their
Talent in Writing) of diverting themselves and their Friends, and
improving the Taste of the Town. And because I would encourage all
Wit of our own Growth and Produce, I hereby promise, that whoever
shall send me a little Essay on some moral or other Subject, that is
fit for publick View in this Manner (and not basely borrow'd from any
other Author) I shall receive it with Candour, and take Care to place
it to the best Advantage. It will be hard if we cannot muster up in
the whole Country, a sufficient Stock of Sense to supply the
_Busy-Body_ at least for a Twelvemonth. For my own Part, I have
already profess'd that I have the Good of my Country wholly at Heart
in this Design, without the least sinister View; my chief Purpose
being to inculcate the noble Principles of Virtue, and depreciate
Vice of every kind. But as I know the Mob hate Instruction, and the
Generality would never read beyond the first Line of my Lectures, if
they were usually fill'd with nothing but wholesome Precepts and
Advice; I must therefore sometimes humour them in their own Way.
There are a Set of Great Names in the Province, who are the common
Objects of Popular Dislike. If I can now and then overcome my
Reluctance, and prevail with my self to Satyrize a little, one of
these Gentlemen, the Expectation of meeting with such a
Gratification, will induce many to read me through, who would
otherwise proceed immediately to the Foreign News. As I am very well
assured that the greatest Men among us have a sincere Love for their
Country, notwithstanding its Ingratitude, and the Insinuations of the
Envious and Malicious to the contrary, so I doubt not but they will
chearfully tolerate me in the Liberty I design to take for the End
above mentioned.
As yet I have but few Correspondents, tho' they begin now to
increase. The following Letter, left for me at the Printers, is one
of the first I have receiv'd, which I regard the more for that it
comes from one of the Fair Sex, and because I have my self oftentimes
suffer'd under the Grievance therein complain'd of.
_To the Busy-Body._
_Sir,_
`You having set your self up for a _Censuror Morum_ (as I think
you call it) which is said to mean a _Reformer of Manners_, I know no
Person more proper to be apply'd to for Redress in all the Grievances
we suffer from _Want of Manners_ in some People. You must know I am
a single Woman, and keep a Shop in this Town for a Livelyhood. There
is a certain Neighbour of mine, who is really agreeable Company
enough, and with whom I have had an Intimacy of some Time standing;
But of late she makes her Visits so excessively often, and stays so
very long every Visit, that I am tir'd out of all Patience. I have
no Manner of Time at all to my self; and you, who seem to be a wise
Man, must needs be sensible that every Person has little Secrets and
Privacies that are not proper to be expos'd even to the nearest
Friend. Now I cannot do the least Thing in the World, but she must
know all about it; and it is a Wonder I have found an Opportunity to
write you this Letter. My Misfortune is, that I respect her very
well, and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her I
should be glad to have less of her Company; for if I should once hint
such a Thing, I am afraid she would resent it so as never to darken
my Door again. -- But, alas, Sir, I have not yet told you half my
Afflictions. She has two Children that are just big enough to run
about and do pretty Mischief: These are continually along with
_Mamma_, either in my Room or Shop, if I have never so many Customers
or People with me about Business. Sometimes they pull the Goods off
my low Shelves down to the Ground, and perhaps where one of them has
just been making Water; My Friend takes up the Stuff, and cries, _Eh!
thou little wicked mischievous Rogue! -- But however, it has done no
great Damage; 'tis only wet a little_; and so puts it up upon the
Shelf again. Sometimes they get to my Cask of Nails behind the
Counter, and divert themselves, to my great Vexation, with mixing my
Ten-penny and Eight-penny and Four-penny together. I Endeavour to
conceal my Uneasiness as much as possible, and with a grave Look go
to Sorting them out. She cries, _Don't thee trouble thy self,
Neighbour: Let them play a little; I'll put all to rights my self
before I go._ But Things are never so put to rights but that I find a
great deal of Work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all
the Trouble and Pesterment of Children, without the Pleasure of --
calling them my own; and they are now so us'd to being here that they
will be content no where else. If she would have been so kind as to
have moderated her Visits to ten times a Day, and stay'd but half an
hour at a Time, I should have been contented, and I believe never
have given you this Trouble: But this very Morning they have so
tormented me that I could bear no longer; For while the Mother was
asking me twenty impertinent Questions, the youngest got to my Nails,
and with great Delight rattled them by handfuls all over the Floor;
and the other at the same Time made such a terrible Din upon my
Counter with a Hammer, that I grew half distracted. I was just then
about to make my self a new Suit of Pinners, but in the Fret and
Confusion I cut it quite out of all Manner of Shape, and utterly
spoil'd a Piece of the first Muslin. Pray, Sir, tell me what I shall
do. And talk a little against such unreasonable Visiting in your
next Paper: Tho' I would not have her affronted with me for a great
Deal, for sincerely I love her and her Children as well I think, as a
Neighbour can, and she buys a great many Things in a Year at my Shop.
But I would beg her to consider that she uses me unmercifully; Tho' I
believe it is only for want of Thought. -- But I have twenty Things
more to tell you besides all this; There is a handsome Gentleman that
has a Mind (I don't question) to make love to me, but he can't get
the least Opportunity to -- : O dear, here she comes again; -- I must
conclude
Yours, &c.
Patience.'
Indeed, 'tis well enough, as it happens, that _she is come_, to
shorten this Complaint which I think is full long enough already, and
probably would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must
confess I cannot help pitying my Correspondent's Case, and in her
Behalf exhort the Visitor to remember and consider the Words of the
Wise Man, _Withdraw thy Foot from the House of thy Neighbour least he
grow weary of thee, and so hate thee._ It is, I believe, a nice thing
and very difficult, to regulate our Visits in such a Manner, as never
to give Offence by coming too seldom, or too often, or departing too
abruptly, or staying too long. However, in my Opinion, it is safest
for most People, in a general way, who are unwilling to disoblige, to
visit seldom, and tarry but a little while in a Place;
notwithstanding pressing Invitations, which are many times insincere.
And tho' more of your Company should be really desir'd; yet in this
Case, too much Reservedness is a Fault more easily excus'd than the
Contrary.
Men are subjected to various Inconveniences meerly through lack
of a small Share of Courage, which is a Quality very necessary in the
common Occurences of Life, as well as in a Battle. How many
Impertinences do we daily suffer with great Uneasiness, because we
have not Courage enough to discover our Dislike? And why may not a
Man use the Boldness and Freedom of telling his Friends that their
long Visits sometimes incommode him? -- On this Occasion, it may be
entertaining to some of my Readers, if I acquaint them with the
_Turkish_ Manner of entertaining Visitors, which I have from an
Author of unquestionable Veracity; who assures us, that even the
Turks are not so ignorant of Civility, and the Arts of Endearment,
but that they can practice them with as much Exactness as any other
Nation, whenever they have a Mind to shew themselves obliging.
`When you visit a Person of Quality, (says he) and have talk'd
over your Business, or the Complements, or whatever Concern brought
you thither, he makes a Sign to have Things serv'd in for the
Entertainment, which is generally, a little Sweetmeat, a Dish of
Sherbet, and another of Coffee; all which are immediately brought in
by the Servants, and tender'd to all the Guests in Order, with the
greatest Care and Awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing
Part of your Entertainment, which is, Perfuming the Beards of the
Company; a Ceremony which is perform'd in this Manner. They have for
the Purpose a small Silver Chaffing-Dish, cover'd with a Lid full of
Holes, and fixed upon a handsome Plate. In this they put some fresh
Coals, and upon them a piece of _Lignum Aloes_, and shutting it up,
the Smoak immediately ascends with a grateful Odour thro' the Holes
of the Cover. This Smoak is held under every one's Chin, and offer'd
as it were a Sacrifice to his Beard. The bristly Idol soon receives
the Reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in and incorporates
the gummy Steam, that it retains the Savour of it, and may serve for
a Nosegay a good while after.
`This Ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing;
but it passes among the _Turks_ for an high Gratification. And I
will say this in its Vindication, that it's Design is very wise and
useful. For it is understood to give a civil Dismission to the
Visitants; intimating to them, that the Master of the House has
Business to do, or some other Avocation, that permits them to go away
as soon as they please; and the sooner after this Ceremony the
better. By this Means you may, at any Time, without Offence, deliver
your self from being detain'd from your Affairs by tedious and
unseasonable Visits; and from being constrain'd to use that Piece of
Hypocrisy so common in the World, of pressing those to stay longer
with you, whom perhaps in your Heart you wish a great Way off for
having troubled you so long already.'
Thus far my Author. For my own Part, I have taken such a Fancy
to this Turkish Custom, that for the future I shall put something
like it in Practice. I have provided a Bottle of right French Brandy
for the Men, and Citron-Water for the Ladies. After I have treated
with a Dram, and presented a Pinch of my best Snuff, I expect all
Company will retire, and leave me to pursue my Studies for the Good
of the Publick.
Advertisement.
_I give Notice that I am now actually compiling, and design to
publish in a short Time, the true History of the Rise, Growth and
Progress of the renowned_ Tiff-Club. _All Persons who are acquainted
with any Facts, Circumstances, Characters, Transactions,_ &c. _which
will be requisite to the Perfecting and Embellishment of the said
Work, are desired to communicate the same to the Author, and direct
their Letters to be left with the Printer hereof._
The Letter sign'd _Would-be-something_ is come to hand.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, February 25, 1728/9
_The Busy-Body, No. 5_
_Vos, O Patricius sanguis, quos vivere fas est
Occipiti caeco, posticae occurrite sannae_. Persius.
This Paper being design'd for a Terror to Evil-Doers, as well
as a Praise to them that do well, I am lifted up with secret Joy to
find that my Undertaking is approved, and encourag'd by the Just and
Good, and that few are against me but those who have Reason to fear
me.
There are little Follies in the Behaviour of most Men, which
their best Friends are too tender to acquaint them with: There are
little Vices and small Crimes which the Law has no Regard to, or
Remedy for: There are likewise great Pieces of Villany sometimes so
craftily accomplish'd, and so circumspectly guarded, that the Law can
take no Hold of the Actors. All these Things, and all Things of this
Nature, come within my Province as _CENSOR_, and I am determined not
to be negligent of the Trust I have reposed in my self, but resolve
to execute my Office diligently and Faithfully.
And that all the World may judge with how much Humanity as well
as Justice I shall behave in this Office; and that even my Enemies
may be convinc'd I take no Delight to rake into the Dunghill Lives of
vicious Men; and to the End that certain Persons may be a little
eas'd of their Fears, and reliev'd from the terrible Palpitations
they have lately felt and suffer'd, and do still suffer; I hereby
graciously pass an Act of general Oblivion, for all Offences, Crimes
and Misdemeanors of what Kind soever, committed from the Beginning of
Year sixteen hundred and eighty one, until the Day of the Date of my
first Paper; and promise only to concern my self with such as have
been since and shall hereafter be committed. I shall take no Notice
who has, (heretofore) rais'd a Fortune by Fraud and Oppression, nor
who by Deceit and Hypocrisy: What Woman has been false to her good
Husband's Bed; nor what Man has, by barbarous Usage or Neglect, broke
the Heart of a faithful Wife, and wasted his Health and Substance in
Debauchery: What base Wretch has betray'd his Friend, and sold his
Honesty for Gold, nor what yet baser Wretch, first corrupted him and
then bought the Bargain: All this, and much more of the same Kind I
shall forget and pass over in Silence; -- but then it is to be
observed that I expect and require a sudden and general Amendment.
These Threatnings of mine I hope will have a good Effect, and,
if regarded, may prevent abundance of Folly and Wickedness in others,
and at the same Time save me abundance of Trouble. And that People
may not flatter themselves with the Hopes of concealing their
Misdemeanours from my Knowledge, and in that View persist in
Evil-doing, I must acquaint them, that I have lately enter'd into an
Intimacy with the extraordinary Person who some Time since wrote me
the following Letter; and who, having a Wonderful Faculty that
enables him to discover the most secret Iniquity, is capable of
giving me great Assistance in my designed Work of Reformation.
_Mr. Busy-Body_.
`I rejoice Sir, at the Opportunity you have given me to be
serviceable to you, and by your Means to this Province. You must
know, that such have been the Circumstances of my Life, and such were
the marvellous Concurrences of my Birth, that I have not only a
Faculty of discovering the Actions of Persons that are absent or
asleep; but even of the Devil himself in many of his secret Workings,
in the various Shapes, Habits and Names of Men and Women. And having
travel'd and conversed much and met but with a very few of the same
Perceptions and Qualifications, I can recommend my Self to you as the
most useful Man you can correspond with. My Father's Father's Father
(for we had no Grandfathers in our Family) was the same _John Bunyan_
that writ that memorable Book _The Pilgrim's Progress_, who had in
some Degree a natural Faculty of _Second Sight_. This Faculty (how
derived to him, our Family Memoirs are not very clear) was enjoy'd by
all his Descendants, but not by equal Talents -- 'Twas very dim in
several of my first Cousins, and probably had been nearly extinct in
our particular Branch, had not my Father been a Traveller -- He lived
in his youthful Days in _New-England_. There he married, and there
was born my elder Brother, who had so much of this Faculty, as to
discover Witches in some of their occult Performances. My Parents
transporting themselves to _Great Britain_ my second Brother's Birth
was in that Kingdom -- He shared but a small Portion of this Virtue,
being only able to discern Transactions about the Time, and for the
most Part after their happening. My good Father, who delighted in
the _Pilgrim's Progress_, and mountainous Places, took Shipping with
his Wife for _Scotland_, and inhabited in the Highlands, where my
Self was born; and whether the Soil, Climate or Astral Influences, of
which are preserved divers Prognosticks, restored our Ancestors
Natural Faculty of _Second Sight_, in a greater Lustre to me than it
had shined in thro' several Generations, I will not here discuss.
But so it is, that I am possess'd largely of it, and design if you
encourage the Proposal, to take this Opportunity of doing good with
it, which I question not will be accepted of in a grateful Way, by
many of your honest Readers, Tho' the Discovery of my Extraction
bodes me no Deference from your great Scholars and modern
Philosophers. This my Father was long ago aware of, and lest the
Name alone should hurt the Fortunes of his Children; he in his
Shiftings from one Country to another wisely changed it.
`Sir, I have only this further to say, how I may be useful to
you & as a Reason for my not making my Self more known in the World:
By Virtue of this Great Gift of Nature _Second-Sightedness_. I do
continually see Numbers of Men, Women and Children of all Ranks, and
what they are doing, while I am sitting in my Closet; which is too
great a Burthen for the Mind, and makes me also conceit even against
Reason, that all this Host of People can see and observe me, which
strongly inclines me to Solitude and an obscure Living; and on the
other Hand, it will be an Ease to me to disburthen my Thoughts and
Observations in the Way proposed to you by, Sir, your Friend, and
humble Servant. ------ '
I conceal this Correspondent's Name in my Care for his Life and
Safety, and cannot but approve his Prudence in chusing to live
obscurely. I remember the Fate of my poor Monkey: He had an
ill-natur'd Trick of grinning and chattering at every Thing he saw in
Pettycoats. My ignorant Country Neighbours got a Notion that _Pugg_
snarl'd by instinct at every Female who had lost her Virginity. This
was no sooner generally believ'd than he was condemn'd to Death; By
whom I could never learn, but he was assassinated in the Night,
barbarously stabb'd and mangled in a Thousand Places, and left
hanging dead on one of my Gate posts, where I found him the next
Morning.
_The_ Censor _observing that the_ Itch of Scribbling _begins to
spread exceedingly, and being carefully tender of the Reputation of
his Country in Point of_ Wit _and_ Good Sense, _has determined to
take all manner of Writings, in Verse or Prose, that pretend to
either, under his immediate Cognizance; and accordingly hereby
prohibits the Publishing any such for the future, 'till they have
first pass'd his Examination, and receiv'd his_ Imprimatur. _For
which he demands as a Fee only 6_ d. _per Sheet_.
N. B. _He nevertheless permits to be published all Satyrical
Remarks on the_ Busy-Body, _the above Prohibition notwithstanding,
and without Examination, or requiring the said Fees: which Indulgence
the small Wits in and about this City are advised gratefully to
accept and acknowledge.
_The Gentleman who calls himself_ Sirronio, _is directed, on
the Receipt of this, to burn his great Book of_ Crudities.
P. S. _In Compassion to that young Man on Account of the great
Pains he has taken; in Consideration of the Character I have just
receiv'd of him, that he is really_ _Good-natured; _and on Condition
he shows it to no Foreigner or Stranger of Sense, I have thought fit
to reprieve his said_ _great Book of Crudities _from the Flames,
'till further Order_.
_Noli me tangere_.
I had resolved when I first commenc'd this Design, on no
Account to enter into a publick Dispute with any Man; for I judg'd it
would be equally unpleasant to me and my Readers, to see this Paper
fill'd with contentious Wrangling, Answers, Replies, _&c_. which is a
Way of Writing that is Endless, and at the same time seldom contains
any Thing that is either edifying or entertaining. Yet when such a
considerable Man as Mr. ------ finds himself concern'd so warmly to
accuse and condemn me, as he has done in _Keimer_'s last
_Instructor_, I cannot forbear endeavouring to say something in my
own Defence, from one of the worst of Characters that could be given
of me by a Man of Worth. But as I have many Things of more
Consequence to offer the Publick, I declare that I will never, after
this Time, take Notice of any Accusations not better supported with
Truth and Reason; much less may every little Scribbler, that shall
attack me, expect an Answer from the _Busy-Body_.
The Sum of the _Charge deliver'd_ against me, either directly
or indirectly in the said Paper, is this. Not to mention the first
weighty Sentence concerning _Vanity and Ill-Nature_, and the shrew'd
Intimation _that I am without Charity, and therefore can have no
Pretence to Religion_, I am represented as guilty of _Defamation and
Scandal, the Odiousness of which is apparent to every good Man, and
the Practice of it opposite to Christianity, Morality, and common
Justice, and in some Cases so far below all these as to be inhumane_.
As a _Blaster of Reputations_. As _attempting by a Pretence to
screen my Self from the Imputation of Malice and Prejudice_. As
_using a Weapon which the Wiser and better Part of Mankind hold in
Abhorrence_: And as _giving Treatment which the wiser and better Part
of Mankind dislike on the same Principles, and for the same Reason as
they do Assassination_. &c, And all this, is infer'd and concluded
from a Character I wrote in my Number 3.
In order to examine the Justice and Truth of this heavy Charge,
let us recur to that Character. -- And here we may be surpriz'd to
find what a Trifle has rais'd this mighty Clamour and Complaint, this
Grievous Accusation! -- The worst Thing said of the Person, in what
is called my gross Description, (be he who he will to whom my Accuser
has apply'd the Character of _Cretico_) is, that he is a _sower
Philosopher, crafty, but not wise_: Few Humane Characters can be
drawn that will not fit some body, in so large a Country as this; But
one would think, supposing I meant _Cretico_ a real Person, I had
sufficiently manifested my impartiality, when I said in that very
Paragraph, _That_ Cretico _is not without Virtue; that there are MANY
good Things in him, and MANY good Actions reported of him_; Which
must be allow'd in all Reason, very much to overballance in his
Favour those worst Words, _sowre Temper'd_ and _cunning_. Nay my
very Enemy and Accuser must have been sensible of this, when he
freely acknowledges, _that he has been seriously considering, and
cannot yet determine, which he would chuse to be, the_ Cato _or_
Cretico _of that Paper_: Since my _Cato_ is one of the best of
Characters.
Thus much in my own Vindication. As to the _only reasons_
there given why I ought not to continue drawing Characters, viz.
_Why should any Man's Picture be published which he never sat for; or
his good Name taken from him any more than his Money or Possessions
at the arbitrary Will of another,_ &c? I have but this to answer.
The Money or Possessions I presume are nothing to the Purpose, since
no Man can claim a Right either to those or a good Name, if he has
acted so as to forfeit them. And are not the Publick the only Judges
what Share of Reputation they think proper to allow any Man? --
Supposing I was capable, and had an Inclination to draw all the good
and bad Characters in _America_; Why should a good Man be offended
with me for drawing good Characters? And if I draw Ill Ones, can
they fit any but those that deserve them? And ought any _but such_
to be concern'd that they have their Deserts? I have as great an
Aversion and Abhorrence from Defamation and Scandal as any Man, and
would with the utmost Care avoid being guilty of such base Things:
Besides I am very sensible and certain, that if I should make use of
this Paper to defame any Person, my Reputation would be sooner hurt
by it than his, and the _Busy-Body_ would quickly become detestable;
because in such a Case, as is justly observ'd, _The Pleasure arising
from a Taste of Wit and Novelty soon dies away in generous and Honest
Minds, and is follow'd with a secret Grief to see their Neighbours
calumniated_. But if I my self was actually the worst Man in the
Province, and any one should draw my true Character, would it not be
ridiculous in me to say, _he had defam'd and scandaliz'd me_; unless
added, _in a Matter of Truth_? -- If any Thing is meant by asking,
_Why any Man's Picture should be publish'd which he never sate for?_
It must be, that we should give no Character without the Owner's
Consent. If I discern the Wolf disguis'd in harmless Wool, and
contriving the Destruction of my Neighbour's Sheep, must I have his
Permission before I am allow'd to discover and prevent him? If I
know a Man to be a designing Knave, must I ask his Consent to bid my
Friends beware of him? If so, Then by the same Rule, supposing the
_Busy-Body_ had really merited all his Enemy has charg'd him with,
his Consent likewise ought to have been obtain'd before so terrible
an Accusation was published against him.
I shall conclude with observing, that in the last Paragraph
save one of the Piece now examin'd, much _ILL-NATURE_ and some Good
Sense are _Co-inhabitants_, (as he expresses it.) The _Ill Nature_
appears, in his endeavouring to discover Satyr, where I intended no
such Thing, but quite the Reverse: The good Sense is this, _that
drawing too good a Character of any one, is a refined Manner of Satyr
that may be as injurious to him as the contrary, by bringing on an
Examination that undresses the Person, and in the Haste of doing it,
he may happen to be stript of what he really owns and deserves_. As
I am _Censor_, I might punish the first, but I forgive it. Yet I
will not leave the latter unrewarded; but assure my Adversary, that
in Consideration of the Merit of those four Lines, I am resolved to
forbear _injuring_ him on any Account in that _refined Manner_.
_I thank my Neighbour_ P -- w -- l _for his kind Letter_. The
Lions complain'd of shall be muzzled.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, March 4, 1728/9
_The Busy-Body, No. 8_
------ _Quid non mortalia Pectora cogis
Auri sacra Fames!_ Virgil.
One of the greatest Pleasures an Author can have is
certainly the Hearing his Works applauded. The hiding from the World
our Names while we publish our Thoughts, is so absolutely necessary
to this Self-Gratification, that I hope my Well-wishers will
congratulate me on my Escape from the many diligent, but fruitless
Enquires that have of late been made after me. Every Man will own,
That an Author, as such, ought to be try'd by the Merit of his
Productions only; but Pride, Party, and Prejudice at this Time run so
very high, that Experience shews we form our Notions of a Piece by
the Character of the Author. Nay there are some very humble
Politicians in and about this City, who will ask on which Side the
Writer is, before they presume to give their Opinion of the Thing
wrote. This ungenerous Way of Proceeding I was well aware of before
I publish'd my first Speculation; and therefore concealed my Name.
And I appeal to the more generous Part of the World, if I have since
I appear'd in the Character of the _Busy-Body_ given an Instance of
my siding with any Party more than another, in the unhappy Divisions
of my Country; and I have above all, this Satisfaction in my Self,
That neither Affection, Aversion or Interest, have byass'd me to use
any Partiality towards any Man, or Sett of Men; but whatsoever I find
nonsensically ridiculous, or immorally dishonest, I have, and shall
continue openly to attack with the Freedom of an honest Man, and a
Lover of my Country.
I profess I can hardly contain my Self, or preserve the Gravity
and Dignity that should attend the _Censorial-Office_, when I hear
the odd and unaccountable Expositions that are put upon some of my
Works, thro' the malicious Ignorance of some, and the vain Pride of
more than ordinary Penetration in others; one Instance of which many
of my Readers are acquainted with. A certain Gentleman has taken a
great Deal of Pains to write a _KEY_ to the Letter in my _No._ 4.
wherein he has ingeniously converted a gentle Satyr upon tedious and
impertinent Visitants into a Libel on some in the Government: This I
mention only as a Specimen of the Taste of the Gentlemen, I am
forsooth, bound to please in my Speculations, not that I suppose my
Impartiality will ever be called in Question upon that Account.
Injustices of this Nature I could complain of in many Instancies; but
I am at present diverted by the Reception of a Letter, which tho' it
regards me only in my Private Capacity, as an Adept, yet I venture to
publish it for the Entertainment of my Readers.
To CENSOR MORUM, _Esq_; _Busy-Body_ General of the Province of
_Pennsylvania_, and the Counties of _Newcastle_, _Kent_, and
_Sussex_, upon _Delaware_.
_Honourable Sir,_
`I judge by your Lucubrations, that you are not only a Lover of
Truth and Equity, but a Man of Parts and Learning, and a Master of
Science; as such I honour you. Know then, _Most profound Sir_, That
I have from my Youth up, been a very indefatigable Student in, and
Admirer of that Divine Science, _Astrology_. I have read over
_Scot_, _Albertus Magnus_, and _Cornelius Agrippa_ above 300 Times;
and was in hopes by my Knowledge and Industry, to gain enough to have
recompenced me for my Money expended, and Time lost in the Pursuit of
this Learning. You cannot be ignorant _Sir_, (for your intimate
_Second sighted_ Correspondent knows all Things) that there are large
Sums of Money hidden under Ground in divers Places about this Town,
and in many Parts of the Country; But alas, Sir, Notwithstanding I
have used all the Means laid down in the _immortal Authors_
before-mentioned, and when they fail'd, the ingenious Mr. _P -- d --
l_ with his _Mercurial Wand_ and _Magnet_, I have still fail'd in my
Purpose. This therefore I send to Propose and desire an Acquaintance
with you, and I do not doubt, notwithstanding my repeated
Ill-Fortune, but we may be exceedingly serviceable to each other in
our Discoveries; and that if we use our united Endeavours, the Time
will come when the _Busy-Body_, his _Second-sighted Correspondent_,
and _your very humble Servant_, will be Three of the richest Men in
the Province: And then Sir, what may not we do? _A Word to the Wise
is sufficient,_
I conclude with all demonstrable Respect,
Yours, and _Urania_'s Votary,
_Titan Pleiades_.'
In the Evening after I had received this Letter, I made a Visit
to my _Second-sighted_ Friend, and communicated to him the Proposal.
When he had read it, he assur'd me, that to his certain Knowledge
there is not at this Time so much as one Ounce of Silver or Gold hid
under Ground in any Part of this Province, For that the late and
present Scarcity of Money had obliged those who were living, and knew
where they had formerly hid any, to take it up, and use it in their
own necessary Affairs: And as to all the Rest which was buried by
Pyrates and others in old Times, who were never like to come for it,
he himself had long since dug it all up and applied it to charitable
Uses, And this he desired me to publish for general Good. For, as he
acquainted me, There are among us great Numbers of honest Artificers
and labouring People, who fed with a vain Hope of growing suddenly
rich, neglect their Business, almost to the ruining of themselves and
Families, and voluntarily endure abundance of Fatigue in a fruitless
Search after Imaginary hidden Treasure. They wander thro' the Woods
and Bushes by Day, to discover the Marks and Signs; at Midnight they
repair to the hopeful Spot with Spades and Pickaxes; full of
Expectation they labour violently, trembling at the same Time in
every Joint, thro' Fear of certain malicious Demons who are said to
haunt and guard such Places. At length a mighty hole is dug, and
perhaps several Cart-loads of Earth thrown out, but alas, no Cag or
Iron Pot is found! no Seaman's Chest cram'd with Spanish Pistoles, or
weighty Pieces of Eight! Then they conclude, that thro' some Mistake
in the Procedure, some rash Word spoke, or some Rule of Art
neglected, the Guardian Spirit had Power to sink it deeper into the
Earth and convey it out of their Reach. Yet when a Man is once thus
infatuated, he is so far from being discouraged by ill Success, that
he is rather animated to double his Industry, and will try again and
again in a Hundred Different Places, in Hopes at last of meeting with
some lucky Hit, that shall at once Sufficiently reward him for all
his Expence of Time and Labour.
This odd Humour of Digging for Money thro' a Belief that much
has been hid by Pirates formerly frequenting the River, has for
several Years been mighty prevalent among us; insomuch that you can
hardly walk half a Mile out of Town on any Side, without observing
several Pits dug with that Design, and perhaps some lately opened.
Men, otherwise of very good Sense, have been drawn into this Practice
thro' an over weening Desire of sudden Wealth, and an easy Credulity
of what they so earnestly wish'd might be true. While the rational
and almost certain Methods of acquiring Riches by Industry and
Frugality are neglected or forgotten. There seems to be some
peculiar Charm in the conceit of _finding_ Money; and if the Sands of
_Schuylkil_ were so much mixed with small Grains of Gold, that a Man
might in a Day's Time with Care and Application get together to the
Value of half a Crown, I make no Question but we should find several
People employ'd there, that can with Ease earn Five Shillings a Day
at their proper Trades.
Many are the idle Stories told of the private Success of some
People, by which others are encouraged to proceed; and the
Astrologers, with whom the Country swarms at this Time, are either in
the Belief of these things themselves, or find their Advantage in
persuading others to believe them; for they are often consulted about
the critical Times for Digging, the Methods of laying the Spirit, and
the like Whimseys, which renders them very necessary to and very much
caress'd by the poor deluded _Money-hunters_.
There is certainly something very bewitching in the Pursuit
after Mines of Gold and Silver, and other valuable Metals; And many
have been ruined by it. A Sea Captain of my Acquaintance used to
blame the _English_ for envying _Spain_ their Mines of Silver; and
too much despising or overlooking the Advantages of their own
Industry and Manufactures. For my Part, says he, I esteem the Banks
of _Newfoundland_ to be a more valuable Possession than the Mountains
of _Potosi_; and when I have been there on the Fishing Account, have
look'd upon every Cod puli'd up into the Vessel as a certain Quantity
of Silver Ore, which required only carrying to the next _Spanish_
Port to be coin'd into Pieces of Eight; not to mention the _National
Profit_ of fitting out and Employing such a Number of Ships and
Seamen. Let honest _Peter Buckrum_, who has long without Success
been a Searcher after hidden Money, reflect on this, and be reclaimed
from that unaccountable Folly. Let him consider that every Stitch he
takes when he is on his Shop-board, is picking up part of a Grain of
Gold that will in a few Days Time amount to a Pistole; And let
_Faber_ think the same of every Nail he drives, or every Stroke with
his Plain. Such Thoughts may make them industrious, and of
consequence in Time they may be Wealthy. But how absurd is it to
neglect a certain Profit for such a ridiculous Whimsey: To spend
whole Days at the _George_, in company with an idle Pretender to
Astrology, contriving Schemes to discover what was never hidden, and
forgetful how carelessly Business is managed at Home in their
Absence: To leave their Wives and a warm Bed at Midnight (no matter
if it rain, hail, snow or blow a Hurricane, provided that be the
critical Hour) and fatigue themselves with the Violent Exercise of
Digging for what they shall never find, and perhaps getting a Cold
that may cost their Lives, or at least disordering themselves so as
to be fit for no Business beside for some Days after. Surely this is
nothing less than the most egregious Folly and Madness.
I shall conclude with the Words of my discreet Friend
_Agricola_, of _Chester_-County, when he gave his Son a Good
Plantation, _My Son,_ says he, _I give thee now a Valuable Parcel of
Land; I assure thee I have found a considerable Quantity of Gold by
Digging there; -- Thee mayst do the same. -- But thee must carefully
observe this, Never to dig more than Plow-deep_.
_Monday Night, March_ 24.
I have received Letters lately from several considerable Men,
earnestly urging me to write on the Subject of _Paper-Money_; and
containing very severe Reflections on some Gentlemen, who are said to
be Opposers of that Currency. I must desire to be excus'd if I
decline publishing any Thing lent to me at this Juncture, that may
add Fuel to the Flame, or aggravate that Management that has already
sufficiently exasperated the Minds of the People. The Subject of
_Paper Currency_ is in it self very intricate, and I believe,
understood by Few; I mean as to its Consequences _in Futurum_: And
tho' much might be said on that Head, I apprehend it to be the less
necessary for me to handle it at this Time, because _EXPERIENCE_,
(more prevalent than all the _Logic_ in the World) has fully
convinced us all, that it has been, and is now of the greatest
Advantage to the Country: Not only those who were once doubtful are
intirely of this Opinion, but the very Gentlemen who were at first
most violent Enemies to that _Currency_, have lately, (particularly
about the Time of the last Election) declared, freely, both in
private Conversation, and publickly in Print, _That they now are
heartily for it; that they are sensible it has been a great Benefit
to the Country; and that it has not now one Opponent that they know
of._ They have likewise assured us, _That the Governour is a zealous
Friend to it_; and I do not understand that any material Reason is
given for the Additional Bill's not passing, but this. _That it is
contrary to the Constituents Orders from Home_. If this be the Case,
I see nothing further in it but this; that those Gentlemen who in
their Zeal for the Good of their Country, formerly oppos'd
_Paper-Money_, when they thought it would prove hurtful, and by their
powerful Representations procured those Orders from Home, but now
being better acquainted with its Usefulness, and sensible how much it
is to our Advantage to have such a Currency, are become hearty
Friends to it; I say, nothing remains, but that those Gentlemen join
as heartily with the Representative Body of the Country to endeavour,
by different Representations, a Revocation of those Orders: And in
the mean Time, as it is certain They would be pleased at Home to see
this Province in Prosperity, so without Doubt there is no Man so
unreasonable among them, supposing that Act should now pass, as to
imagine, that the whole Country united is entirely ignorant of its
own true Interest. And the Interest of the Country is the same, I
presume, with that of the Proprietary.
'Tis true indeed, I am not satisfied that it is for our
Advantage to rest contented with _Paper-Money_ for ever, without
endeavouring to recover our Silver and Gold; which may be done
without much Difficulty, (as I shall shew in some future Papers) if
those who have the Management of Publick Affairs should have no
Interests to pursue separate from those of their Country. Yet at
this Time it seems absolutely necessary to have a large Additional
Sum struck for the Relief of the People in their present miserable
Circumstances, and until such Methods of Trade are thought on, and
put in Practice, as will make that Currency needless; which I hope
the Legislature will as soon as possible take into their
Consideration. And in the mean Time I cannot but think it
commendable in every honest _Thinking_ Man, to publish his Sentiments
on this Head, to the End such Methods may be chose and fallen upon as
will appear most conducive.
Unhappy is the Case of that good Gentleman, our Governor, who
sees a flourishing Province sinking under his Administration into the
most wretched and deplorable Circumstances; and while no Good-will is
wanting in him to wards us and our Welfare, finds his Hands are tyed,
and that without deviating from his Instructions, it is not in his
Power to help us. The whole Country is at this Instant filled with
the greatest Heat and Animosity; and if there are yet among us any
Opposers of a _Paper-Currency_, it is probable the Resentments of the
People point at them; and tho' I must earnestly exhort my Countrymen
to Peace and Quietness, for that publick Disturbances are seldom
known to be attended with any good Consequence; yet I cannot but
think it would be highly prudent in those Gentlemen with all
Expedition to publish such Vindications of themselves and their
Actions, as will sufficiently clear them in the Eyes of all
reasonable Men, from the Imputation of having a Design to engross the
Property of the Country, and make themselves and their Posterity
Lords, and the Bulk of the Inhabitants their Tenants and Vassals;
which Design they are everywhere openly accused of. And such a
Vindication is the more necessary at this Time, because if the People
are once convinced there is no such Scheme on Foot, (and Truth
without Doubt will prevail) it may exceedingly tend to the Settlement
of their Minds, the Abatement of their Heats, and the Establishment
of Peace, Love, and Unity, and all the Social Virtues.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, March 27, 1729
_A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a
Paper-Currency_
There is no Science, the Study of which is more useful and
commendable than the Knowledge of the true Interest of one's Country;
and perhaps there is no Kind of Learning more abstruse and intricate,
more difficult to acquire in any Degree of Perfection than This, and
therefore none more generally neglected. Hence it is, that we every
Day find Men in Conversation contending warmly on some Point in
Politicks, which, altho' it may nearly concern them both, neither of
them understand any more than they do each other.
Thus much by way of Apology for this present _Enquiry into the
Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. And if any Thing I shall
say, may be a Means of fixing a Subject that is now the chief Concern
of my Countrymen, in a clearer Light, I shall have the Satisfaction
of thinking my Time and Pains well employed.
To proceed, then,
_There is a certain proportionate Quantity of Money requisite
to carry on the Trade of a Country freely and currently; More than
which would be of no Advantage in Trade, and Less, if much less,
exceedingly detrimental to it._
This leads us to the following general Considerations.
First, _A great Want of Money in any Trading Country, occasions
Interest to be at a very high Rate_. And here it may be observed,
that it is impossible by any Laws to restrain Men from giving and
receiving exorbitant Interest, where Money is suitably scarce: For he
that wants Money will find out Ways to give 10 _per Cent_. when he
cannot have it for less, altho' the Law forbids to take more than 6
_per Cent._ Now the Interest of Money being high is prejudicial to a
Country several Ways: It makes Land bear a low Price, because few Men
will lay out their Money in Land, when they can make a much greater
Profit by lending it out upon Interest: And much less will Men be
inclined to venture their Money at Sea, when they can, without Risque
or Hazard, have a great and certain Profit by keeping it at home;
thus Trade is discouraged. And if in two Neigbouring Countries the
Traders of one, by Reason of a greater Plenty of Money, can borrow it
to trade with at a lower Rate than the Traders of the other, they
will infallibly have the Advantage, and get the greatest Part of that
Trade into their own Hands; For he that trades with Money he hath
borrowed at 8 or 10 _per Cent._ cannot hold Market with him that
borrows his Money at 6 or 4. -- On the contrary, _A plentiful
Currency will occasion Interest to be low:_ And this will be an
Inducement to many to lay out their Money in Lands, rather than put
it out to Use, by which means Land will begin to rise in Value and
bear a better Price: And at the same Time it will tend to enliven
Trade exceedingly, because People will find more Profit in employing
their Money that Way than in Usury; and many that understand Business
very well, but have not a Stock sufficient of their own, will be
encouraged to borrow Money to trade with, when they can have it at
moderate Interest.
Secondly, _Want of Money in a Country reduces the Price of that
Part of its Produce which is used in Trade:_ Because Trade being
discouraged by it as above, there is a much less Demand for that
Produce. And this is another Reason why Land in such a Case will be
low, especially where the Staple Commodity of the Country is the
immediate Produce of the Land, because that Produce being low, fewer
People find an Advantage in Husbandry, or the Improvement of Land. --
On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will occasion the Trading
Produce to bear a good Price:_ Because Trade being encouraged and
advanced by it, there will be a much greater Demand for that Produce;
which will be a great Encouragement of Husbandry and Tillage, and
consequently make Land more valuable, for that many People would
apply themselves to Husbandry, who probably might otherwise have
sought some more profitable Employment.
As we have already experienced how much the Increase of our
Currency by what Paper Money has been made, has encouraged our Trade;
particularly to instance only in one Article, _Ship-Building_; it may
not be amiss to observe under this Head, what a great Advantage it
must be to us as a Trading Country, that has Workmen and all the
Materials proper for that Business within itself, to have
_Ship-Building_ as much as possible advanced: For every Ship that is
built here for the _English_ Merchants, gains the Province her clear
Value in Gold and Silver, which must otherwise have been sent Home
for Returns in her Stead; and likewise, every Ship built in and
belonging to the Province, not only saves the Province her first
Cost, but all the Freight, Wages and Provisions she ever makes or
requires as long as she lasts; provided Care is taken to make This
her _Pay Port_, and that she always takes Provisions with her for the
whole Voyage, which may easily be done. And how considerable an
Article this is yearly in our Favour, every one, the least acquainted
with mercantile Affairs, must needs be sensible; for if we could not
Build our selves, we must either purchase so many Vessels as we want
from other Countries, or else Hire them to carry our Produce to
Market, which would be more expensive than Purchasing, and on many
other Accounts exceedingly to our Loss. Now as Trade in general will
decline where there is not a plentiful Currency, so _Ship-Building_
must certainly of Consequence decline where Trade is declining.
Thirdly, _Want of Money in a Country discourages Labouring and
Handicrafts Men (which are the chief Strength and Support of a
People) from coming to settle in it, and induces many that were
settled to leave the Country, and seek Entertainment and Employment
in other Places, where they can be better paid_. For what can be
more disheartning to an industrious labouring Man, than this, that
after he hath earned his Bread with the Sweat of his Brows, he must
spend as much Time, and have near as much Fatigue in getting it, as
he had to earn it. _And nothing makes more bad Paymasters than a
general Scarcity of Money_. And here again is a Third Reason for
Land's bearing a low Price in such a Country, because Land always
increases in Value in Proportion with the Increase of the People
settling on it, there being so many more Buyers; and its Value will
infallibly be diminished, if the Number of its Inhabitants diminish.
-- On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will encourage great
Numbers of Labouring and Handicrafts Men to come and Settle in the
Country_, by the same Reason that a Want of it will discourage and
drive them out. Now the more Inhabitants, the greater Demand for
Land (as is said above) upon which it must necessarily rise in Value,
and bear a better Price. The same may be said of the Value of
House-Rent, which will be advanced for the same Reasons; and by the
Increase of Trade and Riches People will be enabled to pay greater
Rents. Now the Value of House-Rent rising, and Interest becoming
low, many that in a Scarcity of Money practised Usury, will probably
be more inclined to Building; which will likewise sensibly enliven
Business in any Place; it being an Advantage not only to
_Brickmakers_, _Bricklayers_, _Masons_, _Carpenters_, _Joiners_,
_Glaziers_, and several other Trades immediately employ'd by
Building, but likewise to _Farmers_, _Brewers_, _Bakers_, _Taylors_,
_Shoemakers_, _Shop-keepers_, and in short to every one that they lay
their Money out with.
Fourthly, _Want of Money in such a Country as ours, occasions a
greater Consumption of_ English _and_ European _Goods, in Proportion
to the Number of the People, than there would otherwise be._ Because
Merchants and Traders, by whom abundance of Artificers and labouring
Men are employed, finding their other Affairs require what Money they
can get into their hands, oblige those who work for them to take one
half, or perhaps two thirds Goods in Pay. By this Means a greater
Quantity of Goods are disposed of, and to a greater Value; because
Working Men and their Families are thereby induced to be more profuse
and extravagant in fine Apparel and the like, than they would be if
they were obliged to pay ready Money for such Things after they had
earn'd and received it, or if such Goods were not imposed upon them,
of which they can make no other Use: For such People cannot send the
Goods they are paid with to a Foreign Market, without losing
considerably by having them sold for less than they stand 'em in
here; neither can they easily dispose of them at Home, because their
Neighbours are generally supplied in the same Manner; But how
unreasonable would it be, if some of those very Men who _have been a
Means_ of thus forcing People into unnecessary Expence, should be the
first and most earnest in accusing them of _Pride and Prodigality._
Now tho' this extraordinary Consumption of Foreign Commodities may be
a Profit to particular Men, yet the Country in general grows poorer
by it apace. -- On the contrary, As _A plentiful Currency will
occasion a less Consumption of_ European _Goods, in Proportion to the
Number of the People,_ so it will be a means of making the Balance of
our Trade more equal than it now is, if it does not give it in our
Favour; because our own Produce will be encouraged at the same Time.
And it is to be observed, that tho' less Foreign Commodities are
consumed in Proportion to the Number of People, yet this will be no
Disadvantage to the Merchant, because the Number of People
increasing, will occasion an increasing Demand of more Foreign Goods
in the Whole.
Thus we have seen some of the many heavy Disadvantages a
Country (especially such a Country as ours) must labour under, when
it has not a sufficient Stock of running Cash to manage its Trade
currently. And we have likewise seen some of the Advantages which
accrue from having Money sufficient, or a Plentiful Currency.
The foregoing Paragraphs being well considered, we shall
naturally be led to draw the following Conclusions with Regard to
what Persons will probably be for or against Emitting a large
Additional Sum of Paper Bills in this Province.
1. Since Men will always be powerfully influenced in their
Opinions and Actions by what appears to be their particular Interest:
Therefore all those, who wanting Courage to venture in Trade, now
practise Lending Money on Security for exorbitant Interest, which in
a Scarcity of Money will be done notwithstanding the Law, I say all
such will probably be against a large Addition to our present Stock
of Paper-Money; because a plentiful Currency will lower Interest, and
make it common to lend on less Security.
2. All those who are Possessors of large Sums of Money, and are
disposed to purchase Land, which is attended with a great and sure
Advantage in a growing Country as this is; I say, the Interest of all
such Men will encline them to oppose a large Addition to our Money.
Because their Wealth is now continually increasing by the large
Interest they receive, which will enable them (if they can keep Land
from rising) to purchase More some time hence than they can at
present; and in the mean time all Trade being discouraged, not only
those who borrow of them, but the Common People in general will be
impoverished, and consequently obliged to sell More Land for less
Money than they will do at present. And yet, after such Men are
possessed of as much Land as they can purchase, it will then be their
Interest to have Money made Plentiful, because that will immediately
make Land rise in Value in _their_ Hands. Now it ought not to be
wonder'd at, if People from the Knowledge of a Man's Interest do
sometimes make a true Guess at his Designs; for, _Interest_, they
say, _will not Lie._
3. Lawyers, and others concerned in Court Business, will
probably many of them be against a plentiful Currency; because People
in that Case will have less Occasion to run in Debt, and consequently
less Occasion to go to Law and Sue one another for their Debts. Tho'
I know some even among these Gentlemen, that regard the Publick Good
before their own apparent private Interest.
4. All those who are any way Dependants on such Persons as are
above mentioned, whether as holding Offices, as Tenants, or as
Debtors, must at least _appear_ to be against a large Addition;
because if they do not, they must sensibly feel their present
Interest hurt. And besides these, there are, doubtless, many
well-meaning Gentlemen and Others, who, without any immediate private
Interest of their own in View, are against making such an Addition,
thro' an Opinion they may have of the Honesty and sound Judgment of
some of their Friends that oppose it, (perhaps for the Ends
aforesaid) without having given it any thorough Consideration
themselves. And thus it is no Wonder if there is a _powerful_ Party
on that Side.
On the other Hand, Those who are Lovers of Trade, and delight
to see Manufactures encouraged, will be for having a large Addition
to our Currency: For they very well know, that People will have
little Heart to advance Money in Trade, when what they can get is
scarce sufficient to purchase Necessaries, and supply their Families
with Provision. Much less will they lay it out in advancing new
Manufactures; nor is it possible new Manufactures should turn to any
Account, where there is not Money to pay the Workmen, who are
discouraged by being paid in Goods, because it is a great
Disadvantage to them.
Again, Those who are truly for the Proprietor's Interest (and
have no separate Views of their own that are predominant) will be
heartily for a large Addition: Because, as I have shewn above, Plenty
of Money will for several Reasons make Land rise in Value
exceedingly: And I appeal to those immediately concerned for the
Proprietor in the Sale of his Lands, whether Land has not risen very
much since the first Emission of what Paper Currency we now have, and
even by its Means. Now we all know the Proprietary has great
Quantities to sell.
And since a Plentiful Currency will be so great a Cause of
advancing this Province in Trade and Riches, and increasing the
Number of its People; which, tho' it will not sensibly lessen the
Inhabitants of _Great Britain_, will occasion a much greater Vent and
Demand for their Commodities here; and allowing that the Crown is the
more powerful for its Subjects increasing in Wealth and Number, I
cannot think it the Interest of _England_ to oppose us in making as
great a Sum of Paper Money here, as we, who are the best Judges of
our own Necessities, find convenient. And if I were not sensible
that the Gentlemen of Trade in _England_, to whom we have already
parted with our Silver and Gold, are misinformed of our
Circumstances, and therefore endeavour to have our Currency stinted
to what it now is, I should think the Government at Home had some
Reasons for discouraging and impoverishing this Province, which we
are not acquainted with.
It remains now that we enquire, _Whether a large Addition to
our Paper Currency will not make it sink in Value very much;_ And
here it will be requisite that we first form just Notions of the
Nature and Value of Money in general.
As Providence has so ordered it, that not only different
Countries, but even different Parts of the same Country, have their
peculiar most suitable Productions; and likewise that different Men
have Genius's adapted to Variety of different Arts and Manufactures,
Therefore _Commerce_, or the Exchange of one Commodity or Manufacture
for another, is highly convenient and beneficial to Mankind. As for
Instance, _A_ may be skilful in the Art of making Cloth, and _B_
understand the raising of Corn; _A_ wants Corn, and _B_ Cloth; upon
which they make an Exchange with each other for as much as each has
Occasion, to the mutual Advantage and Satisfaction of both.
But as it would be very tedious, if there were no other Way of
general Dealing, but by an immediate Exchange of Commodities; because
a Man that had Corn to dispose of, and wanted Cloth for it, might
perhaps in his Search for a Chapman to deal with, meet with twenty
People that had Cloth to dispose of, but wanted no Corn; and with
twenty others that wanted his Corn, but had no Cloth to suit him
with. To remedy such Inconveniences, and facilitate Exchange, Men
have invented MONEY, properly called a _Medium of Exchange_, because
through or by its Means Labour is exchanged for Labour, or one
Commodity for another. And whatever particular Thing Men have agreed
to make this Medium of, whether Gold, Silver, Copper, or Tobacco; it
is, to those who possess it (if they want any Thing) that very Thing
which they want, because it will immediately procure it for them. It
is Cloth to him that wants Cloth, and Corn to those that want Corn;
and so of all other Necessaries, it _is_ whatsoever it will procure.
Thus he who had Corn to dispose of, and wanted to purchase Cloth with
it, might sell his Corn for its Value in this general Medium, to one
who wanted Corn but had no Cloth; and with this Medium he might
purchase Cloth of him that wanted no Corn, but perhaps some other
Thing, as Iron it may be, which this Medium will immediately procure,
and so he may be said to have exchanged his Cloth for Iron; and thus
the general Exchange is soon performed, to the Satisfaction of all
Parties, with abundance of Facility.
For many Ages, those Parts of the World which are engaged in
Commerce, have fixed upon Gold and Silver as the chief and most
proper Materials for this Medium; they being in themselves valuable
Metals for their Fineness, Beauty, and Scarcity. By these,
particularly by Silver, it has been usual to value all Things else:
But as Silver it self is of no certain permanent Value, being worth
more or less according to its Scarcity or Plenty, therefore it seems
requisite to fix upon Something else, more proper to be made a
_Measure of Values_, and this I take to be _Labour._
By Labour may the Value of Silver be measured as well as other
Things. As, Suppose one Man employed to raise Corn, while another is
digging and refining Silver; at the Year's End, or at any other
Period of Time, the compleat Produce of Corn, and that of Silver, are
the natural Price of each other; and if one be twenty Bushels, and
the other twenty Ounces, then an Ounce of that Silver is worth the
Labour of raising a Bushel of that Corn. Now if by the Discovery of
some nearer, more easy or plentiful Mines, a Man may get Forty Ounces
of Silver as easily as formerly he did Twenty, and the same Labour is
still required to raise Twenty Bushels of Corn, then Two Ounces of
Silver will be worth no more than the same Labour of raising One
Bushel of Corn, and that Bushel of Corn will be as cheap at two
Ounces, as it was before at one; _caeteris paribus._
Thus the Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quantity
of Labour its Inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the
Quantity of Silver and Gold they possess; which will purchase more or
less Labour, and therefore is more or less valuable, as is said
before, according to its Scarcity or Plenty. As those Metals have
grown much more plentiful in _Europe_ since the Discovery of
_America_, so they have sunk in Value exceedingly; for, to instance
in _England_, formerly one Penny of Silver was worth a Days Labour,
but now it is hardly worth the sixth Part of a Days Labour; because
not less than Six-pence will purchase the Labour of a Man for a Day
in any Part of that Kingdom; which is wholly to be attributed to the
much greater Plenty of Money now in _England_ than formerly. And yet
perhaps _England_ is in Effect no richer now than at that Time;
because as much Labour might be purchas'd, or Work got done of almost
any kind, for 100 _l_. then, as will now require or is now worth 600
_l_.
In the next Place let us consider the Nature of _Banks_
emitting _Bills of Credit_, as they are at this Time used in
_Hamburgh_, _Amsterdam_, _London_ and _Venice_.
Those Places being Seats of vast Trade, and the Payment of
great Sums being for that Reason frequent, _Bills of Credit_ are
found very convenient in Business; because a great Sum is more easily
counted in Them, lighter in Carriage, concealed in less Room, and
therefore safer in Travelling or Laying up, and on many other
Accounts they are very much valued. The Banks are the general
Cashiers of all Gentlemen, Merchants and great Traders in and about
those Cities; there they deposite their Money, and may take out Bills
to the Value, for which they can be certain to have Money again at
the Bank at any Time: This gives the Bills a Credit; so that in
_England_ they are never less valuable than Money, and in _Venice_
and _Amsterdam_ they are generally worth more. And the Bankers
always reserving Money in hand to answer more than the common Run of
Demands (and some People constantly putting in while others are
taking out) are able besides to lend large Sums, on good Security, to
the Government or others, for a reasonable Interest, by which they
are paid for their Care and Trouble; and the Money which otherwise
would have lain dead in their Hands, is made to circulate again
thereby among the People: And thus the Running Cash of the Nation is
as it were doubled; for all great Payments being made in Bills, Money
in lower Trade becomes much more plentiful: And this is an exceeding
great Advantage to a Trading Country, that is not over-stock'd with
Gold and Silver.
As those who take Bills out of the Banks in _Europe_, put in
Money for Security; so here, and in some of the neighbouring
Provinces, we engage our Land. Which of these Methods will most
effectually secure the Bills from actually sinking in Value, comes
next to be considered.
Trade in general being nothing else but the Exchange of Labour
for Labour, the Value of all Things is, as I have said before, most
justly measured by Labour. Now suppose I put my Money into a Bank,
and take out a Bill for the Value; if this Bill at the Time of my
receiving it, would purchase me the Labour of one hundred Men for
twenty Days; but some time after will only purchase the Labour of the
same Number of Men for fifteen Days; it is plain the Bill has sunk in
Value one fourth Part. Now Silver and Gold being of no permanent
Value; and as this Bill is founded on Money, and therefore to be
esteemed as such, it may be that the Occasion of this Fall is the
increasing Plenty of Gold and Silver, by which Money is one fourth
Part less valuable than before, and therefore one fourth more is
given of it for the same Quantity of Labour; and if Land is not
become more plentiful by some proportionate Decrease of the People,
one fourth Part more of Money is given for the same Quantity of Land;
whereby it appears that it would have been more profitable to me to
have laid that Money out in Land which I put into the Bank, than to
place it there and take a Bill for it. And it is certain that the
Value of Money has been continually sinking in _England_ for several
Ages past, because it has been continually increasing in Quantity.
But if Bills could be taken out of a Bank in _Europe_ on a Land
Security, it is probable the Value of such Bills would be more
certain and steady, because the Number of Inhabitants continue to be
near the same in those Countries from Age to Age.
For as Bills issued upon Money Security are Money, so Bills
issued upon Land, are in Effect _Coined Land._
Therefore (to apply the Above to our own Circumstances) If Land
in this Province was falling, or any way likely to fall, it would
behove the Legislature most carefully to contrive how to prevent the
Bills issued upon Land from falling with it. But as our People
increase exceedingly, and will be further increased, as I have before
shewn, by the Help of a large Addition to our Currency; and as Land
in consequence is continually rising, So, in case no Bills are
emitted but what are upon Land Security, the Money-Acts in every Part
punctually enforced and executed, the Payments of Principal and
Interest being duly and strictly required, and the Principal _bona
fide_ sunk according to Law, it is absolutely impossible such Bills
should ever sink below their first Value, or below the Value of the
Land on which they are founded. In short, there is so little Danger
of their sinking, that they would certainly rise as the Land rises,
if they were not emitted in a proper Manner for preventing it; That
is, by providing in the Act _That Payment may be made, either in
those Bills, or in any other Bills made current by any Act of the
Legislature of this Province;_ and that the Interest, as it is
received, may be again emitted in Discharge of Publick Debts; whereby
circulating it returns again into the Hands of the Borrowers, and
becomes Part of their future Payments; and thus as it is likely there
will not be any Difficulty for want of Bills to pay the Office, they
are hereby kept from rising above their first Value: For else,
supposing there should be emitted upon mortgaged Land its full
present Value in Bills; as in the Banks in _Europe_ the full Value of
the Money deposited is given out in Bills; and supposing the Office
would take nothing but the same Sum in those Bills in Discharge of
the Land; as in the Banks aforesaid, the same Sum in their Bills must
be brought in, in order to receive out the Money: In such Case the
Bills would most surely rise in Value as the Land rises; as certainly
as the Bank Bills founded on Money would fall if that Money was
falling. Thus if I were to mortgage to a Loan-Office, or Bank, a
Parcel of Land now valued at 100 _l_. in Silver, and receive for it
the like Sum in Bills, to be paid in again at the Expiration of a
certain Term of Years; before which, my Land rising in Value, becomes
worth 150 _l_. in Silver: 'Tis plain, that if I have not these Bills
in Possession, and the Office will take nothing but these Bills, or
else what it is now become worth in Silver, in Discharge of my Land;
I say it appears plain, that those Bills will now be worth 150 _l_.
in Silver to the Possessor; and if I can purchase them for less, in
order to redeem my Land, I shall by so much be a Gainer.
I need not say any Thing to convince the Judicious that our
Bills have not yet sunk, tho' there is and has been some Difference
between them and Silver; because it is evident that that Difference
is occasioned by the Scarcity of the latter, which is now become a
Merchandize, rising and falling, like other Commodities, as there is
a greater or less Demand for it, or as it is more or less Plenty.
Yet farther, in order to make a true Estimate of the Value of
Money, we must distinguish between Money as it is Bullion, which is
Merchandize, and as by being coin'd it is made a Currency: For its
Value as a Merchandize, and its Value as a Currency, are two distinct
Things; and each may possibly rise and fall in some Degree
independent of the other. Thus if the Quantity of Bullion increases
in a Country, it will proportionably decrease in Value; but if at the
same Time the Quantity of current Coin should decrease, (supposing
Payments may not be made in Bullion) what Coin there is will rise in
Value as a Currency, _i. e._ People will give more Labour in
Manufactures for a certain Sum of ready Money.
In the same Manner must we consider a _Paper Currency_ founded
on Land; as it is Land, and as it is a Currency.
_Money as Bullion, or as Land, is valuable by so much Labour as
it costs to procure that Bullion or Land._
_Money, as a Currency, has an Additional Value by so much Time
and Labour as it saves in the Exchange of Commodities._
If, as a Currency, it saves one Fourth Part of the Time and
Labour of a Country; it has, on that Account, one Fourth added to its
original Value.
When there is no Money in a Country, all Commerce must be by
Exchange. Now if it takes one fourth Part of the Time and Labour of
a Country, to exchange or get their Commodities exchanged; then, in
computing their Value, that Labour of Exchanging must be added to the
Labour of manufacturing those Commodities: But if that Time or Labour
is saved by introducing Money sufficient, then the additional Value
on Account of the Labour of Exchanging may be abated, and Things sold
for only the Value of the Labour in making them; because the People
may now in the same Time make one Fourth more in Quantity of
Manufactures than they could before.
From these Considerations it may be gathered, that in all the
Degrees between having no Money in a Country, and Money sufficient
for the Trade, it will rise and fall in Value as a Currency, in
Proportion to the Decrease or Increase of its Quantity: And if there
may be at some Time more than enough, the Overplus will have no
Effect towards making the Currency, as a Currency, of less Value than
when there was but enough; because such Overplus will not be used in
Trade, but be some other way disposed of.
If we enquire, _How much_ per Cent. _Interest ought to be
required upon the Loan of these Bills;_ we must consider what is the
Natural Standard of Usury: And this appears to be, where the Security
is undoubted, at least the Rent of so much Land as the Money lent
will buy: For it cannot be expected that any Man will lend his Money
for less than it would fetch him in as Rent if he laid it out in
Land, which is the most secure Property in the World. But if the
Security is casual, then a kind of Ensurance must be enterwoven with
the simple natural Interest, which may advance the Usury very
conscionably to any height below the Principal it self. Now among
us, if the Value of Land is twenty Years Purchase, Five _per Cent._
is the just Rate of Interest for Money lent on undoubted Security.
Yet if Money grows scarce in a Country, it becomes more difficult for
People to make punctual Payments of what they borrow, Money being
hard to be raised; likewise Trade being discouraged, and Business
impeded for want of a Currency, abundance of People must be in
declining Circumstances, and by these Means Security is more
precarious than where Money is plenty. On such Accounts it is no
wonder if People ask a greater Interest for their Money than the
natural Interest; and what is above is to be look'd upon as a kind of
_Praemium_ for the Ensurance of those Uncertainties, as they are
greater or less. Thus we always see, that where Money is scarce,
Interest is high, and low where it is plenty. Now it is certainly
the Advantage of a Country to make Interest as low as possible, as I
have already shewn; and this can be done no other way than by making
Money plentiful. And since, in Emitting Paper Money among us, the
Office has the best of Security, the Titles to the Land being all
skilfully and strictly examined and ascertained; and as it is only
permitting the People by Law to coin their own Land, which costs the
Government nothing, the Interest being more than enough to pay the
Charges of Printing, Officers Fees, _&c._ I cannot see any good
Reason why Four _per Cent._ to the Loan-Office should not be thought
fully sufficient. As a low Interest may incline more to take Money
out, it will become more plentiful in Trade; and this may bring down
the common Usury, in which Security is more dubious, to the Pitch it
is determined at by Law.
If it should be objected, _That Emitting It at so low an
Interest, and on such easy Terms, will occasion more to be taken out
than the Trade of the Country really requires:_ It may be answered,
That, as has already been shewn, there can never be so much of it
emitted as to make it fall below the Land it is founded on; because
no Man in his Senses will mortgage his Estate for what is of no more
Value to him than That he has mortgaged, especially if the Possession
of what he receives is more precarious than of what he mortgages, as
that of Paper Money is when compared to Land: And if it should ever
become so plenty by indiscreet Persons continuing to take out a large
Overplus, above what is necessary in Trade, so as to make People
imagine it would become by that Means of less Value than their
mortgaged Lands, they would immediately of Course begin to pay it in
again to the Office to redeem their Land, and continue to do so till
there was no more left in Trade than was absolutely necessary. And
thus the Proportion would find it self, (tho' there were a Million
too much in the Office to be let out) without giving any one the
Trouble of Calculation.
It may perhaps be objected to what I have written concerning
the Advantages of a large Addition to our Currency, _That if the
People of this Province increase, and Husbandry is more followed, we
shall overstock the Markets with our Produce of Flower,_ &c. To this
it may be answered, that we can never have too many People (nor too
much Money) For when one Branch of Trade or Business is overstocked
with Hands, there are the more to spare to be employed in another.
So if raising Wheat proves dull, more may (if there is Money to
support and carry on new Manufactures) proceed to the raising and
manufacturing of _Hemp_, _Silk_, _Iron_, and many other Things the
Country is very capable of, for which we only want People to work,
and Money to pay them with.
Upon the Whole it may be observed, That it is the highest
Interest of a Trading Country in general to make Money plentiful; and
that it can be a Disadvantage to none that have honest Designs. It
cannot hurt even the Usurers, tho' it should sink what they receive
as Interest; because they will be proportionably more secure in what
they lend; or they will have an Opportunity of employing their Money
to greater Advantage, to themselves as well as to the Country.
Neither can it hurt those Merchants who have great Sums out-standing
in Debts in the Country, and seem on that Account to have the most
plausible Reason to fear it; _to wit_, because a large Addition being
made to our Currency, will increase the Demand of our Exporting
Produce, and by that Means raise the Price of it, so that they will
not be able to purchase so much Bread or Flower with 100 _l._ when
they shall receive it after such an Addition, as they now can, and
may if there is no Addition: I say it cannot hurt even such, because
they will get in their Debts just in exact Proportion so much the
easier and sooner as the Money becomes plentier; and therefore,
considering the Interest and Trouble saved, they will not be Losers;
because it only sinks in Value as a Currency, proportionally as it
becomes more plenty. It cannot hurt the Interest of _Great Britain_,
as has been shewn; and it will greatly advance the Interest of the
Proprietor. It will be an Advantage to every industrious Tradesman,
_&c._ because his Business will be carried on more freely, and Trade
be universally enlivened by it. And as more Business in all
Manufactures will be done, by so much as the Labour and Time spent in
Exchange is saved, the Country in general will grow so much the
richer.
It is nothing to the Purpose to object the wretched Fall of the
Bills in _New-England_ and _South-Carolina_, unless it might be made
evident that their Currency was emitted with the same Prudence, and
on such good Security as ours is; and it certainly was not.
As this Essay is wrote and published in Haste, and the Subject
in it self intricate, I hope I shall be censured with Candour, if,
for want of Time carefully to revise what I have written, in some
Places I should appear to have express'd my self too obscurely, and
in others am liable to Objections I did not foresee. I sincerely
desire to be acquainted with the Truth, and on that Account shall
think my self obliged to any one, who will take the Pains to shew me,
or the Publick, where I am mistaken in my Conclusions, And as we all
know there are among us several Gentlemen of acute Parts and profound
Learning, who are very much against any Addition to our Money, it
were to be wished that they would favour the Country with their
Sentiments on this Head in Print; which, supported with Truth and
good Reasoning, may probably be very convincing. And this is to be
desired the rather, because many People knowing the Abilities of
those Gentlemen to manage a good Cause, are apt to construe their
Silence in This, as an Argument of a bad One. Had any Thing of that
Kind ever yet appeared, perhaps I should not have given the Publick
this Trouble: But as those ingenious Gentlemen have not yet (and I
doubt never will) think it worth their Concern to enlighten the Minds
of their erring Countrymen in this Particular, I think it would be
highly commendable in every one of us, more fully to bend our Minds
to the Study of _What is the true Interest of PENNSYLVANIA;_ whereby
we may be enabled, not only to reason pertinently with one another;
but, if Occasion requires, to transmit Home such clear
Representations, as must inevitably convince our Superiors of the
Reasonableness and Integrity of our Designs.
_B. B._
_Philadelphia, April_ 3. 1729.
Philadelphia, New Printing-Office, 1729
_The Printer to the Reader_
The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ being now to be carry'd on by other
Hands, the Reader may expect some Account of the Method we design to
proceed in.
Upon a View of _Chambers_'s great Dictionaries, from whence
were taken the Materials of the _Universal Instructor in all Arts and
Sciences_, which usually made the First Part of this Paper, we find
that besides their containing many Things abstruse or insignificant
to us, it will probably be fifty Years before the Whole can be gone
thro' in this Manner of Publication. There are likewise in those
Books continual References from Things under one Letter of the
Alphabet to those under another, which relate to the same Subject,
and are necessary to explain and compleat it; these taken in their
Turn may perhaps be Ten Years distant; and since it is likely that
they who desire to acquaint themselves with any particular Art or
Science, would gladly have the whole before them in a much less Time,
we believe our Readers will not think such a Method of communicating
Knowledge to be a proper One.
However, tho' we do not intend to continue the Publication of
those Dictionaries in a regular Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto
been done; yet as several Things exhibited from them in the Course of
these Papers, have been entertaining to such of the Curious, who
never had and cannot have the Advantage of good Libraries; and as
there are many Things still behind, which being in this Manner made
generally known, may perhaps become of considerable Use, by giving
such Hints to the excellent natural Genius's of our Country, as may
contribute either to the Improvement of our present Manufactures, or
towards the Invention of new Ones; we propose from Time to Time to
communicate such particular Parts as appear to be of the most general
Consequence.
As to the _Religious Courtship_, Part of which has been retal'd
to the Publick in these Papers, the Reader may be inform'd, that the
whole Book will probably in a little Time be printed and bound up by
it self; and those who approve of it, will doubtless be better
pleas'd to have it entire, than in this broken interrupted Manner.
There are many who have long desired to see a good News-Paper
in _Pennsylvania_; and we hope those Gentlemen who are able, will
contribute towards the making This such. We ask Assistance, because
we are fully sensible, that to publish a good News-Paper is not so
easy an Undertaking as many People imagine it to be. The Author of a
_Gazette_ (in the Opinion of the Learned) ought to be qualified with
an extensive Acquaintance with Languages, a great Easiness and
Command of Writing and Relating Things cleanly and intelligibly, and
in few Words; he should be able to speak of War both by Land and Sea;
be well acquainted with Geography, with the History of the Time, with
the several Interests of Princes and States, the Secrets of Courts,
and the Manners and Customs of all Nations. Men thus accomplish'd
are very rare in this remote Part of the World; and it would be well
if the Writer of these Papers could make up among his Friends what is
wanting in himself.
Upon the Whole, we may assure the Publick, that as far as the
Encouragement we meet with will enable us, no Care and Pains shall be
omitted, that may make the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ as agreeable and
useful an Entertainment as the Nature of the Thing will allow.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 2, 1729
_"One Piles a Fidler"_
And sometime last Week, we are informed, that one Piles a
Fidler, with his Wife, were overset in a Canoo near Newtown Creek.
The good Man, 'tis said, prudently secur'd his Fiddle, and let his
Wife go to the Bottom.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 16,1729
_Fire and the Nature of Horses_
We hear from Trenton, that on Friday the 5th Instant, a good
new Stable belonging to Mr. John Severn, was burnt down to the
Ground, in which was consumed five Load of English Hay, and seven
Horses were burnt to Death; occasioned by the Carelessness of a
Servant, who let a Candle fall among the Hay.
About the same Time a Barn and Stable was burnt near
Allen's-Town: The Owner attempting to save a good Horse he had in the
Stable, very narrowly escap'd with his own Life; 'tis observed as
something unaccountable in the Nature of Horses, that they are so far
from endeavouring to avoid the Danger of Fire, as to stand
obstinately and suffer themselves to be burnt; nor will they be led
from it unless first made blindfold.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 16, 1729
_The Trial and Reprieve of Prouse and Mitchel_
Last Week at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held in this City,
two Servants, James Prouse and James Mitchel (the same who broke
Prison some time since, and were retaken at Amboy) were tried for
Burglary. It appeared by the King's Evidence, that _Prouse_ entred
the House of Mr. _Sheed_, Barber, in Front-street, (being admitted by
a Servant of the Family) and there broke open a Desk, from whence he
took _Seven Pounds Ten Shillings_ in Paper Money, and some Copper
Half-pence; and that _Mitchel_ in the mean time waited without to
watch. It was proved that the Money lost was found upon _Prouse_
when he was taken; who only said in his Defence at the Bar, that it
was given him by Mr. _Sheed_'s Man to keep. _Mitchel_ in his Defence
said, that tho' he had been in Company with _Prouse_ and other
Servants drinking _Rum_ out of Town in the Day Time, being Sunday,
yet that he heard nothing of any Contrivance to Rob, or the like; and
that he was in Bed when the Fact was committed, from whence _Prouse_
afterwards call'd him to go and drink, but did not acquaint with what
had been done. The Jury brought them both in Guilty; and _Prouse_
being asked what he had to say why Sentence of Death should not pass
against him, answered, that he had nothing to say in his own Behalf,
but declared that _Mitchel_ was wholly innocent, and knew nothing of
the Fact. The Court passed Sentence on them both, but directed
_Mitchel_ to apply to His Honour the Governour for Mercy.
Mr. _Sheed_'s Servant (who in the above Trial was Evidence for
the King) is hereafter to be tried for Robbery; the Law not making it
Burglary in a Servant to open a Door in the Night time, tho' it be to
admit Thieves, _&c_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 23, 1729
We hear to Morrow is appointed for the Execution of _Prouse_
and _Mitchel_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1729/30
_We think our Readers will not be displeased to have the
following remarkable Transaction related to them in this particular
Manner._
Wednesday the 14th Instant, being the Day appointed for the
Execution of _James Prouse_ and _James Mitchel_ for Burglary,
suitable Preparations were accordingly made. The tender Youth of one
of them (who was but about 19) and the supposed Innocence of the
other as to the Fact for which they were condemned, had induced the
Judges (upon the Application of some compassionate People) to
recommend them to His Honour's known Clemency: But several
Malefactors having been already pardoned, and every Body being
sensible, that, considering the great Increase of Vagrants and idle
Persons, by the late large Importation of such from several Parts of
_Europe_, it was become necessary for the common Good to make some
Examples, there was but little Reason to hope that either, and less
that both of them might escape the Punishment justly due to Crimes of
that enormous Nature. About 11 o'Clock the Bell began to Toll, and a
numerous Croud of People was gathered near the Prison, to see these
unhappy young Men brought forth to suffer. While their Irons were
taken off, and their Arms were binding, _Prouse_ cry'd immoderately;
but _Mitchel_ (who had himself all along behaved with unusual
Fortitude) endeavoured in a friendly tender Manner to comfort him:
_Do not cry, Jemmy;_ (says he) _In an Hour or two it will be over
with us, and we shall both be easy_. They were then placed in a
Cart, together with a Coffin for each of them, and led thro' the Town
to the Place of Execution: _Prouse_ appear'd extreamly dejected, but
_Mitchel_ seemed to support himself with a becoming manly Constancy:
When they arriv'd at the fatal Tree, they were told that it was
expected they should make some Confession of their Crimes, and say
something by Way of Exhortation to the People. _Prouse_ was at
length with some Difficulty prevailed on to speak; he said, his
Confession had been taken in Writing the Evening before; he
acknowledged the Fact for which he was to die, but said, That
_Greyer_ who had sworn against him was the Person that persuaded him
to it; and declared that he had never wronged any Man beside Mr.
_Sheed_, and his Master. _Mitchel_ being desired to speak, reply'd
with a sober compos'd Countenance, _What would you have me to say? I
am innocent of the Fact_. He was then told, that it did not appear
well in him to persist in asserting his Innocence; that he had had a
fair Trial, and was found guilty by twelve honest and good Men. He
only answer'd, _I am innocent; and it will appear so before God;_ and
sat down. Then they were both bid to stand up, and the Ropes were
order'd to be thrown over the Beam; when the Sheriff took a Paper out
of his Pocket and began to read. The poor Wretches, whose Souls were
at that Time fill'd with the immediate Terrors of approaching Death,
having nothing else before their Eyes, and being without the least
Apprehension or Hope of a Reprieve, took but little Notice of what
was read; or it seems imagined it to be some previous Matter of Form,
as a Warrant for their Execution or the like, 'till they heard the
Words PITY and MERCY [_And whereas the said_ James Prouse _and_ James
Mitchel _have been recommended to me as proper Objects of Pity and
Mercy._] Immediately _Mitchel_ fell into the most violent Agony; and
having only said, _God bless the Governor_, he swooned away in the
Cart. Suitable Means were used to recover him; and when he came a
little to himself, he added; _I have been a great Sinner; I have been
guilty of almost every Crime; Sabbath-breaking in particular, which
led me into ill Company; but Theft I never was guilty of. God bless
the Governor; and God Almighty's Name be praised;_ and then swooned
again. _Prouse_ likewise seemed to be overwhelmed with Joy, but did
not swoon. All the Way back to the Prison, _Mitchel_ lean'd on his
Coffin, being unable to support himself, and shed Tears in abundance.
He who went out to die with a large Share of Resolution and
Fortitude, returned in the most dispirited Manner imaginable; being
utterly over-power'd by the Force of that sudden Turn of excessive
Joy, for which he had been no Way prepared. The Concern that
appeared in every Face while these Criminals were leading to
Execution, and the Joy that diffused it self thro' the whole
Multitude, so visible in their Countenances upon the mention of a
Reprieve, seems to be a pleasing Instance, and no small Argument of
the general laudable Humanity even of our common People, who were
unanimous in their loud Acclamations of _God bless the Governor for
his Mercy_.
The following are Copies of the Papers delivered out by
_Prouse_ and _Mitchel_ the Evening before, with little or no
Alteration from their own Words.
"I _James Prouse_ was born in the Town of _Brentford_ in
_Middlesex_ County in _Old England_, of honest Parents, who gave me
but little Education. My Father was a Corporal in the late Lord
_Oxford_'s Regiment of Horse, (then named the said Lord's Blues) and
I was for some Time in the Care of an Uncle who lived at _Eling_ near
_Brentford_ aforesaid, and who would have given me good Learning; but
I being young would not take his good Counsel, and in the 12th Year
of my Age came into _Philadelphia_, where I was recommended to one of
the best of Masters, who never let me want for any Thing: But I
minding the evil Insinuations of wicked People, more than the good
Dictates of my Master, and having not the Fear of God before my Eyes,
am deservedly brought to this wretched and shameful End. I
acknowledge I justly merit Death for the Fact which condemns me; but
I never had the least Design or Thought of the like, until often
press'd, and at length seduced to it by _John Greyer_, who was the
only Person that ruined me. He often solicited me to be guilty of
other Crimes of the like Nature, but I never was guilty of any such,
neither with him or any one else; neither did I ever wrong any Man
before, save my too indulgent Master; from whom I now and then
pilfer'd a Yard or the like of Cloth, in order to make Money to spend
with the said _Greyer_. As for _James Mitchel_ who dies for the same
Fact with me, as I hope to receive Mercy at the great Tribunal, he
the said _James Mitchel_ is intirely innocent, (*) and knew nothing
of the Fact until apprehended and taken. I am about Nineteen Years
of Age and die a Protestant.
_JAMES PROUSE_."
(*) N. B. _He declared the same Thing at the Bar just before he
received Sentence_.
_The Speech or Declaration of_ James Mitchel _written with his
own Hand_.
"I _James Mitchel_, was born, at _Antrim_ in the Kingdom of
_Ireland_, of good and honest Parents, and brought up with them until
the Age of 13 Years, and had a suitable Education given me, such as
being taught to read and write _English_, with some _Latin_; and
might have been further instructed, but at my earnest Request was
bound Apprentice to a Book-binder, and served 4 Years to that Trade;
after which I left the Kingdom and went for _England_ in order to be
further improved in my Business; but there had the Misfortune to be
press'd on board the _Berwick_ Man of War, commanded by the Honorable
_George Gordon_, and having been at several Parts abroad, returned to
_England_ in _Octob_. 1728. where I was by Sickness reduced to a very
sad Condition, through which I came over to this Country a Servant;
here I was it seems unfortunately led into bad Company, and one
Evening by _James Prouse_ was raised out of my Bed to go and drink
with him and one _Greyer_, the which _Greyer_ after parting gave to
the said _James Prouse_ Six-pence, which was all the Money I saw that
Night and till next Morning, and then _James Prouse_ took out of his
Pocket a 15 Shilling Bill, and desired me to get it changed for him,
in order to spend some of it; but coming unto Town I was apprehended
for the robbing of Mr. _George Sheed_, and now am to die for the
same. I die a Protestant.
_JAMES MITCHEL_."
_The Pennsylvania Gazette,_ January 20, 1729/30
_A Gallant Duel and an Unhappy Man_
Saturday last, about nine o'Clock in the Morning two young
_Hibernian_ Gentlemen met on _Society Hill_, and fought a gallant
Duel before a Number of Spectators not very usual on such Occasions.
The Cause of their Quarrel is it seems unknown; and as they were
parted without much Difficulty, and neither of them received any
considerable Hurt, it is generally looked upon to be only a Piece of
_Theatrical Representation_.
The same Day an unhappy Man one _Sturgis_, upon some Difference
with his Wife, determined to drown himself in the River; and she,
(kind Wife) went with him, it seems, to see it faithfully performed,
and accordingly stood by silent and unconcerned during the whole
Transaction: He jump'd in near _Carpenter_'s Wharff, but was timely
taken out again, before what he came about was thoroughly effected,
so that they were both obliged to return home as they came, and put
up for that Time with the Disappointment.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 10, 1729/30
_Printer's Errors_
_To the Publisher of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette.
_Printerum est errare._
_SIR,_
As your last Paper was reading in some Company where I was
present, these Words were taken Notice of in the Article concerning
Governor _Belcher_, [_After which his Excellency, with the Gentlemen
trading to New-England,_ died _elegantly at Pontack's_]. The Word
_died_ should doubtless have been _dined_, _Pontack_'s being a noted
Tavern and Eating-house in _London_ for Gentlemen of Condition; but
this Omission of the letter (_n_) in that Word, gave us as much
Entertainment as any Part of your Paper. One took the Opportunity of
telling us, that in a certain Edition of the Bible, the Printer had,
where _David_ says _I am fearfully and wonderfully made_, omitted the
Letter (_e_) in the last Word, so that it was, _I am fearfully and
wonderfully mad_; which occasion'd an ignorant Preacher, who took
that Text, to harangue his Audience for half an hour on the Subject
of _Spiritual Madness._ Another related to us, that when the Company
of Stationers in _England_ had the Printing of the Bible in their
Hands, the Word (_not_) was left out in the Seventh Commandment, and
the whole Edition was printed off with _Thou shalt commit Adultery_,
instead of _Thou shalt not_, &c. This material _Erratum_ induc'd the
Crown to take the Patent from them which is now held by the King's
Printer. The _Spectator_'s Remark upon this Story is, that he doubts
many of our modern Gentlemen have this faulty Edition by 'em, and are
not made sensible of the Mistake. A Third Person in the Company
acquainted us with an unlucky Fault that went through a whole
Impression of Common-Prayer-Books; in the Funeral Service, where
these Words are, _We shall all be changed in a moment, in the
twinkling of an Eye,_ &c. the Printer had omitted the (_c_) in
_changed_, and it read thus, _We shall all be hanged,_ &c. And
lastly, a Mistake of your Brother News-Printer was mentioned, in _The
Speech of_ James Prouse _written the Night before he was to have been
executed_, instead of _I die a Protestant_, he has put it, _I died a
Protestant_. Upon the whole you came off with the more favourable
Censure, because your Paper is most commonly very correct, and yet
you were never known to triumph upon it, by publickly ridiculing and
exposing the continual Blunders of your Contemporary. Which
Observation was concluded by a good old Gentleman in Company, with
this general just Remark, That whoever accustoms himself to pass over
in Silence the Faults of his Neighbours, shall meet with much better
Quarter from the World when he happens to fall into a Mistake
himself; for the Satyrical and Censorious, whose Hand is against
every Man, shall upon such Occasions have every Man's Hand against
him.
_I am, SIR, your Friend,_ &c.
J. T.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 13, 1729/30
_Letter of the Drum_
_To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE.
_SIR,_
I know well that the Age in which we live, abounds in
_Spinosists_, _Hobbists_, and _most impious Free-Thinkers_, who
despise _Revelation_, and treat the _most sacred Truths_ with
_Ridicule_ and _Contempt_: Nay, to such an Height of Iniquity are
they arrived, that they not only deny the _Existence_ of the _Devil_,
and of _Spirits_ in general, but would also persuade the World, that
the Story of _Saul_ and the _Witch of Endor_ is an Imposture; and
which is still worse, that no Credit is to be given to the so
well-attested One of the _Drummer_ of _Tedsworth._ I do, indeed,
confess that the Arguments of some of these unbelieving Gentlemen,
with whom I have heretofore conversed on the Subject of _Spirits_,
_Apparitions_, _Witches_, &c. carried with them a great Shew of
Reason, and were so specious, that I was strongly inclined to think
them in the Right; and for several Years past have lived without any
Fear or Apprehensions of _Daemons_ or _Hobgoblins_; but the Case is
quite alter'd with me now; and I who used to sleep without drawing my
Curtains, am now so fearful, that I pin them every Night I go to Bed
with corking Pins, and cover my self Head over Ears with the Clothes.
Now this Change is not owing, as you would imagine, to any frightful
Apparition I have seen, or uncommon Noise I have heard; but to a most
amazing Account I received the other Day from a Reverend Gentleman,
of a certain House's being haunted with the _D ------ l_ of a
Drummer, not a whit less obstreperous, than the _Tedsworthian_
Tympanist: This Gentleman, whose Veracity few People presume to call
in Question, told me, that he was not long since obliged to meet some
of his Brethren, at a certain Town about fifteen Miles below
_Philadelphia_, in order to settle some Affairs of the Church, and to
consult on proper Measures to prevent the _Growth of Atheism_; that
he was there joined by four of his Brethren; who insisting that it
was unpresidented to proceed to Business at their first Meeting, they
thereupon unanimously agreed to defer their Consultations 'till the
next Day; that they spent the Evening chearfully, yet soberly; that
about ten at Night they retired to repose themselves, but lodged in
separate Rooms; that he, with his Companion, were no sooner warm in
their Bed, than they heard a Drum beating very loud, now on the one
Side of their Bed, then on the other, and in a Moment after on the
Teaster; that sometimes they distinctly heard the _Scots Traveller_,
and at other Times the _Grenadiers March_; that the Noise continued
all Night, frighted them almost to Death, and yet, which is the most
surprizing and unaccountable Part of the Relation, disturbed no
Mortal in the House save themselves; that early in the Morning they
went into the next Room, where they found two of their Brethren
sleeping soundly; that they were amazed to find them so fast asleep
after such a terrible Night; that having awakened them, they asked
whether they had not been disturbed with the Noise of a Drum? that
they replied, They had rested well, and were surprized to hear them
ask such a Question, and hinted that they believed them to be out of
their Senses; upon which he related to them the Adventure of the
Night, so full of Horror, with all the Particulars I have mentioned,
and many more which I have omitted; That at first they seemed to give
little Credit to what he said; but upon his Bedfellow's affirming it
to be true, they appeared to be satisfied of the Reality of the Fact.
Then the Gentleman went on with his Story in this wise: That the next
Night he with his Companion went to Bed in the same Room, in which
they had been so terribly frighten'd; that they had not taken their
first Nap, before they heard an uncouth Noise under them; that his
Companion was shortly after seized violently and forcibly by the
great Toe, and in great Danger of being pulled out of the Bed; but
that upon the Beating of the Drum, which happen'd at the same
Instant, his Toe was released; and that to prevent any future
Attacks, they hoisted their Knees up to their very Noses; the Noise
still growing louder, they felt a most prodigious Weight on them,
heavier, as he said, than the _Night-Mare_; that by his Voice they
presently discovered it to be one of their Brethren, who had come
into their Room on purpose to scare them; either believing that they
had told him a Fib, or that they were under such potent Influences
the Night before, as made them imagine they heard a Drum, when in
Reality they did not; But mark, said the Relater to me; according to
the old Proverb, _Harm watch Harm catch_; for he was so frighted
himself, that he would not have ventured back to his own Room, though
he were sure to be made a Bishop; so that we were obliged to share
our Bed with him, in which we lay sweating, and almost dead with
Fear, 'till Morning. Thus he concluded his surprizing Relation,
which wrought so strongly on me, that I could no longer Doubt of the
_D ------ l_'s having plaid them this Prank; and to this Story only
my Timorousness is owing. Now, I know well enough, that some Folks
will be apt to say; it is all a Lye, a meer Forgery; in short, they
will raise an infinite Number of Objections to destroy its Credit;
for when I told it to a certain Person, he swore it could not be
true; because in a Piece of the learned _Greutzius_, which he had
read, _De examine Sagarum_, he found that all the Divines in
_Germany_ were clearly of Opinion, that the Devil never begins to
play his Pranks 'till after Midnight, and that no Spectres were seen
before that Time; and this Noise beginning between ten and eleven
both Nights, he was assured, for that Reason, that the Devil was no
Way concern'd in it; but he had almost staggered me, when he told me
this Story: _A certain Curate lived in the Island of_ Jamaica, _who
loved his Bottle, no Curate better; he chanced to be drinking in a
Tavern, when he was called upon to do the last Offices to a Brother
departed; upon which with great Reluctance he leaves his Company, but
told them he would return immediately: away he hies to the Place of
Burial, and, as is usual, reads over the Service for the Dead, 'till
he came to the Words,_ I heard a Voice from Heaven, saying, blessed,
_&c. at which he was interrupted by one of his Companions, who had
followed him from the Ale-house, with a `By G ------ that's a d
------ 'd Lye, for I have been drinking with you all Day at Mother
------ _'s, _and if you had heard the Voice, I should have heard it
too, for my Ears are as good as yours.'_ The Gentleman left me to
apply the Story.
Now, Sir, as I take you to be a Person of profound Learning and
Judgment, I desire you will set me to rights, by giving me your
Opinion candidly, whether I ought to give Credit to the above
Relation or not, altho' it be attested by two Reverend Fathers,
_I am, Sir, yours,_ &c.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1730
_On that Odd Letter of the Drum_
_To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette.
_SIR,_ _Burlington, April_ 27. 1730.
As I am your sincere Friend and Well-wisher, it is with a great
deal of Pleasure I have observed your prudent Management of the
News-Paper, in which, till last Week, there has been no one Thing
seen that might justly give Offence either to Church or State, or to
any private Person: But when I reflect how good a Judge you are of
what is or is not proper to be published in that manner, I am puzzled
to think what could induce you to insert that odd Letter of the
_Drum_ in your last _Gazette._ I am satisfied you know better than to
imagine that such a Thing would please the Generality of your
Readers, or that it might be instrumental in doing Good to any one
Creature living; I believe you have had no Reason to be piqu'd
against the Gentlemen there reflected on; and as to the Wit and
Humour which some Persons of reputed Taste pretend to discern in it,
I protest I can see none, and I think that true Wit and Humour cannot
be employ'd in ridiculing Things serious and sacred. Whoever was the
Writer of it, notwithstanding his seeming Reflection on _Spinosists_,
_Hobbists_, _and most impious Freethinkers_, his Design is apparent,
To bring the Dispensers of Religion among us into Contempt, and to
weaken our Belief of the Divine Writings; a Design, in my Opinion,
very unworthy an honest Man and a good Subject, even tho' he was of
no Religion at all. His depreciating the Holy Scriptures, by
insinuating that the Story of the Drummer of _Tedsworth_ is a better
attested One than that of _Saul_ and the Witch of _Endor_, as also
his satyrical Sneer at the Meeting of those Reverend Gentlemen _to
prevent the Growth of Atheism_, I pass over at present without any
further Remark; and as I apprehend that Arguments drawn from the
Truth of our Religion, will have but little Weight with this Writer,
in dissuading him from such a Way of indulging his satyrical Humour,
I would only request him to consider these Things seriously, _to
wit_, That wise Men have in all Ages thought Government necessary for
the Good of Mankind; and, that wise Governments have always thought
Religion necessary for the well ordering and well-being of Society,
and accordingly have been ever careful to encourage and protect the
Ministers of it, paying them the highest publick Honours, that their
Doctrines might thereby meet with the greater Respect among the
common People; And that if there were no Truth in Religion, or the
Salvation of Men's Souls not worth regarding, yet, in consideration
of the inestimable Service done to Mankind by the Clergy, as they are
the Teachers and Supporters of Virtue and Morality, without which no
Society could long subsist, prudent Men should be very cautious how
they say or write any thing that might bring them into Contempt, and
thereby weaken their Hands and render their Labours ineffectual. If
this Writer is a Man of good Sense, as I am willing to think he is, I
am persuaded this single Consideration will be sufficient to prevail
with him never more to employ his Pen in so unjustifiable a manner.
For my Part, I am entirely unacquainted with the Fact, the
Relation of which this Writer pretends to have at first believ'd,
till the Story of the _Jamaica_ Curate stagger'd his Faith. If he
really believ'd the Relation at first, I cannot see why that Story
should stagger his Faith in the least: For tho' one Man's Ears may be
as good as another's when both are awake and in Company, it does not
thence follow that one Man may not sleep sounder than another when in
Bed. Besides, as far as we know, _there is nothing absolutely
impossible in the Thing it self:_ We cannot be certain there are no
Spirits existing; it is rather highly probable that there are: But we
are sure that if Spirits do exist, we are very ignorant of their
Natures, and know neither their Motives nor Methods of Acting, nor
can we tell by what Means they may render themselves perceptible to
our Senses. Those who have contemplated the Nature of Animals seem
to be convinced that Spirit can act upon Matter, for they ascribe the
Motion of the Body to the Will and Power of the Mind. Anatomists
also tell us, that there are Nerves of Communication from all Parts
of the Body to the Brain: And Philosophers assure us, that the
Vibrations of the Air striking on the Auditory Nerves, give to the
Brain the Sensation of what we call Sound; and that the Rays of Light
striking on the optic Nerves, communicate a Motion to the Brain which
forms there the Image of that Thing from which those Rays were
reflected: We find that a sudden Blow upon the Eye shakes the visual
Nerve in the same Manner as when Light strikes it, and therefore we
think we see a Light, when there is no such Thing at that Time
visible without us, and no one standing by can see it, but the Person
that is struck alone. Now, how can we be assur'd that it is not in
the Power of a Spirit _without_ the body to operate in a like manner
on the Nerves of Sight, and give them the same Vibrations as when a
certain Object appears before the Eye, (tho' no such Object is really
present) and accordingly make a particular Man see the Apparition of
any Person or Thing at Pleasure, when no One else in Company can see
it? May not such a Spirit likewise occasion the same Vibrations in
the auditory Nerves as when the Sound of a Drum, or any other Sound,
is heard, and thereby affect the Party in the same manner as a real
Drum beating in the Room would do, tho' no one hears it but himself.
Perhaps I need not have said all this to a Person who believes _the
well-attested Story of the Drummer of Tedsworth_, since there are
many other Stories, equally incontestible with that, by which
reasonable Men are convinc'd that Spirits do not only actually exist,
but are able to make themselves sometimes both seen and heard.
In the Close of his Letter, after paying a Complement to your
_profound Learning and Judgment_, he requests _your Opinion, _whether
he ought to give Credit to the said Relation, tho' it be attested by
two Reverend Fathers_. Since you have not thought proper to say any
thing to it, I beg Leave to give the Gentleman my Opinion, which is,
_That he may very safely believe it_, and that for the following
Reasons.
1. Because, as I have shewn above, there is nothing absolutely
impossible in the Thing it self.
2. Because they were Men of Probity, Learning and sound good
Sense, who related this Fact to him upon their own Knowledge. If
they were not such, 'tis presum'd they would not have been thought
proper Persons to be made publick Instructors.
3. Because they both concur'd in the same Testimony; and it
cannot be imagin'd what Interest they should have in contriving
together to impose a Falshood of that Nature upon him; since they
could expect Nothing but to be ridicul'd for their Pains, both by him
and every other unthinking Sceptic in the Country.
If you insert this Epistle in your next Gazette, I shall
believe you did not approve of That I have been writing against, and
shall continue,
_SIR,_
_Your real Friend and constant Reader,_
PHILOCLERUS.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 7, 1730
_An Unlucky She-Wrestler_
We have here an unlucky She-Wrestler who has lately thrown a
young Weaver, and broke his Leg, so that tis thought he will not be
able to tread the Treadles these two Months. In the mean Time,
however, he may employ himself in winding Quills.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 23, 1730
_Rules and Maxims for Promoting Matrimonial Happiness_
_Ver novum, ver jam canorum, vere natus Orbis est:
Vere concordant amores, vere nubent alites_ -- Catul.
_Faelices ter, & amplius,
Quos irrupta tenet Copula: nec malis
Divulsis Querimoniis
Suprema citius solvet amor die_. Horat.
The happy State of Matrimony is, undoubtedly, the surest and
most lasting Foundation of Comfort and Love; the Source of all that
endearing Tenderness and Affection which arises from Relation and
Affinity; the grand Point of Property; the Cause of all good Order in
the World, and what alone preserves it from the utmost Confusion;
and, to sum up all, the Appointment of infinite Wisdom for these
great and good Purposes. Notwithstanding, such is the Perverseness
of human Nature, and so easy is it to misuse the best of Things, that
by the Folly and Ill-behaviour of those who enter into it, this is
very often made a State of the most exquisite Wretchedness and
Misery; which gives the wild and vicious Part of Mankind but too much
reason to rail against it, and treat it with Contempt. Wherefore, it
highly becomes the virtuous of both Sexes, by the Prudence of their
Conduct, to redeem this noble Institution from those unjust
Reproaches which it at present labours under, and restore it to the
Honour and Esteem it merits, by endeavouring to make each other as
happy as they can.
I am now about to lay down such Rules and Maxims as I think
most practicable and conducive towards the End and Happiness of
Matrimony. And these I address to all Females that would be married,
or are already so; not that I suppose their Sex more faulty than the
other, and most to want Advice, for I assure them, upon my Honour, I
believe the quite contrary; but the Reason is, because I esteem them
better disposed to receive and practice it, and therefore am willing
to begin, where I may promise myself the best Success. Besides, if
there is any Truth in Proverbs, _Good Wives_ usually make _Good
Husbands_.
_RULES and MAXIMS for promoting_ Matrimonial Happiness.
_Address'd to all_ Widows, Wives, _and_ Spinsters.
The likeliest Way, either to obtain a _good Husband_, or to
keep one _so_, is to be _Good_ yourself.
Never use a _Lover_ ill whom you design to make your _Husband_,
lest he either upbraid you with it, or return it afterwards: and if
you find, at any Time, an Inclination to play the Tyrant, remember
these two Lines of Truth and Justice.
Avoid, both before and after Marriage, all Thoughts of
_managing_ your Husband. Never endeavour to deceive or impose on his
Understanding: nor give him _Uneasiness_ (as some do very foolishly)
to _try_ his Temper; but treat him always beforehand with
_Sincerity_, and afterwards with _Affection_ and _Respect_.
Be not over sanguine before Marriage, nor promise your self
Felicity without Alloy, for that's impossible to be attain'd in this
present State of Things. Consider beforehand, that the Person you
are going to spend your Days with, is a Man, and not an Angel; and
if, when you come together, you discover any Thing in his Humour or
Behaviour that is not altogether so agreeable as you expected, _pass
it over as a humane Frailty_: smooth your Brow; compose your Temper;
and try to amend it by _Cheerfulness_ and Good-nature.
Remember always, that whatever Misfortunes may happen to
either, they are not to be charg'd to the Account of _Matrimony_, but
to the Accidents and Infirmities of humane Life, a Burthen which each
has engaged to assist the other in supporting, and to which both
Parties are equally expos'd. Therefore, instead of _Murmurs_,
_Reflections_, and _Disagreement_, whereby the _Weight_ is rendred
abundantly more _grievous_, readily put your Shoulders to the Yoke,
and make it easier to both.
Resolve every Morning to be _good-natur'd_ and CHEERFUL that
Day: and if any Accident should happen to break that Resolution,
suffer it not to put you out of Temper with every Thing besides, and
especially with your Husband.
Dispute not with him, be the Occasion what it will; but much
rather deny yourself the trivial Satisfaction of having your own
Will, or gaining the better of an Argument, than risk a Quarrel or
create an Heart-burning, which it's impossible to know the End of.
Be assured, a Woman's Power, as well as Happiness, has no other
Foundation but her Husband's Esteem and Love, which consequently it
is her undoubted Interest by all Means possible to preserve and
increase. Do you, therefore, study his Temper, and command your own;
enjoy his Satisfaction with him, share and sooth his Cares, and with
the utmost Diligence conceal his Infirmities.
Read frequently with due Attention the Matrimonial Service; and
take care in doing so, not to overlook the Word _Obey_.
In your Prayers be sure to add a Clause for Grace to make you a
good Wife; and at the same Time, resolve to do your utmost endeavour
towards it.
Always wear your Wedding Ring, for therein lies more Virtue
than usually is imagined. If you are ruffled unawares, assaulted
with improper Thoughts, or tempted in any kind against your Duty,
cast your Eyes upon it, and call to Mind, who gave it you, where it
was received, and what passed at that solemn Time.
Let the Tenderness of your conjugal Love be expressed with such
Decency, Delicacy and Prudence, as that it may appear plainly and
thorowly distinct from the designing Fondness of an Harlot.
Have you any Concern for your own Ease, or for your Husband's
Esteem? then, have a due Regard to his Income and Circumstances in
all your Expences and Desires: For if Necessity should follow, you
run the greatest Hazard of being deprived of both.
Let not many Days pass together without a serious Examination
how you have behaved as a Wife, and if upon Reflection you find your
self guilty of any Foibles or Omissions, the best Attonement is, to
be exactly careful of your future Conduct.
I am fully persuaded, that a strict Adherence to the foregoing
Rules would equally advance the Honour of Matrimony, and the _Glory_
of the _Fair Sex_: And since the greatest Part of them, with a very
little Alteration, are as proper for Husbands as for Wives to
practice, I recommend them accordingly to their Consideration, and
hope, in a short time, to receive Acknowledgments from _married
Persons_ of _both Sexes_ for the Benefit they receive thereby.
And now, in behalf of my _unlearned Readers_, I beg Leave of my
_learned Ones_, to conclude this Discourse with Mr. _Creech_'s
Translation of that Part of _Horace_ which I have taken for the
_Motto_ of this Paper.
_Thrice happy_ They, _that free from_ Strife,
_Maintain a_ Love _as long as Life:
Whose fixt and binding Vows,
No intervening_ Jealousy,
_No_ Fears _and no_ Debates _untye;
And_ Death _alone can loose_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 8, 1730
_A Witch Trial at Mount Holly_
_Burlington, Oct_. 12. Saturday last at _Mount-Holly_, about 8
Miles from this Place, near 300 People were gathered together to see
an Experiment or two tried on some Persons accused of Witchcraft. It
seems the Accused had been charged with making their Neighbours Sheep
dance in an uncommon Manner, and with causing Hogs to speak, and sing
Psalms, &c. to the great Terror and Amazement of the King's good and
peaceable Subjects in this Province; and the Accusers being very
positive that if the Accused were weighed in Scales against a Bible,
the Bible would prove too heavy for them; or that, if they were bound
and put into the River, they would swim; the said Accused desirous to
make their Innocence appear, voluntarily offered to undergo the said
Trials, if 2 of the most violent of their Accusers would be tried
with them. Accordingly the Time and Place was agreed on, and
advertised about the Country; The Accusers were 1 Man and 1 Woman;
and the Accused the same. The Parties being met, and the People got
together, a grand Consultation was held, before they proceeded to
Trial; in which it was agreed to use the Scales first; and a
Committee of Men were appointed to search the Men, and a Committee of
Women to search the Women, to see if they had any Thing of Weight
about them, particularly Pins. After the Scrutiny was over, a huge
great Bible belonging to the Justice of the Place was provided, and a
Lane through the Populace was made from the Justices House to the
Scales, which were fixed on a Gallows erected for that Purpose
opposite to the House, that the Justice's Wife and the rest of the
Ladies might see the Trial, without coming amongst the Mob; and after
the Manner of _Moorfields_, a large Ring was also made. Then came
out of the House a grave tall Man carrying the Holy Writ before the
supposed Wizard, &c. (as solemnly as the Sword-bearer of _London_
before the Lord Mayor) the Wizard was first put in the Scale, and
over him was read a Chapter out of the Books of _Moses_, and then the
Bible was put in the other Scale, (which being kept down before) was
immediately let go; but to the great Surprize of the Spectators,
Flesh and Bones came down plump, and outweighed that great good Book
by abundance. After the same Manner, the others were served, and
their Lumps of Mortality severally were too heavy for _Moses_ and all
the Prophets and Apostles. This being over, the Accusers and the
rest of the Mob, not satisfied with this Experiment, would have the
Trial by Water; accordingly a most solemn Procession was made to the
Mill-pond; where both Accused and Accusers being stripp'd (saving
only to the Women their Shifts) were bound Hand and Foot, and
severally placed in the Water, lengthways, from the Side of a Barge
or Flat, having for Security only a Rope about the Middle of each,
which was held by some in the Flat. The Accuser Man being thin and
spare, with some Difficulty began to sink at last; but the rest every
one of them swam very light upon the Water. A Sailor in the Flat
jump'd out upon the Back of the Man accused, thinking to drive him
down to the Bottom; but the Person bound, without any Help, came up
some time before the other. The Woman Accuser, being told that she
did not sink, would be duck'd a second Time; when she swam again as
light as before. Upon which she declared, That she believed the
Accused had bewitched her to make her so light, and that she would be
duck'd again a Hundred Times, but she would duck the Devil out of
her. The accused Man, being surpriz'd at his own Swimming, was not
so confident of his Innocence as before, but said, _If I am a Witch,
it is more than I know._ The more thinking Part of the Spectators
were of Opinion, that any Person so bound and plac'd in the Water
(unless they were mere Skin and Bones) would swim till their Breath
was gone, and their Lungs fill'd with Water. But it being the
general Belief of the Populace, that the Womens Shifts, and the
Garters with which they were bound help'd to support them; it is said
they are to be tried again the next warm Weather, naked.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 22, 1730
_The Aurora Borealis_
Last Thursday Evening there was seen throughout this Province
in the N. East, a very bright Appearance of the _Aurora Borealis_, or
Northern Twilight. It seems this kind of Meteor never appears near
the Equator, and has therefore obtained the above Name. In 1716,
March 6. there was one visible to the West of _Ireland_, Confines of
_Russia_, and to the East of _Poland_; extending at least near 30
deg. of Longitude, and 50 deg. in Latitude, that is, over almost all
the North of _Europe_; it continued three Nights successively, and in
all Places at the same time it exhibited the like wondrous
Circumstances. In the Years 1707 and 1708, five small ones were
observ'd in little more than eighteen Months. But a sufficient
Number of Observations have not yet been made by the Curious, to
enable them to assign the Cause of this Phaenomenon with any
Certainty.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 29, 1730
_The Earliest New-England Immigrants_
Sometime since, the following Lines were found stuck on the
outside of the Door of the Council Chamber.
_Our Fathers pass'd the wide_ Atlantick _Sea,
And bless'd themselves when in the Desert Free:
And shall their Sons thro' Treachery and Fear,
Give up that Freedom which has cost so dear?
Whate'er Pretence our Enemies may frame,
The Man is alter'd, but the Cause the same.
From_ Caesar'_s Court should_ Cato _fawning come,
Be sure that_ Cato _is no Friend to_ Rome.
To which a Gentleman in _New-York_ has wrote the following Answer.
_Their Fathers crost the wide_ Atlantick Sea,
_To be in Desarts from their_ Deserts _free;
And shall their Sons with glaring Insolence
Support a Cause so void of common Sense?
What-e'er Pretence this stubborn People frame,
The Case is alter'd, but the Men the same.
From_ Caesar'_s Court should a new Ruler come,
Be sure they'll starve him, as they've others done._
Whatever Wit there may be in this Answer, it contains one
Reflection not altogether just: Since 'tis certain, that the greatest
Part of the Settlers of New-England removed thither on no other
Account than for the sake of enjoying their Liberty, especially their
religious Liberties, in greater Security: Being persecuted at home,
as _Puritans_ in the Reign of _James_ I. and among all other
Dissenters in the Reign of _Charles_ II.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 5, 1730
_Lying Shopkeepers_
_Veritas Luce clarior_.
A Friend of mine was the other Day cheapening some Trifles at a
Shopkeepers, and after a few Words, they agreed on a Price; at the
lapping up this Purchase, the Mistress of the Shop told him, People
were grown very hard, for she actually lost by every thing she sold:
How then is it possible, replied my Friend, that you can keep on your
Business? Indeed, Sir, answer'd she, I must of Necessity shut my
Doors, had I not a very great Trade. The Reason, said my Friend,
with a Sneer, is admirable.
There are a great many Retailers, who falsly imagine that being
_Historical_ (the modern Phrase for _Lying_) is much for their
Advantage; and some of them have a Saying, _That 'tis a Pity Lying is
a Sin, it is so useful in Trade_; tho', if they would examine into
the Reason why a Number of Shopkeepers raise considerable Estates,
while others, who have set out with better Fortunes have become
Bankrupts; they will find, that the former made up with Truth,
Diligence and Probity, what they wanted in Stock, and the latter have
been guilty of imposing on such Customers as they found had no Skill
in their Goods. The former's Character raises a Credit which
supplies the Want of Fortune, and their fair Dealing, brings them
Custom; whereas none will return to buy of him, by whom he has been
once defrauded. If People in Trade would judge rightly, we might buy
blindfold, and they would save, both to themselves and Customers, the
uneasiness of Haggling.
Though there are Numbers of Shopkeepers, who scorn that mean
Vice of _Lying_, and whose Word may very safely be relied on; yet
there are too many, who will endeavour to deceive, and, backing their
Falsities with Asseverations, pawn their Salvation to raise their
Price. As Example works more than Precept, and my sole View being
the Good and Interest of my Countrymen, whom I could wish without
Vice or Folly, I shall shew the Esteem of _Truth_, and the
Abbhorrence of _Falsity_ among the Antients.
_Augustus_ triumphing over _Mark Anthony_ and _Cleopatra_,
among other Captives, brought to _Rome_ a Priest about 60 Years old.
The Senate being inform'd that this Man was never detected in a
_Lie_, and thought never to have been guilty of one, not only
restored him to his Liberty, but made him a High Priest, and raised
him a Statue. This Priest thus honoured, was an _Aegyptian_, and an
Enemy to _Rome_, but this Virtue cover'd all Obstacles: Whereas
_Pamphilus_ was a _Roman_ Citizen, whose Body was deny'd Burial, his
Estate confiscated, his House raz'd, and his Wife and Children
banished the _Roman_ Territories, for his having been a noted and
irreclaimable _Liar_. Can there be a greater Demonstration of
Respect to Truth than this of the _Romans_, who raised an Enemy to
the greatest Honour, and exposed a Citizen's Family to the greatest
Contumely!
There is no Excuse for _Lying_, neither is there any equally
despicable and dangerous with a _Liar_, no Man being in Safety who
frequents his Company; for who will _lie_ (says the _English_
Proverb) will _swear_; and such an one may take away my Life, turn my
Family a begging, and ruin my Reputation, whenever he shall find it
for his Interest: For if a Man will _lie_ and _swear_ in his Shop to
get a Trifle, why should we question his doing of it, when he may
hope to make his Fortune by his _Perjury_! the Crime is in itself so
mean, that to call a Man a _Liar_, is every where esteem'd an Affront
not to be forgiven. If any have Lenity enough to allow the
_Dealer_'s Excuse for this base Practice, yet I believe they will
allow none for the _Gentleman_ who is addicted to this Vice, and must
look upon him as a Wretch undeserving the Name; and that the World
does so, is visible, by the Contempt with which he is mentioned
whenever there is Occasion to name him.
_Epimenides_ the Philosopher, gave the _Rhodians_ this
Definition of Truth, That she was Companion of the Gods, the Joy of
Heaven, the Light of the Earth, the Basis of Justice, and the
Foundation of good Policy. _Eschines_ told the same People, that
Truth was a Virtue, without which, Force was enfeebled, Justice
corrupted; Humility was Dissimulation, Patience intolerable, Chastity
dissembled, Liberty lost, and Pity superfluous. _Pharmacus_ the
Philosopher; told the _Romans_, that Truth was the Centre in which
all Things rested; a Chart to sail by, a Remedy for all Evils, and a
Light to the whole World. _Anaxarchus_ speaking of _Truth_, to the
_Lacedemonians_, said, It was Health incapable of Sickness; Life not
subject to Death; an Elixir which healeth all; a Sun not to be
obscur'd; a Moon without Eclipse; an Herb which never withereth; a
Gate that is never closed, and a Path which never fatigues the
Traveller.
But if we are blind to the Beauties of _Truth_, it's
astonishing that we should not open our Eyes to the Inconveniencies
of Falsities; for a Man given to Romance, must be always on his
Guard, for Fear of contradicting, and exposing himself to the
Derision of his Hearers: For the most _Historical_ would avoid the
odious Character; tho' 'tis impossible for any, with all their
Circumspection, to travel long in this Road, without being
discover'd; and then what Shame, what Confusion follows! he is
continually anxious to hide himself from the Knowledge of the World,
and loads his Memory with Trifles, for fear of being taken with his
own Words. Whereas, who is a Votary to _Truth_, never hesitates for
an Answer, never wrecks his Invention, to make the Sequel quadrate
with the foregoing Part of his Discourse; is not obliged to burden
his Memory with minute Circumstances, since Truth easily recollects
them, speaks openly, and will repeat the same Things often, without
varying; which a _Liar_ can hardly do, without that necessary Gift, a
good Memory.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 19, 1730
_Replies by "Betty Diligent" and "Mercator"_
_As a Nail sticketh fast between the Joinings of the Stones, so doth
Sin stick close between Buying and Selling._ Apocrypha.
We have received the two following Letters, relating to our
_Gazette_ of the 19th past. The first is from a _Shopkeeper_, and
the other from a _Merchant_.
_To the Author of the_ GAZETTE.
_SIR,_
`I am a Shopkeeper in this City, and I suppose am the Person at
whom some Reflections are aimed in one of your late Papers. It is an
easy Matter for Gentlemen that can write, to say a great deal upon
any Subject, and to censure Faults of which perhaps they are as
guilty as other People. I cannot help thinking that Paper is wrote
with much Partiality, and is a very unfair Representation of Things.
Shopkeepers are therein accus'd of _Lying_, as if they were the only
Persons culpable, without the least Notice being taken of the general
Lying practis'd by _Customers_. _I am sure 'tis very ordinary at
that Price; I have bought much better at such a one's Shop for less
Money;_ are very common Falsities repeated on this Occasion, almost
worn threadbare; but some have even the Confidence to aver, _that
they have bought cheaper of me;_ when I know the Price they mention
is less than the Goods cost me. In short, they will tell a hundred
Lies to undervalue our Goods, and make our Demands appear
extravagant: So that the Blame of all the Lying properly belongs to
the Customers that come to buy; because if the Shopkeepers strain the
Truth a little now and then, they are forc'd to do it in their own
Defence. In hopes you will do us Justice in this Affair, I remain,
_Your Friend and Servant,_
Betty Diligent.'
Mr. _Gazetteer_,
`You have in a late Paper very justly taken Notice of, and
censur'd the too common Practice of Lying used by Shopkeepers in
_selling_ their Goods; but you have omitted just one half the Story,
_viz._ their Lying when they come to the Stores to _buy_. I believe
they think Lying full as convenient and beneficial in _buying_ their
Goods as selling them; for to my Knowledge some of them are most
egregiously guilty in this Particular.
_I am, Sir, Yours_, &c.
Mercator.'
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 3, 1730
_On the Providence of God in the Government of the World_
When I consider my own Weakness, and the discerning Judgment of
those who are to be my Audience, I cannot help blaming my self
considerably, for this rash Undertaking of mine, it being a Thing I
am altogether ill practis'd in and very much unqualified for; I am
especially discouraged when I reflect that you are all my intimate
Pot Companions who have heard me say a 1000 silly Things in
Conversations, and therefore have not that laudable Partiality and
Veneration for whatever I shall deliver that Good People commonly
have for their Spiritual Guides; that You have no Reverence for my
Habit, nor for the Sanctity of my Countenance; that you do not
believe me inspir'd or divinely assisted, and therefore will think
your Selves at Liberty to assent or dissent approve or disapprove of
any Thing I advance, canvassing and sifting it as the private Opinion
of one of your Acquaintance. These are great Disadvantages and
Discouragements but I am enter'd and must proceed, humbly requesting
your Patience and Attention.
I propose at this Time to discourse on the Subject of our last
Conversation: the Providence of God in the Government of the World.
I shall not attempt to amuse you with Flourishes of Rhetorick, were I
master of that deceitful Science because I know ye are Men of
substantial Reason and can easily discern between sound Argument and
the false Glosses of Oratory; nor shall I endeavour to impose on your
Ears, by a musical Accent in delivery, in the Tone of one violently
affected with what he says; for well I know that ye are far from
being superstitious or fond of unmeaning Noise, and that ye believe a
Thing to be no more true for being sung than said. I intend to offer
you nothing but plain Reasoning, devoid of Art and Ornament;
unsupported by the Authority of any Books or Men how sacred soever;
because I know that no Authority is more convincing to Men of Reason
than the Authority of Reason itself. It might be judg'd an Affront
to your Understandings should I go about to prove this first
Principle, the Existence of a Deity and that he is the Creator of the
Universe, for that would suppose you ignorant of what all Mankind in
all Ages have agreed in. I shall therefore proceed to observe: 1.
That he must be a Being of great Wisdom; 2. That he must be a Being
of great Goodness and 3. That he must be a Being of great Power.
That he must be a Being of infinite Wisdom, appears in his admirable
Order and Disposition of Things, whether we consider the heavenly
Bodies, the Stars and Planets, and their wonderful regular Motions,
or this Earth compounded of such an Excellent mixture of all the
Elements; or the admirable Structure of Animal Bodies of such
infinite Variety, and yet every one adapted to its Nature, and the
Way of Life it is to be placed in, whether on Earth, in the Air or in
the Waters, and so exactly that the highest and most exquisite human
Reason, cannot find a fault and say this would have been better so or
in another Manner, which whoever considers attentively and thoroughly
will be astonish'd and swallow'd up in Admiration.
2. That the Deity is a Being of great Goodness, appears in his
giving Life to so many Creatures, each of which acknowledge it a
Benefit by their Unwillingness to leave it; in his providing
plentiful Sustenance for them all, and making those Things that are
most useful, most common and easy to be had; such as Water necessary
for almost every Creature's Drink; Air without which few could
subsist, the inexpressible Benefits of Light and Sunshine to almost
all Animals in general; and to Men the most useful Vegetables, such
as Corn, the most useful of Metals as Iron, and the most useful
Animals, as Horses, Oxen and Sheep, he has made easiest to raise, or
procure in Quantity or Numbers: each of which particulars if
considered seriously and carefully would fill us with the highest
Love and Affection. 3. That he is a Being of infinite Power appears,
in his being able to form and compound such Vast Masses of Matter as
this Earth and the Sun and innumerable Planets and Stars, and give
them such prodigious Motion, and yet so to govern them in their
greatest Velocity as that they shall not flie off out of their
appointed Bounds nor dash one against another, to their mutual
Destruction; but 'tis easy to conceive his Power, when we are
convinc'd of his infinite Knowledge and Wisdom; for if weak and
foolish Creatures as we are, by knowing the Nature of a few Things
can produce such wonderful Effects; such as for instance by knowing
the Nature only of Nitre and Sea Salt mix'd we can make a Water which
will dissolve the hardest Iron and by adding one Ingredient more, can
make another Water which will dissolve Gold and render the most Solid
Bodies fluid -- and by knowing the Nature of Salt Peter Sulphur and
Charcoal those mean Ingredients mix'd we can shake the Air in the
most terrible Manner, destroy Ships Houses and Men at a Distance and
in an Instant, overthrow Cities, rend Rocks into a Thousand Pieces,
and level the highest Mountains. What Power must he possess who not
only knows the Nature of every Thing in the Universe, but can make
Things of new Natures with the greatest Ease and at his Pleasure!
Agreeing then that the World was at first made by a Being of
infinite Wisdom, Goodness and Power, which Being we call God; The
State of Things ever since and at this Time must be in one of these
four following manners, viz.
1. Either he unchangeably decreed and appointed every Thing
that comes to pass; and left nothing to the Course of Nature, nor
allow'd any Creature free agency. or
2. Without decreeing any thing, he left all to general Nature
and the Events of Free Agency in his Creatures, which he never alters
or interrupts. or
3. He decreed some Things unchangeably, and left others to
general Nature and the Events of Free agency, which also he never
alters or interrupts; or
4. He sometimes interferes by his particular Providence and
sets aside the Effects which would otherwise have been produced by
any of the Above Causes.
I shall endeavour to shew the first 3 Suppositions to be
inconsistent with the common Light of Reason; and that the 4th is
most agreeable to it, and therefore most probably true.
In the 1. place. If you say he has in the Beginning
unchangeably decreed all Things and left Nothing to Nature or free
Agency. These Strange Conclusions will necessarily follow; 1. That
he is now no more a God. 'Tis true indeed, before he had made such
unchangeable Decree, he was a Being of Power, Almighty; but now
having determin'd every Thing, he has divested himself of all further
Power, he has done and has no more to do, he has ty'd up his Hands,
and has now no greater Power than an Idol of Wood or Stone; nor can
there be any more Reason for praying to him or worshipping of him,
than of such an Idol for the Worshippers can be never the better for
such Worship. Then 2. he has decreed some things contrary to the
very Notion of a wise and good Being; Such as that some of his
Creatures or Children shall do all Manner of Injury to others and
bring every kind of Evil upon them without Cause; that some of them
shall even blaspheme him their Creator in the most horrible manner;
and, which is still more highly absurd that he has decreed the
greatest Part of Mankind, shall in all Ages, put up their earnest
Prayers to him both in private and publickly in great Assemblies,
when all the while he had so determin'd their Fate that he could not
possibly grant them any Benefits on that Account, nor could such
Prayers be any way available. Why then should he ordain them to make
such Prayers? It cannot be imagined they are of any Service to him.
Surely it is not more difficult to believe the World was made by a
God of Wood or Stone, than that the God who made the World should be
such a God as this.
In the 2. Place. If you say he has decreed nothing but left
all things to general Nature, and the Events of Free Agency, which he
never alters or interrupts. Then these Conclusions will follow; He
must either utterly hide him self from the Works of his Hands, and
take no Notice at all of their Proceedings natural or moral; or he
must be as undoubtedly he is, a Spectator of every thing; for there
can be no Reason or Ground to suppose the first -- I say there can be
no Reason to imagine he would make so glorious a Universe meerly to
abandon it. In this Case imagine the Deity looking on and beholding
the Ways of his Creatures; some Hero's in Virtue he sees are
incessantly indeavouring the Good of others, they labour thro vast
difficulties, they suffer incredible Hardships and Miseries to
accomplish this End, in hopes to please a Good God, and obtain his
Favour, which they earnestly Pray for; what Answer can he make them
within himself but this; _take the Reward Chance may give you, I do
not intermeddle in these Affairs;_ he sees others continually doing
all manner of Evil, and bringing by their Actions Misery and
Destruction among Mankind: What can he say here but this, _if Chance
rewards you I shall not punish you, I am not to be concerned._ He
sees the just, the innocent and the Beneficent in the Hands of the
wicked and violent Oppressor; and when the good are at the Brink of
Destruction they pray to him, _thou, O God, art mighty and powerful
to save; help us we beseech thee:_ He answers, _I cannot help you,
'tis none of my Business nor do I at all regard these things._ How is
it possible to believe a wise and an infinitely Good Being can be
delighted in this Circumstance; and be utterly unconcern'd what
becomes of the Beings and Things he has created; for thus, we must
believe him idle and unactive, and that his glorious Attributes of
Power, Wisdom and Goodness are no more to be made use of.
In the Third Place. If you say he has decreed some things and
left others to the Events of Nature and Free Agency, Which he never
alters or interrupts; Still you unGod him, if I may be allow'd the
Expression; he has nothing to do; he can cause us neither Good nor
Harm; he is no more to be regarded than a lifeless Image, than Dagon,
or Baall, or Bell and the Dragon; and as in both the other
Suppositions foregoing, that Being which from its Power is most able
to Act, from its Wisdom knows best how to act, and from its Goodness
would always certainly act best, is in this Opinion supposed to
become the most unactive of all Beings and remain everlastingly Idle;
an Absurdity, which when considered or but barely seen, cannot be
swallowed without doing the greatest Violence to common Reason, and
all the Faculties of the Understanding.
We are then necessarily driven into the fourth Supposition,
That the Deity sometimes interferes by his particular Providence, and
sets aside the Events which would otherwise have been produc'd in the
Course of Nature, or by the Free Agency of Men; and this is perfectly
agreeable with what we can know of his Attributes and Perfections:
But as some may doubt whether 'tis possible there should be such a
Thing as free Agency in Creatures; I shall just offer one Short
Argument on that Account and proceed to shew how the Duties of
Religion necessary follow the Belief of a Providence. You
acknowledge that God is infinitely Powerful, Wise and Good, and also
a free Agent; and you will not deny that he has communicated to us
part of his Wisdom, Power and Goodness; i.e. he has made us in some
Degree Wise, potent and good; and is it then impossible for him to
communicate any Part of his Freedom, and make us also in some Degree
Free? Is not even his _infinite_ Power sufficient for this? I
should be glad to hear what Reason any Man can give for thinking in
that Manner; 'tis sufficient for me to shew tis not impossible, and
no Man I think can shew 'tis improbable, but much more might be
offer'd to demonstrate clearly that Men are in some Degree free
Agents, and accountable for their Actions; however, this I may
possibly reserve for another separate Discourse hereafter if I find
Occasion.
Lastly If God does not sometimes interfere by his Providence
tis either because he cannot, or because he will not; which of these
Positions will you chuse? There is a righteous Nation grievously
oppress'd by a cruel Tyrant, they earnestly intreat God to deliver
them; If you say he cannot, you deny his infinite Power, which you at
first acknowledg'd; if you say he will not, you must directly deny
his infinite Goodness. You are then of necessity oblig'd to allow,
that 'tis highly reasonable to believe a Providence because tis
highly absurd to believe otherwise.
Now if tis unreasonable to suppose it out of the Power of the
Deity to help and favour us particularly or that we are out of his
Hearing or Notice or that Good Actions do not procure more of his
Favour than ill Ones. Then I conclude, that believing a Providence
we have the Foundation of all true Religion; for we should love and
revere that Deity for his Goodness and thank him for his Benefits; we
should adore him for his Wisdom, fear him for his Power, and pray to
him for his Favour and Protection; and this Religion will be a
Powerful Regulater of our Actions, give us Peace and Tranquility
within our own Minds, and render us Benevolent, Useful and Beneficial
to others.
1730
_Compassion and Regard for the Sick_
--------- _Mors sola fatetur
Quantula sunt hominum corpuscula _ ------ Juv.
_Post obitum bene facta manent, aeternaq; virtus
Non metuit Stygiis nec rapiatur aquis._
Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the
Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production,
their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in
Form, that even of the same Kind it can scarce be said there are two
Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable there are none,
within our Observation, distinguish'd from the rest by this
Particular, _that they are by Nature incapable of DISEASES_. The old
Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend
so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing;
and though they made _Achilles_ invulnerable from Head to Foot, and
clad him beside in impenetrable Armour forg'd by the Immortals, yet
they were oblig'd to leave one soft Place in his Heel, how small
soever, for Destruction to enter at. But though every Animal that
hath Life is liable to Death, Man of all other Creatures has the
greatest Number of _Diseases_ to his Share; whether they are the
Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are given us that we may
have a greater Opportunity of exercising towards each other that
Virtue which most of all recommends us to the Deity, I mean
_CHARITY._
The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the
constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable,
always shew'd the greatest Compassion and Regard for the _SICK_; he
disdain'd not to Visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest
of the People, and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in
his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing (in
that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the
_Samaritan_, (who was esteemed no better than an Heretick or an
Infidel by the Orthodox of those Times) is prefer'd to the _Priest_
and the _Levite_; because he did not, like them, pass by regardless
of the Distress of his Brother Mortal, but when he came to the Place
where the half-dead Traveller lay, he _had Compassion on him, and
WENT TO HIM, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oyl and Wine, and
set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and TOOK CARE OF
HIM_. The Rich Man also is represented as being excluded from the
Happiness of Heaven, because he fared sumptuously every Day, and had
Plenty of all Things, and yet neglected to comfort and assist his
poor Neighbour who was helpless and _full of Sores_, and might
perhaps have been revived and restored with small Care, _with the
Crums that fell from his Table_. -- _I was SICK and ye VISITED me_,
is one of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the contrary a Cause
of Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, _Ye have
visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who
stood in need of it, even tho' they were the least or meanest of
Mankind._ This Branch of _Charity_ seems essential to the true Spirit
of Christianity; and it should be extended to all in general, whether
deserving or undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten
Lepers that were cleansed, nine seem to have been much more unworthy
than the tenth, yet in respect of their Disease they equally shared
the Goodness of God. And when the great Physician sent forth his
Disciples, he always gave them a particular Charge, _that into
whatsoever City they entred, they should heal_ all _the Sick,_
without distinction.
Now tho' in these Days we cannot work Miracles, and are not all
Physicians; yet in this time of general Distress by Sickness, there
are few Persons that have their Health, but what have Opportunity
enough of exercising that humane and Christian Virtue, which teaches
a tender Regard for the Afflicted. It is thought by some, that in
the present Distemper, a greater Number have been heretofore lost for
want of suitable Care and Attendance, than thro' the natural
Malignity of the Disease. The Rich have Visitors enough, and Advice
enough; but perhaps there may be some poor Families, where not only
those few that are well, have their Health endanger'd by the constant
Fatigue of Watching Night and Day, but the Sick suffer much for want
of Friends to offer their Assistance. The good _Samaritan_ gave
_Money_ to the Host where he had lodg'd his Patient, and said, _TAKE
CARE OF HIM, and what thou spendest more, I will repay thee._ If our
Circumstances will not afford This, we may at least be helpful in
Visiting, Watching, and doing many other kind Things, which the Poor
have almost as much in their Power as the Wealthy.
Now if the Considerations of Religion and Humanity have not the
Effect they ought to have on the Minds of some, perhaps this
Observation, which generally holds true, may have its weight with the
Self-interested, _That there are no Kindnesses done by one Man to
another, which are remembred so long, and so frequently return'd with
Gratitude, as those received in Sickness, whether they are only
present Comforts, or assist in restoring Health_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 25, 1731
_English Officials for America_
We hear from _North-Carolina_, That Governor _Burrington_ is
arrived there, accompanied by several Gentlemen, who are to have the
chief Places of Profit and Trust in that Government.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 27, 1731
_Apology for Printers_
Being frequently censur'd and condemn'd by different Persons
for printing Things which they say ought not to be printed, I have
sometimes thought it might be necessary to make a standing Apology
for my self, and publish it once a Year, to be read upon all
Occasions of that Nature. Much Business has hitherto hindered the
execution of this Design; but having very lately given extraordinary
Offence by printing an Advertisement with a certain _N.B._ at the End
of it, I find an Apology more particularly requisite at this
Juncture, tho' it happens when I have not yet Leisure to write such a
thing in the proper Form, and can only in a loose manner throw those
Considerations together which should have been the Substance of it.
I request all who are angry with me on the Account of printing
things they don't like, calmly to consider these following
Particulars
1. That the Opinions of Men are almost as various as their
Faces; an Observation general enough to become a common Proverb, _So
many Men so many Minds._
2. That the Business of Printing has chiefly to do with Mens
Opinions; most things that are printed tending to promote some, or
oppose others.
3. That hence arises the peculiar Unhappiness of that Business,
which other Callings are no way liable to; they who follow Printing
being scarce able to do any thing in their way of getting a Living,
which shall not probably give Offence to some, and perhaps to many;
whereas the Smith, the Shoemaker, the Carpenter, or the Man of any
other Trade, may work indifferently for People of all Persuasions,
without offending any of them: and the Merchant may buy and sell with
Jews, Turks, Hereticks, and Infidels of all sorts, and get Money by
every one of them, without giving Offence to the most orthodox, of
any sort; or suffering the least Censure or Ill-will on the Account
from any Man whatever.
4. That it is as unreasonable in any one Man or Set of Men to
expect to be pleas'd with every thing that is printed, as to think
that nobody ought to be pleas'd but themselves.
5. Printers are educated in the Belief, that when Men differ in
Opinion, both Sides ought equally to have the Advantage of being
heard by the Publick; and that when Truth and Error have fair Play,
the former is always an overmatch for the latter: Hence they
chearfully serve all contending Writers that pay them well, without
regarding on which side they are of the Question in Dispute.
6. Being thus continually employ'd in serving all Parties,
Printers naturally acquire a vast Unconcernedness as to the right or
wrong Opinions contain'd in what they print; regarding it only as the
Matter of their daily labour: They print things full of Spleen and
Animosity, with the utmost Calmness and Indifference, and without the
least Ill-will to the Persons reflected on; who nevertheless unjustly
think the Printer as much their Enemy as the Author, and join both
together in their Resentment.
7. That it is unreasonable to imagine Printers approve of every
thing they print, and to censure them on any particular thing
accordingly; since in the way of their Business they print such great
variety of things opposite and contradictory. It is likewise as
unreasonable what some assert, _That Printers ought not to print any
Thing but what they approve;_ since if all of that Business should
make such a Resolution, and abide by it, an End would thereby be put
to Free Writing, and the World would afterwards have nothing to read
but what happen'd to be the Opinions of Printers.
8. That if all Printers were determin'd not to print any thing
till they were sure it would offend no body, there would be very
little printed.
9. That if they sometimes print vicious or silly things not
worth reading, it may not be because they approve such things
themselves, but because the People are so viciously and corruptly
educated that good things are not encouraged. I have known a very
numerous Impression of _Robin Hood's Songs_ go off in this Province
at 2_s_. per Book, in less than a Twelvemonth; when a small Quantity
of _David's Psalms_ (an excellent Version) have lain upon my Hands
above twice the Time.
10. That notwithstanding what might be urg'd in behalf of a
Man's being allow'd to do in the Way of his Business whatever he is
paid for, yet Printers do continually discourage the Printing of
great Numbers of bad things, and stifle them in the Birth. I my self
have constantly refused to print any thing that might countenance
Vice, or promote Immorality; tho' by complying in such Cases with the
corrupt Taste of the Majority, I might have got much Money. I have
also always refus'd to print such things as might do real Injury to
any Person, how much soever I have been solicited, and tempted with
Offers of great Pay; and how much soever I have by refusing got the
Ill-will of those who would have employ'd me. I have heretofore
fallen under the Resentment of large Bodies of Men, for refusing
absolutely to print any of their Party or Personal Reflections. In
this Manner I have made my self many Enemies, and the constant
Fatigue of denying is almost insupportable. But the Publick being
unacquainted with all this, whenever the poor Printer happens either
through Ignorance or much Persuasion, to do any thing that is
generally thought worthy of Blame, he meets with no more Friendship
or Favour on the above Account, than if there were no Merit in't at
all. Thus, as _Waller_ says,
_Poets loose half the Praise they would have got
Were it but known what they discreetly blot;_
Yet are censur'd for every bad Line found in their Works with
the utmost Severity.
I come now to the particular Case of the _N.B._
above-mention'd, about which there has been more Clamour against me,
than ever before on any other Account. -- In the Hurry of other
Business an Advertisement was brought to me to be printed; it
signified that such a Ship lying at such a Wharff, would sail for
_Barbadoes_ in such a Time, and that Freighters and Passengers might
agree with the Captain at such a Place; so far is what's common: But
at the Bottom this odd Thing was added, N.B. _No Sea Hens nor Black
Gowns will be admitted on any Terms._ I printed it, and receiv'd my
Money; and the Advertisement was stuck up round the Town as usual. I
had not so much Curiosity at that time as to enquire the Meaning of
it, nor did I in the least imagine it would give so much Offence.
Several good Men are very angry with me on this Occasion; they are
pleas'd to say I have too much Sense to do such things ignorantly;
that if they were Printers they would not have done such a thing on
any Consideration; that it could proceed from nothing but my abundant
Malice against Religion and the Clergy: They therefore declare they
will not take any more of my Papers, nor have any farther Dealings
with me; but will hinder me of all the Custom they can. All this is
very hard!
I believe it had been better if I had refused to print the said
Advertisement. However, 'tis done and cannot be revok'd. I have
only the following few Particulars to offer, some of them in my
Behalf, by way of Mitigation, and some not much to the Purpose; but I
desire none of them may be read when the Reader is not in a very good
Humour.
1. That I really did it without the least Malice, and imagin'd
the _N.B._ was plac'd there only to make the Advertisement star'd at,
and more generally read.
2. That I never saw the Word _Sea-Hens_ before in my Life; nor
have I yet ask'd the meaning of it; and tho' I had certainly known
that _Black Gowns_ in that Place signified the Clergy of the Church
of _England_, yet I have that confidence in the generous good Temper
of such of them as I know, as to be well satisfied such a trifling
mention of their Habit gives them no Disturbance.
3. That most of the Clergy in this and the neighbouring
Provinces, are my Customers, and some of them my very good Friends;
and I must be very malicious indeed, or very stupid, to print this
thing for a small Profit, if I had thought it would have given them
just Cause of Offence.
4. That if I have much Malice against the Clergy, and withal
much Sense; 'tis strange I never write or talk against the Clergy my
self. Some have observed that 'tis a fruitful Topic, and the easiest
to be witty upon of all others. I can print any thing I write at
less Charge than others; yet I appeal to the Publick that I am never
guilty this way, and to all my Acquaintance as to my Conversation.
5. That if a Man of Sense had Malice enough to desire to injure
the Clergy, this is the foolishest Thing he could possibly contrive
for that Purpose.
6. That I got Five Shillings by it.
7. That none who are angry with me would have given me so much
to let it alone.
8. That if all the People of different Opinions in this
Province would engage to give me as much for not printing things they
don't like, as I can get by printing them, I should probably live a
very easy Life; and if all Printers were every where so dealt by,
there would be very little printed.
9. That I am oblig'd to all who take my Paper, and am willing
to think they do it out of meer Friendship. I only desire they would
think the same when I deal with them. I thank those who leave off,
that they have taken it so long. But I beg they would not endeavour
to dissuade others, for that will look like Malice.
10. That 'tis impossible any Man should know what he would do
if he was a Printer.
11. That notwithstanding the Rashness and Inexperience of
Youth, which is most likely to be prevail'd with to do things that
ought not to be done; yet I have avoided printing such Things as
usually give Offence either to Church or State, more than any Printer
that has followed the Business in this Province before.
12. And lastly, That I have printed above a Thousand
Advertisements which made not the least mention of _Sea-Hens_ or
_Black Gowns_; and this being the first Offence, I have the more
Reason to expect Forgiveness.
I take leave to conclude with an old Fable, which some of my
Readers have heard before, and some have not.
"A certain well-meaning Man and his Son, were travelling
towards a Market Town, with an Ass which they had to sell. The Road
was bad; and the old Man therefore rid, but the Son went a-foot. The
first Passenger they met, asked the Father if he was not ashamed to
ride by himself, and suffer the poor Lad to wade along thro' the
Mire; this induced him to take up his Son behind him: He had not
travelled far, when he met others, who said, they were two unmerciful
Lubbers to get both on the Back of that poor Ass, in such a deep
Road. Upon this the old Man gets off, and let his Son ride alone.
The next they met called the Lad a graceless, rascally young
Jackanapes, to ride in that Manner thro' the Dirt, while his aged
Father trudged along on Foot; and they said the old Man was a Fool,
for suffering it. He then bid his Son come down, and walk with him,
and they travell'd on leading the Ass by the Halter; 'till they met
another Company, who called them a Couple of sensless Blockheads, for
going both on Foot in such a dirty Way, when they had an empty Ass
with them, which they might ride upon. The old Man could bear no
longer; My Son, said he, it grieves me much that we cannot please all
these People; Let us throw the Ass over the next Bridge, and be no
farther troubled with him."
Had the old Man been seen acting this last Resolution, he would
probably have been call'd a Fool for troubling himself about the
different Opinions of all that were pleas'd to find Fault with him:
Therefore, tho' I have a Temper almost as complying as his, I intend
not to imitate him in this last Particular. I consider the Variety
of Humours among Men, and despair of pleasing every Body; yet I shall
not therefore leave off Printing. I shall continue my Business. I
shall not burn my Press and melt my Letters.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 10, 1731
_"A certain St-n-c-tt-r"_
Friday Night last, a certain St-n-c-tt-r was, it seems, in a
fair way of dying the Death of a Nobleman; for being caught Napping
with another Man's Wife, the injur'd Husband took the Advantage of
his being so fast asleep, and with a Knife began very diligently to
cut off his Head. But the Instrument not being equal to the intended
Operation, much Struggling prevented Success; and he was oblig'd to
content himself for the present with bestowing on the Aggressor a
sound Drubbing. The Gap made in the Side of the St-n-c-tt-r's Neck,
tho' deep, is not thought dangerous; but some People admire, that
when the Person offended had so fair and suitable an Opportunity, it
did not enter into his Head to turn St-n-c-tt-r himself.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731
_The Molasses Bill_
By way of Boston there is Advice, That a Bill for prohibiting
the Importation of Rum, Sugar and Mellasses from the French and Dutch
Plantations into the Northern Colonies in America, has pass'd both
Houses of Parliament, pursuant to a Petition from the Island of
Barbadoes. What Effect this will have, as to raising or falling the
Prices of those Commodities and of our Flour, &c. is left to the
Judicious to consider.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731
_"A certain C-n-table"_
Sure some unauspicious cross-grain'd Planet, in Opposition
to _Venus_, presides over the Affairs of Love about this Time. For
we hear, that on Tuesday last, a certain C-n-table having made an
Agreement with a neighbouring Female, to _Watch_ with her that Night;
she promised to leave a Window open for him to come in at; but he
going his Rounds in the dark, unluckily mistook the Window, and got
into a Room where another Woman was in bed, and her Husband it seems
lying on a Couch not far distant. The good Woman perceiving
presently by the extraordinary Fondness of her Bedfellow that it
could not possibly be her Husband, made so much Disturbance as to
wake the good Man; who finding somebody had got into his Place
without his Leave, began to lay about him unmercifully; and 'twas
thought, that had not our poor mistaken Galant, call'd out manfully
for Help (as if he were commanding Assistance in the King's Name) and
thereby raised the Family, he would have stood no more Chance for his
Life between the Wife and Husband, than a captive L ------ between
two Thumb Nails.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 24, 1731
_"George is as good as de best"_
We are credibly inform'd, that the young Woman who not long
since petitioned the Governor, and the Assembly to be divorced from
her Husband, and at times industriously solicited most of the
Magistrates on that Account, has at last concluded to cohabit with
him again. It is said the Report of the Physicians (who in Form
examined his _Abilities_, and allowed him to be in every respect
_sufficient_,) gave her but small Satisfaction; Whether any
Experiments _more satisfactory_ have been try'd, we cannot say; but
it seems she now declares it as her Opinion, That _George is as good
as de best_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 29, 1731
_Fighting Bucks_
We hear from Hopewell in the Jerseys, that on the 4th past, two
Bucks were observed fighting near the new Meeting House there; one of
them extraordinary large, supposed to be a Roe-buck; the other small
and of the common sort. In company with them was a black Doe, who
stood by to see the Engagement. The small Buck proved a full match
for the great one, giving him many violent Punches in the Ribs, but
in the height of the Battle, they fastned their Horns so strongly
together, that they were not able with all their Strength to
disengage; and in that condition they were taken. The Doe retreated
into the Woods, but being pursued with several Beagle Hounds, she was
taken also alive, and they have put her and the large Buck into a
boarded Pasture together, in hopes to have a Breed, if the Sizes are
not too unsuitable. This is the second Brace of Bucks that have been
caught by the Horns this Fall. _Had they not better put 'em up
quietly in their Pockets?_
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 7, 1731
_Doctrine to be Preached_
Doct. to be preached
That there is one God Father of the Universe.
That he is infinitely good, Powerful and wise.
That he is omnipresent.
That he ought to be worshipped, by Adoration Prayer and
Thanksgiving both in publick and private.
That he loves such of his Creatures as love and do good to
others: and will reward them either in this World or hereafter.
That Men's Minds do not die with their Bodies, but are made
more happy or miserable after this Life according to their Actions.
That Virtuous Men ought to league together to strengthen the
Interest of Virtue, in the World: and so strengthen themselves in
Virtue.
That Knowledge and Learning is to be cultivated, and Ignnorance
dissipated.
That none but the Virtuous are wise.
That Man's Perfection is in Virtue.
1731
_Death of a Lion_
_Boston, Jan._ 3. Last Saturday Night, The LYON, King of
Beasts, who had travelled all over North America by Sea and Land,
died here in a Tan-yard. Like other Kings, his Death was often
reported, long before it happened.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 25, 1731/2
_A Burnt-Offering_
We hear from the Jersey side, that a Man near Sahaukan being
disordred in his Senses, protested to his Wife that he would kill her
immediately, if she did not put her Tongue into his Mouth: She
through Fear complying, he bit off a large Piece of it; and taking it
between his Fingers threw it into the Fire with these Words, _Let
this be for a Burnt-Offering_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 15, 1731/2
_Lost Money_
Lost last Saturday Night, in Market Street, about 40 or 50 s.
if the Finder will bring it to the Printer hereof, who will describe
the Marks, he shall have 10 s. Reward.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 30, 1732
_On Simplicity_
There is in Humane Nature a certain charming Quality, innate
and original to it, which is called SIMPLICITY. In latter Ages, this
has been almost universally exploded, and banished from amongst Men,
as the Characteristic of Folly; whilst _Cunning_ and _Artifice_ have
prevailed in its stead, and with equal Justice been dignified with
the Titles of Wisdom and Understanding. But I believe the juster
Account of the Matter is, that Simplicity is the homespun Dress of
Honesty, and Chicanery and Craft are the Tinsel Habits and the false
Elegance which are worn to cover the Deformity of Vice and Knavery.
In the first Ages of the World, when Men had no Wants but what
were purely natural, before they had refin'd upon their Necessities,
and Luxury and Ambition had introduced a Thousand fantastick Forms of
Happiness, Simplicity was the Dress and Language of the World, as
Nature was its Law. The little Cunning which was then in use, only
taught them to ensnare, or to make tame such Animals as were
necessary to their Support or their Convenience, and were otherwise
too swift or too strong for them; but since these Arts have attain'd
their utmost Perfection, Men have practised the same low Stratagems
upon one another, and by an infinite Variety of Disguises and
well-covered Treacheries, have long since instituted those little
Basenesses among the necessary Arts and Knowledges of Life, and
practised without Scruple, that which they have long owned without
Shame.
But if we look into the History of the World, and into the
Characters of those who have had the greatest Names in it, we shall
find, that this original Simplicity of Mind has gradually been worn
off in every Age, down to the present Time, when there is hardly any
Characters of it remaining undefaced. The old Greeks and Romans,
whose unperishable Writings have preserved to us the Actions and
Manners of their Countrymen, and who were so well studied in all the
Forms and reasonable Happinesses of Life, are so full of that just
and beautiful Stile and Sentiment, as seems to have been the only
proper Method of transcribing the frank and open Characters of the
Heroes they celebrate, and of making them and their Writers immortal.
To prove the natural Charm and Beauty there is in this
Simplicity, we need only, at this Day, as false as the World is
grown, retire but far enough from great Cities, the Scenes of all
worldly Business and Action; and, I believe, the most cunning Man
will be obliged to own, the high and sincere Pleasure there is in
conversing from the Heart, and without Design. What Relief do we
find in the simple and unaffected Dialogues of uncorrupted Peasants,
after the tiresome Grimace of the Town! The veriest Double-Dealer in
the World is ever hankering after an Opportunity to open his own
Heart, tho' perhaps he curseshimself after he has done it. We are
all forward enough to protest and complain against the Falshood and
Treachery of Mankind, tho' the Remedy be always in our own Power, and
each is at Liberty to reform himself.
But perhaps we need not be forced always to go into the Country
in search of this amiable Complexion of Mind, Simplicity; for I
believe it will be found sometimes, that the Men of the truest Genius
and highest Characters in the Conduct of the World, (as few of them
as rise in any Age) are observed to possess this Quality in the
highest Degree. They are Pretenders only, to Policy and Business,
who have recourse to Cunning, and the little Chicaneries thereof: for
Cunning is but the Ape of Wisdom, as Sheepishness is of Modesty,
Impudence of Courage, and Pedantry of Learning. -- Cunning, says my
Lord _Bacon_, is a sinister or crooked Wisdom, and Dissimulation but
a faint kind of Policy; for it asks a strong Wit and a strong Heart,
to know when to tell Truth and to do it; therefore they are the
weaker sort of Politicians, that are the greatest Dissemblers. And
certainly there is a great Difference between a cunning Man and a
wise One, not only in point of Honesty but in point of Ability; as
there are those that can pack the Cards, who cannot play the Game
well.
Cunning is a Vice purely personal, and is with the greatest
Difficulty practised in free and mixed Assemblies. A cunning Man is
obliged to hunt his Game alone, and to live in the dark; he is
uncapable of Counsel and Advice, for his dishonest Purpose dies upon
Discovery. A vertuous and an honourable Action only, will bear a
Conference and Freedom of Debate. And this is the Part of true
Wisdom, to be busy and assistant in a fair and worthy Design. None
but Fools are Knaves, for wise Men cannot help being honest. Cunning
therefore is the Wisdom of a Fool; one who has Designs that he dare
not own.
To draw these loose Thoughts towards an End. If Cunning were
any real Excellence in Human Nature, how comes it that the greatest
and ablest, the most amiable and worthy of Mankind, are often
entirely without it, and vastly above it; while Numbers of the weaker
Part are observed to be very expert therein; sordid and ignorant
Servants, and dishonest idle Vagabonds, often attain to the highest
Perfection in it. Simplicity we are sure is natural, and the highest
Beauty of Nature; and all that is excellent in Arts which Men have
invented, is either to demonstrate this native Simplicity and Truth
in Nature, or to teach us to transcribe and copy in every Thing from
it. Simplicity of Speech and Manners is the highest Happiness as
well as the greatest Ornament of Life; whereas nothing is so tiresome
to one's self, as well as so odious to others, as Disguise and
Affectation. Who was ever cunning enough to conceal his being so?
No Mask ever hid it self. In a Word, those cunning Men, tho' they
are not declared Enemies to the World, yet they are really Spies upon
it, and ought in the Justice of Things to be considered and treated
as such, whenever they are caught. And to what purpose is all this
Craft? To make themselves suspected and avoided by the World in
return, and to have never a Friend in it. A Knave cannot have a
Friend, any more than he can be one: An honest Man must discover him,
a Rascal will betray him. And by this Time I hope my Reader and I
are agreed, that Wisdom and Vertue are the same Thing, as Knavery and
Cunning are generally so too; and that for the future, we shall
resolve to be what we would seem, which is the only sure way not to
be afraid to seem what we really are.
Perhaps it is not necessary to add here, that by Simplicity is
not at all meant the Pretences to it, which are made now a-days, by
many good People, who I believe very honestly mistake the Thing, and
while they aim at Simplicity are guilty of very gross Affectation.
The Plainness and Integrity of Mind, which is here recommended, is
very little concerned in any Quaintness of Habit, or Oddness of
Behaviour: Nor is it at all of Importance to Vertue and Simplicity,
that great care is taken to appear unfashionable. Again, on the
other side, I know very well that the Word _Cunning_ did in the
ancient Sense of it imply Knowledge. The Word Ken may perhaps be
akin to it; it is of Saxon Original, and we are told the Word King is
derived from it. I have no Quarrel to this Construction of it; but
only against (what it now comes to signify) the little Subtilty of
base Minds, who are incapable of great and honest Actions; in which
Sense the Word is now commonly used.
After all, I am sensible this crooked Wisdom has established
itself by the Force of an unhappy Fashion, too firmly to be
immediately exploded; and though I could wish my Reader would be
ashamed to live in the World by such a wretched Method, yet I would
warn him to be well aware of those that do; and to be sure to arm
against them, not with the same Weapons, but those which are of much
better Proof, the Integrity of a wise Man, and the Wisdom of an
honest one.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 13, 1732
_"To melt the Pewter Button"_
From New-York, we hear, that on Saturday se'nnight, in the
Afternoon, they had there most terrible Thunder and Lightning, but no
great Damage done. The same Day we had some very hard Claps in these
Parts; and 'tis said, that in Bucks County, one Flash came so near a
Lad, as, without hurting him, to melt the Pewter Button off the
Wasteband of his Breeches. 'Tis well nothing else thereabouts, was
made of Pewter.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 19, 1732
_Anthony Afterwit_
Mr. _Gazetteer_,
I am an honest Tradesman, who never meant Harm to any Body. My
Affairs went on smoothly while a Batchelor; but of late I have met
with some Difficulties, of which I take the Freedom to give you an
Account.
About the Time I first address'd my present Spouse, her Father
gave out in Speeches, that if she married a Man he liked, he would
give with her 200 _l_. on the Day of Marriage. 'Tis true he never
said so to me, but he always receiv'd me very kindly at his House,
and openly countenanc'd my Courtship. I form'd several fine Schemes,
what to do with this same 200 _l_. and in some Measure neglected my
Business on that Account: But unluckily it came to pass, that when
the old Gentleman saw I was pretty well engag'd, and that the Match
was too far gone to be easily broke off; he, without any Reason
given, grew very angry, forbid me the House, and told his Daughter
that if she married me he would not give her a Farthing. However (as
he foresaw) we were not to be disappointed in that Manner; but having
stole a Wedding, I took her home to my House; where we were not in
quite so poor a Condition as the Couple describ'd in the Scotch Song,
who had
_Neither Pot nor Pan,
But four bare Legs together;_
for I had a House tolerably furnished, for an ordinary Man,
before. No thanks to Dad, who I understand was very much pleased
with his politick Management. And I have since learn'd that there
are old Curmudgeons (_so called_) besides him, who have this Trick,
to marry their Daughters, and yet keep what they might well spare,
till they can keep it no longer: But this by way of Digression; _A
Word to the Wise is enough_.
I soon saw that with Care and Industry we might live
tolerably easy, and in Credit with our Neighbours: But my Wife had a
strong Inclination to be a _Gentlewoman_. In Consequence of this, my
old-fashioned Looking-Glass was one Day broke, as she said, _No
Mortal could tell which way_. However, since we could not be without
a Glass in the Room, _My Dear_, says she, _we may as well buy a large
fashionable One that Mr_. Such-a-one _has to sell; it will cost but
little more than a common Glass, and will be much handsomer and more
creditable_. Accordingly the Glass was bought, and hung against the
Wall: But in a Week's time, I was made sensible by little and little,
_that the Table was by no Means sutable to such a Glass_. And a more
proper Table being procur'd, my Spouse, who was an excellent
Contriver, inform'd me where we might have very handsome Chairs _in
the Way_; And thus, by Degrees, I found all my old Furniture stow'd
up into the Garret, and every thing below alter'd for the better.
Had we stopp'd here, we might have done well enough; but my
Wife being entertain'd with _Tea_ by the Good Women she visited, we
could do no less than the like when they visited us; and so we got a
_Tea-Table_ with all its Appurtenances of _China_ and _Silver_. Then
my Spouse unfortunately overwork'd herself in washing the House, so
that we could do no longer without a _Maid_. Besides this, it
happened frequently, that when I came home at _One_, the Dinner was
but just put in the Pot; for, _My Dear thought really it had been but
Eleven:_ At other Times when I came at the same Hour, _She wondered I
would stay so long, for Dinner was ready and had waited for me these
two Hours._ These Irregularities, occasioned by mistaking the Time,
convinced me, that it was absolutely necessary _to buy a Clock_;
which my Spouse observ'd, _was a great Ornament to the Room!_ And
lastly, to my Grief, she was frequently troubled with some Ailment or
other, and nothing did her so much Good as _Riding_; And _these
Hackney Horses were such wretched ugly Creatures, that_ -- I bought a
very fine pacing Mare, which cost 20 _l_. And hereabouts Affairs
have stood for some Months past.
I could see all along, that this Way of Living was utterly
inconsistent with my Circumstances, but had not Resolution enough to
help it. Till lately, receiving a very severe Dun, which mention'd
the next Court, I began in earnest to project Relief. Last Monday my
Dear went over the River, to see a Relation, and stay a Fortnight,
because _she could not bear the Heat of the Town._ In the Interim, I
have taken my Turn to make Alterations, _viz_. I have turn'd away
the Maid, Bag and Baggage (for what should we do with a Maid, who
have (except my Boy) none but our selves.) I have sold the fine
Pacing Mare, and bought a good Milch Cow, with 3 _l_. of the Money.
I have dispos'd of the Tea-Table, and put a Spinning Wheel in its
Place, which methinks _looks very pretty_: Nine empty Canisters I
have stuff'd with Flax; and with some of the Money of the
Tea-Furniture, I have bought a Set of Knitting-Needles; for to tell
you a Truth, which I would have go no farther, _I begin to want
Stockings_. The stately Clock I have transform'd into an Hour-Glass,
by which I gain'd a good round Sum; and one of the Pieces of the old
Looking-Glass, squar'd and fram'd, supplies the Place of the Great
One, which I have convey'd into a Closet, where it may possibly
remain some years. In short, the Face of Things is quite changed;
and I am mightily pleased when I look at my Hour-Glass, _what an
Ornament it is to the Room_. I have paid my Debts, and find Money in
my Pocket. I expect my Dame home next Friday, and as your Paper is
taken in at the House where she is, I hope the Reading of this will
prepare her Mind for the above surprizing Revolutions. If she can
conform to this new Scheme of Living, we shall be the happiest Couple
perhaps in the Province, and, by the Blessing of God, may soon be in
thriving Circumstances. I have reserv'd the great Glass, because I
know her Heart is set upon it. I will allow her when she comes in,
to be taken suddenly ill with the _Headach_, the _Stomach-ach_,
_Fainting-Fits_, or whatever other Disorder she may think more
proper; and she may retire to Bed as soon as she pleases: But if I do
not find her in perfect Health both of Body and Mind the next
Morning, away goes the aforesaid Great Glass, with several other
Trinkets I have no Occasion for, to the Vendue that very Day. Which
is the irrevocable Resolution of, Sir,
Her loving Husband, _and_
Your very humble Servant,
_ANTHONY AFTERWIT_.
_Postscript,_ You know we can return to our former Way of
Living, when we please, if _Dad_ will be at the Expence of it.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 10, 1732
_Celia Single_
_My Correspondent Mrs._ Celia, _must excuse my omitting those
Circumstances of her Letter, which point at People_ too plainly; _and
content herself that I insert the rest as follows._
Mr. _Gazetteer_,
I must needs tell you, that some of the Things you print do
more Harm than Good; particularly I think so of my Neighbour the
Tradesman's Letter in one of your late Papers, which has broken the
Peace of several Families, by causing Difference between Men and
their Wives: I shall give you here one Instance, of which I was an
Eye and Ear Witness.
Happening last _Wednesday_ Morning to be in at Mrs. _C ------
ss_'s, when her Husband return'd from Market, among other Things
which he had bought, he show'd her some Balls of Thread. _My Dear,_
says he, _I like mightily those Stockings which I yesterday saw
Neighbour_ Afterwit _knitting for her Husband, of Thread of her own
Spinning: I should be glad to have some such Stockins my self: I
understand that your Maid_ Mary _is a very good Knitter, and seeing
this Thread in Market, I have bought it, that the Girl may make a
Pair or two for me._ Mrs. _Careless_ was just then at the Glass,
dressing her Head; and turning about with the Pins in her Mouth,
_Lord, Child_, says she, _are you crazy? What Time has_ Mary _to
knit? Who must do the Work, I wonder, if you set her to Knitting?_
Perhaps, my Dear, _says he_, you have a mind to knit 'em yourself; I
remember, when I courted you, I once heard you say you had learn'd to
knit of your Mother. _I knit Stockins for you,_ says she, _not I
truly; There are poor Women enough in Town, that can knit; if you
please you may employ them._ Well, but my Dear, _says he_, you know a
penny sav'd is a penny got, a pin a day is a groat a year, every
little makes a mickle, and there is neither Sin nor Shame in Knitting
a pair of Stockins; why should you express such a mighty Aversion to
it? As to _poor_ Women, you know we are not People of Quality, we
have no Income to maintain us, but what arises from my Labour and
Industry; methinks you should not be at all displeas'd, if you have
an Opportunity to get something as well as my self. _I wonder,_ says
she, _how you can propose such a thing to me; did not you always tell
me you would maintain me like a Gentlewoman? If I had married_ Capt.
------ , _he would have scorn'd even to mention Knitting of
Stockins._ Prithee, _says he_, _(a little nettled)_ what do you tell
me of your Captains? If you could have had him, I suppose you would;
or perhaps you did not very well like him: If I did promise to
maintain you like a Gentlewoman, I suppose 'tis time enough for that
when you know how to behave like one; mean while 'tis your Duty to
help make me able. How long d'ye think I can maintain you at your
present Rate of Living? _Pray_, says she, (somewhat fiercely, and
dashing the Puff into the Powder-Box) _don't use me after this
Manner, for I assure you I won't bear it. This is the Fruit of your
poison_ News-papers; _there shall come no more here, I promise you._
Bless us, _says he_, what an unaccountable thing is this! Must a
Tradesman's Daughter, and the Wife of a Tradesman, necessarily and
instantly be a Gentlewoman? You had no Portion; I am forc'd to work
for a Living; if you are too great to do the like, there's the Door,
go and live upon your Estate, if you can find it; in short, I don't
desire to be troubled w'ye. -- What Answer she made, I cannot tell;
for knowing that a Man and his Wife are apt to quarrel more violently
when before Strangers, than when by themselves, I got up and went out
hastily: But I understood from _Mary_, who came to me of an Errand in
the Evening, that they dined together pretty peaceably, (the Balls of
Thread that had caused the Difference, being thrown into the Kitchen
Fire) of which I was very glad to hear.
I have several times in your Paper seen severe Reflections upon
us Women, for Idleness and Extravagance, but I do not remember to
have once seen any such Animadversions upon the Men. If I were
dispos'd to be censorious, I could furnish you with Instances enough:
I might mention Mr. _Billiard_, who spends more than he earns, at the
Green Table; and would have been in Jail long since, were it not for
his industrious Wife: Mr. _Husselcap_, who often all day long leaves
his Business for the rattling of Halfpence in a certain Alley: Mr.
_Finikin_, who has seven different Suits of fine Cloaths, and wears a
Change every Day, while his Wife and Children sit at home half naked:
Mr. _Crownhim_, who is always dreaming over the Chequer-board, and
cares not how the World goes, so he gets the Game: Mr. _T'otherpot_
the Tavern-haunter; Mr. _Bookish_, the everlasting Reader; Mr.
_Tweedledum_, Mr. _Toot-a-toot_, and several others, who are mighty
diligent at any thing beside their Business. I say, if I were
dispos'd to be censorious, I might mention all these, and more; but I
hate to be thought a Scandalizer of my Neighbours, and therefore
forbear. And for your part, I would advise you, for the future, to
entertain your Readers with something else besides People's
Reflections upon one another; for remember, that there are Holes
enough to be pick'd in your Coat as well as others; and those that
are affronted by the Satyrs you may publish, will not consider so
much who _wrote_, as who _printed_: Take not this Freedom amiss, from
_Your Friend and Reader_,
CELIA SINGLE.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1732
_Praise for William Penn_
_Philadelphia, August_ 12. Yesterday Afternoon, our Governor
having received by Express the agreeable News of the Arrival of the
Honourable _THOMAS PENN_, Esq; our Proprietary, at _Chester_,
immediately dispatch'd his Secretary thither with his Compliments of
Congratulation; and next Morning, attended by the Council, and many
other Gentlemen, His Honour our Governor set out for _Chester_, where
great Numbers of People from the neighbouring Parts of the Country
were flocking together. After Dinner, our Honourable Proprietor,
with his Company which was now grown very numerous, set out for
_Philadelphia_, and passing the Ferry at _Skuylkill_, was met by the
Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen of this City, in whose Name _Andrew
Hamilton_, Esq; the Recorder, made the following congratulatory
Speech.
May it please our Honourable Proprietor,
_The Mayor and Commonalty of the city of_ Philadelphia, _do
most joyfully congratulate You, on your safe Arrival into your
Province of_ Pennsylvania.
_You are now entring into the Liberties of the City of_
Philadelphia, _the Capital of your Province, where You have been long
and impatiently expected: Be pleased, Sir, to accept from this
Corporation, the Acknowledgements due to a Son of its Honourable
Founder._
_That generous Charter which he gave this City, those wise and
just Laws which he gave to the People of_ Pennsylvania, _and above
all his religious Care in securing to all its Inhabitants that
natural Right_ Liberty of Conscience, _and Freedom from_ Spiritual
Tyranny, _will ever continue a Testimony of his great Wisdom and
Goodness, in framing a Constitution every way fitted to make a happy
People, and be a lasting Monument of his Benevolence to Mankind._
_But he is gone!_ -- _and to whom can we so properly own these
Obligations, as to the Descendants of that good Man, under whom, next
to our gracious Sovereign, the Inhabitants of_ Philadelphia _derive
and enjoy so many valuable Privileges._
_We are indeed strongly prejudiced in favour of a_ Son _of the
great Mr. PENN; We know you have the same Powers of Government, and
if You shall imitate his excellent Example, in using them for the
Good of the People, as that made his Memory dear to all who lived
under his Influence, so this will give you a peculiar Claim to Our
Duty and Affections, and lay the Citizens of_ Philadelphia _under the
strongest Obligations of doing you the most acceptable Services in
their Power._
To which our Honourable Proprietor gave the following Answer.
"I am oblig'd to the City of _Philadelphia_, for this Mark of
their Affection to me, and Regard for the Memory of my Father; and
shall be pleased with every Opportunity of doing your Corporation any
agreeable Service."
The _Proprietor_ then proceeding forwards, was welcomed to this
City with the Discharge of many Guns from the Ships in our River, and
the joyful Acclamations of a Multitude of People, who lined all the
Streets through which the Cavalcade (consisting of between Seven and
Eight Hundred Horse) passed; and alighting at our Governour's House,
was saluted with the Discharge of a large Battery of Cannon on
_Society_ _Hill._ The universal Joy and Satisfaction which appeared
on this Occasion, seems a just Tribute to a worthy Son of the Great
and Good Mr. _PENN_, whose Memory must ever remain dear to all those
who set a just Value on the ample Privileges and Liberties granted by
him, and at this Time fully enjoyed by all the Inhabitants of this
flourishing Colony.
There is scarce any one Thing so generally spoke against, and
at the same time so universally practis'd, as _Censure_ or
_Backbiting_. All Divines have condemn'd it, all Religions have
forbid it, all Writers of Morality have endeavour'd to discountenance
it, and all Men hate it at all Times, except only when they have
Occasion to make use of it. For my part, after having frankly
declar'd it as my Opinion, that the general Condemnation it meets
with, proceeds only from a Consciousness in most People that they
have highly incurr'd and deserv'd it, I shall in a very fearless
impudent Manner take upon me to oppose the universal Vogue of Mankind
in all Ages, and say as much in Behalf and Vindication of this
decry'd Virtue, as the usual Vacancy in your Paper will admit.
I have call'd it a Virtue, and shall take the same Method to
prove it such, as we commonly use to demonstrate any other Action or
Habit to be a Virtue, that is, by shewing its Usefulness, and the
great Good it does to Society. What can be said to the contrary, has
already been said by every body; and indeed it is so little to the
purpose, that any body may easily say it: But the Path I mean to
tread, has hitherto been trod by no body; if therefore I should meet
with the Difficulties usual in tracing new Roads, and be in some
Places a little at loss, the Candour of the Reader will the more
readily excuse me.
The first Advantage I shall mention, arising from the free
Practice of _Censure_ or _Backbiting_, is, that it is frequently the
Means of preventing powerful, politick, ill-designing Men, from
growing too popular for the Safety of a State. Such Men are always
setting their best Actions to view, in order to obtain Confidence and
Trust, and establish a Party: They endeavour to shine with false or
borrow'd Merit, and carefully conceal their real Demerit: (that they
fear to be evil spoken of is evident from their striving to cover
every Ill with a specious Pretence;) But all-examining CENSURE, with
her hundred Eyes and her thousand Tongues, soon discovers and as
speedily divulges in all Quarters, every the least Crime or Foible
that is a part of their true Character. This clips the Wings of
their Ambition, weakens their Cause and Party, and reduces them to
the necessity of dropping their pernicious Designs, springing from a
violent Thirst of Honour and Power; or, if that Thirst is
unquenchable, they are oblig'd to enter into a Course of true Virtue,
without which real Grandeur is not to be attained.
Again, the common Practice of _Censure_ is a mighty Restraint
upon the Actions of every private Man; it greatly assists our
otherwise weak Resolutions of living virtuously. _What will the
World say of me, if I act thus?_ is often a Reflection strong enough
to enable us to resist the most powerful Temptation to Vice or Folly.
This preserves the Integrity of the Wavering, the Honesty of the
Covetous, the Sanctity of some of the Religious, and the Chastity of
all Virgins. And, indeed, when People once become regardless of
_Censure_, they are arrived to a Pitch of Impudence little inferior
to the Contempt of all Laws humane and divine.
The common Practice of _Censure_ is also exceedingly
serviceable, in helping a Man to _the Knowledge of himself_; a piece
of Knowledge highly necessary for all, but acquired by very few,
because very few sufficiently regard and value the Censure past by
others on their Actions. There is hardly such a Thing as a Friend,
sincere or rash enough to acquaint us freely with our Faults; nor
will any but an Enemy tell us of what we have done amiss, _to our
Faces_; and Enemies meet with little Credit in such Cases, for we
believe they speak from Malice and Ill-will: Thus we might always
live in the blindest Ignorance of our own Folly, and, while every
body reproach'd us in their Hearts, might think our Conduct
irreproachable: But Thanks be to Providence, (that has given every
Man a natural Inclination to backbite his Neighbour) we now hear of
many Things said _of_ us, that we shall never hear said _to_ us; (for
out of Goodwill to us, or Illwill to those that have spoken ill of
us, every one is willing enough to tell us how we are censur'd by
others,) and we have the Advantage of mending our Manners
accordingly.
Another vast Benefit arising from the common Practice of
_Backbiting_, is, that it helps exceedingly to a thorough _Knowledge
of Mankind_, a Science the most useful of all Sciences. Could we
come to know no Man of whom we had not a particular Experience, our
Sphere of Knowledge of this Sort would certainly be narrow and
confined, and yet at the same Time must probably have cost us very
dear. For the crafty tricking Villain would have a vast Advantage
over the honest undesigning Part of Men, when he might cheat and
abuse almost every one he dealt with, if none would take the Liberty
to characterize him among their Acquaintance behind his Back.
Without saying any more in its Behalf, I am able to challenge
all the Orators or Writers in the World, to show (with solid Reason)
that the few trifling Inconveniencies attending it, bear any
Proportion to these vast Benefits! And I will venture to assert to
their Noses, that nothing would be more absurd or pernicious than a
Law against Backbiting, if such a Law could possibly take Effect;
since it would undoubtedly be the greatest Encouragement to Vice that
ever Vice met with, and do more towards the encreasing it, than would
the Abolishing of all other Laws whatsoever.
I might likewise have mentioned the Usefulness of _Censure_ in
Society, as it is a certain and an equal Punishment for such Follies
and Vices as the common Laws either do not sufficiently punish, or
have provided no Punishment for. I might have observed, that were it
not for this, we should find the Number of some Sorts of Criminals
increased to a Degree sufficient not only to infest, but even to
overthrow all good and civil Conversation: But it is endless to
enumerate every particular Advantage arising from this glorious
Virtue! A Virtue, which whoever exerts, must have the largest Share
of Publick Spirit and Self-denial, the highest Benevolence and Regard
to the Good of others; since in This he entirely sacrifices his own
Interest, making not only the Persons he accuses, but all that hear
him, his Enemies; for all that deserve Censure (which are by far the
greatest Number) hate the Censorious;
_That dangerous Weapon, Wit,
Frightens a Million when a few you hit:
Whip but a Cur as you ride thro' a Town,
And strait his Fellow Curs the Quarrel own:
Each Knave or Fool that's conscious of a Crime,
Tho' he scapes now, looks for't another time._
A Virtue! decry'd by all that fear it, but a strong Presumption
of the Innocence of them that practise it; for they cannot be
encouraged to offend, from the least Prospect of Favour or Impunity;
their Faults or Failings will certainly meet with no Quarter from
others. And whoever practises the Contrary, always endeavouring to
excuse and palliate the Crimes of others, may rationally be suspected
to have some secret darling Vice, which he hopes will be excused him
in return. A Virtue! which however ill People may load it with the
opprobrious Names of _Calumny_, _Scandal_, and _Detraction_, and I
know not what; will still remain a Virtue, a bright, shining, solid
Virtue, of more real Use to Mankind than all the other Virtues put
together; and indeed, is the Mother or the Protectress of them all,
as well as the Enemy, the Destructress of all kinds of Vice. A
Virtue, innately, necessarily, and essentially so; for ------ But,
dear Reader, large Folio Volumes closely written, would scarce be
sufficient to contain all the Praises due to it. I shall offer you
at present only one more convincing Argument in its Behalf, _viz_.
that you would not have had the Satisfaction of seeing this Discourse
so agreeably short as I shall make it, were it not for the just Fear
I have of incurring your _Censure_, should I continue to be
troublesome by extending it to a greater Length.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 7, 1732
_Alice Addertongue_
_Mr. Gazetteer,_
I was highly pleased with your last Week's Paper upon SCANDAL,
as the uncommon Doctrine therein preach'd is agreeable both to my
Principles and Practice, and as it was published very seasonably to
reprove the Impertinence of a Writer in the foregoing Thursdays
_Mercury_, who at the Conclusion of one of his silly Paragraphs,
laments, forsooth, that the _Fair Sex_ are so peculiarly guilty of
this enormous Crime: Every Blockhead ancient and modern, that could
handle a Pen, has I think taken upon him to cant in the same
senseless Strain. If to _scandalize_ be really a _Crime_, what do
these Puppies mean? They describe it, they dress it up in the most
odious frightful and detestable Colours, they represent it as the
worst of Crimes, and then roundly and charitably charge the whole
Race of Womankind with it. Are they not then guilty of what they
condemn, at the same time that they condemn it? If they accuse us of
any other Crime, they must necessarily _scandalize_ while they do it:
But to _scandalize_ us with being guilty of _Scandal_, is in itself
an egregious Absurdity, and can proceed from nothing but the most
consummate Impudence in Conjunction with the most profound Stupidity.
This, supposing, as they do, that to scandalize is a Crime;
which you have convinc'd all reasonable People, is an Opinion
absolutely erroneous. Let us leave then these Ideot Mock-Moralists,
while I entertain you with some Account of my Life and Manners.
I am a young Girl of about thirty-five, and live at present
with my Mother. I have no Care upon my Head of getting a Living, and
therefore find it my Duty as well as Inclination, to exercise my
Talent at _CENSURE_, for the Good of my Country folks. There was, I
am told, a certain generous Emperor, who if a Day had passed over his
Head, in which he had conferred no Benefit on any Man, used to say to
his Friends, in Latin, _Diem perdidi_, that is, it seems, _I have
lost a Day_. I believe I should make use of the same Expression, if
it were possible for a Day to pass in which I had not, or miss'd, an
Opportunity to scandalize somebody: But, Thanks be praised, no such
Misfortune has befel me these dozen Years.
Yet, whatever Good I may do, I cannot pretend that I first
entred into the Practice of this Virtue from a Principle of Publick
Spirit; for I remember that when a Child, I had a violent Inclination
to be ever talking in my own Praise, and being continually told that
it was ill Manners, and once severely whipt for it, the confin'd
Stream form'd itself a new Channel, and I began to speak for the
future in the Dispraise of others. This I found more agreable to
Company, and almost as much so to my self: For what great Difference
can there be, between putting your self up, or putting your Neighbour
down? _Scandal_, like other Virtues, is in part its own Reward, as
it gives us the Satisfaction of making our selves appear better than
others, or others no better than ourselves.
My Mother, good Woman, and I, have heretofore differ'd upon
this Account. She argu'd that Scandal spoilt all good Conversation,
and I insisted that without it there could be no such Thing. Our
Disputes once rose so high, that we parted Tea-Table, and I concluded
to entertain my Acquaintance in the Kitchin. The first Day of this
Separation we both drank Tea at the same Time, but she with her
Visitors in the Parlor. She would not hear of the least Objection to
any one's Character, but began a new sort of Discourse in some such
queer philosophical Manner as this; _I am mightily pleas'd
sometimes,_ says she, _when I observe and consider that the World is
not so bad as People out of humour imagine it to be. There is
something amiable, some good Quality or other in every body. If we
were only to speak of People that are least respected, there is_ such
a one _is very dutiful to her Father, and methinks has a fine Set of
Teeth;_ such a one _is very respectful to her Husband;_ such a one
_is very kind to her poor Neighbours, and besides has a very handsome
Shape;_ such a one _is always ready to serve a Friend, and in my
Opinion there is not a Woman in Town that has a more agreeable Air
and Gait._ This fine kind of Talk, which lasted near half an Hour,
she concluded by saying, _I do not doubt but every one of you have
made the like Observations, and I should be glad to have the
Conversation continu'd upon this Subject._ Just at that Juncture I
peep'd in at the Door, and never in my Life before saw such a Set of
simple vacant Countenances; they looked somehow neither glad, nor
sorry, nor angry, nor pleas'd, nor indifferent, nor attentive; but,
(excuse the Simile) like so many blue wooden Images of Rie Doe. I in
the Kitchin had already begun a ridiculous Story of Mr. ------ 's
Intrigue with his Maid, and his Wife's Behaviour upon the Discovery;
at some Passages we laugh'd heartily, and one of the gravest of
Mama's Company, without making any Answer to her Discourse, got up
_to go and see what the Girls were so merry about:_ She was follow'd
by a Second, and shortly after by a Third, till at last the old
Gentlewoman found herself quite alone, and being convinc'd that her
Project was impracticable, came her self and finish'd her Tea with
us; ever since which _Saul also has been among the Prophets_, and our
Disputes lie dormant.
By Industry and Application, I have made my self the Center of
all the _Scandal_ in the Province, there is little stirring but I
hear of it. I began the World with this Maxim, _That no Trade can
subsist without Returns_; and accordingly, whenever I receiv'd a good
Story, I endeavour'd to give two or a better in the Room of it. My
Punctuality in this Way of Dealing gave such Encouragement, that it
has procur'd me an incredible deal of Business, which without
Diligence and good Method it would be impossible for me to go
through. For besides the Stock of Defamation thus naturally flowing
in upon me, I practice an Art by which I can pump Scandal out of
People that are the least enclin'd that way. Shall I discover my
Secret? Yes; to let it die with me would be inhuman. -- If I have
never heard Ill of some Person, I always impute it to defective
Intelligence; _for there are none without their Faults, no not one._
If she is a Woman, I take the first Opportunity to let all her
Acquaintance know I have heard that one of the handsomest or best Men
in Town has said something in Praise either of her Beauty, her Wit,
her Virtue, or her good Management. If you know any thing of Humane
Nature, you perceive that this naturally introduces a Conversation
turning upon all her Failings, past, present, and to come. To the
same purpose, and with the same Success, I cause every Man of
Reputation to be praised before his Competitors in Love, Business, or
Esteem on Account of any particular Qualification. Near the Times of
_Election_, if I find it necessary, I commend every Candidate before
some of the opposite Party, listning attentively to what is said of
him in answer: (But Commendations in this latter Case are not always
necessary, and should be used judiciously;) of late Years I needed
only observe what they said of one another freely; and having for the
Help of Memory taken Account of all Information & Accusations
received, whoever peruses my Writings after my Death, may happen to
think, that during a certain Term, the People of _Pennsylvania_ chose
into all their Offices of Honour and Trust, the veriest Knaves, Fools
and Rascals in the whole Province. The Time of Election used to be a
busy Time with me, but this Year, with Concern I speak it, People are
grown so good natur'd, so intent upon mutual Feasting and friendly
Entertainment, that I see no Prospect of much Employment from that
Quarter.
I mention'd above, that without good Method I could not go
thro' my Business: In my Father's Life-time I had some Instruction in
Accompts, which I now apply with Advantage to my own Affairs. I keep
a regular Set of Books, and can tell at an Hour's Warning how it
stands between me and the World. In my _Daybook_ I enter every
Article of Defamation as it is transacted; for Scandals _receiv'd
in_, I give Credit; and when I pay them out again, I make the Persons
to whom they respectively relate _Debtor_. In my _Journal_, I add to
each Story by Way of Improvement, such probable Circumstances as I
think it will bear, and in my _Ledger_ the whole is regularly posted.
I suppose the Reader already condemns me in his Heart, for this
particular of _adding Circumstances_; but I justify that part of my
Practice thus. 'Tis a Principle with me, that none ought to have a
greater Share of Reputation than they really deserve; if they have,
'tis an Imposition upon the Publick: I know it is every one's
Interest, and therefore believe they endeavour, to conceal _all_
their Vices and Follies; and I hold, that those People are
_extraordinary_ foolish or careless who suffer a _Fourth_ of their
Failings to come to publick Knowledge: Taking then the common
Prudence and Imprudence of Mankind in a Lump, I suppose none suffer
above _one Fifth_ to be discovered: Therefore when I hear of any
Person's Misdoing, I think I keep within Bounds if in relating it I
only make it _three times_ worse than it is; and I reserve to my self
the Privilege of charging them with one Fault in four, which, for
aught I know, they may be entirely innocent of. You see there are
but few so careful of doing Justice as my self; what Reason then have
Mankind to complain of _Scandal_? In a general way, the worst that
is said of us is only half what _might_ be said, if all our Faults
were seen.
But alas, two great Evils have lately befaln me at the same
time; an extream Cold that I can scarce speak, and a most terrible
Toothach that I dare hardly open my Mouth: For some Days past I have
receiv'd ten Stories for one I have paid; and I am not able to
ballance my Accounts without your Assistance. I have long thought
that if you would make your Paper a Vehicle of Scandal, you would
double the Number of your Subscribers. I send you herewith Account
of 4 _Knavish Tricks_, 2 _crackt M--n--ds_, 5 _Cu--ld--ms_, 3 _drub'd
Wives_, and 4 _Henpeck'd Husbands_, all within this Fortnight; which
you may, as Articles of News, deliver to the Publick; and if my
Toothach continues, shall send you more; being, in the mean time,
_Your constant Reader,_
ALICE ADDERTONGUE.
_I thank my Correspondent Mrs._ Addetiongue _for her Good-Will;
but desire to be excus'd inserting the Articles of News she has sent
me; such Things being in Reality_ no News at all.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 12, 1732
_Men are Naturally Benevolent as Well as Selfish_
_To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE.
_SIR,_
It is the Opinion of some People, that Man is a Creature
altogether selfish, and that all our Actions have at Bottom a View to
private Interest; If we do good to others, it is, say they, because
there is a certain Pleasure attending virtuous Actions. But how
Pleasure comes to attend a virtuous Action, these Philosophers are
puzzled to shew, without contradicting their first Principles, and
acknowledging that Men are _naturally_ benevolent as well as selfish.
For whence can arise the Pleasure you feel after having done a
good-natured Thing, if not hence, that you had _before_ strong humane
and kind Inclinations in your Nature, which are by such Actions in
some Measure gratified?
I am told that a late ingenious Author, enquiring why we
approve and disapprove of Actions done many Ages since, which can no
way be suppos'd to affect our present Interest, conceives that we
have a certain internal _Moral Sense_, which tastes the Beauty of a
rational benevolent Action, and the Deformity of an ill-natured cruel
one; and that our consequent Judgment is as involuntary as when the
Tongue is apply'd to Aloes, and we can by no Act of the Will prevail
with the Mind to acknowledge it tastes like Honey. However this be,
the Fact is certain, that we do approve and disapprove of Actions
which cannot in the least influence our present Affairs. How could
this happen, if we did not in contemplating such Actions, find
something agreeable or disagreeable to our natural Inclinations as
Men, that is, to our benevolent Inclinations?
Let this serve as an Introduction to a short Story, which I
have translated from the French, for the Pleasure of your Readers,
who will therein find wherewith to exercise their _moral Sense_ of
Tasting, if such a Sense they have. The Writer delivers it as a
known Affair, transacted but a few Years since. It is as follows.
`A certain French Merchant, remarkable for his Honesty and
Uprightness, which had procured him the Confidence of the greatest
Traders in _Europe_, having suffered very considerable Losses at Sea,
followed by the Bankrupcy of several who were deeply in his Debt,
fell at length into so great Necessity, that he resolved to visit
_Paris_ in quest of Succours. He addressed himself to all his old
Correspondents, acquainted them with his Misfortunes, and prayed them
to help him in beginning the World again; assuring those to whom he
owed any thing, that he had no greater Desire than to pay them, and
that he should die contented if he might be so happy as to accomplish
it. All equally affected with his Condition, promised to assist him.
`One only inexorable, to whom he owed 1000 Crowns, took him
precisely in these Circumstances, and threw him into Prison,
absolutely resolved there to let him rot, rather than risque longer
what was his due.
`The Son of this Merchant, aged about two and twenty Years,
informed of the sorrowful Situation of his Father, arrives at
_Paris_, goes and throws himself at the Feet of the pitiless
Creditor, and there dissolving in Tears, intreats him by every Thing
that is most touching, to restore him his Father; protesting
solemnly, that if he would not thus make himself an Obstacle to their
Hopes of being re-establish'd in their Affairs, he should certainly
be the first payed.
`But if this fail'd to move, he conjures him to have Pity of
his Youth, and to be sensible to the Unhappiness of a Mother, charg'd
with seven or eight young Children, who are reduc'd to Beggary, and
perish: And in fine, if nothing was capable to touch him, at least
that he would permit him to put himself in his Father's Place, who by
his greater Skill in Business would probably sooner come to give him
entire Satisfaction. In uttering these last Words, he so tenderly
press'd his Knees in hope the Request would be granted, that this
Man, so hard and inflexible, struck with the Sight of so much Virtue
at his Feet, raised the young Man and embrac'd him in his Turn, with
Eyes all bathed in Tears: Ah! my Son, said he, your Father shall come
out. So much Love, and so much Respect for him, makes me even die
with Shame. I have resisted too long; let me efface forever the
Remembrance of it. I have one only Daughter, and she is worthy of
you. She would do as much for me as you for your Father. I give her
to you with all my Wealth, accept her; and let us run to your Father,
and demand his Consent.
`This tender Scene finished through all that the purest
Generosity might inspire on such Occasions, they ran to renew it at
the Dungeon of the poor Prisoner. But what was his Joy and his
Surprize! He saw his Son, of whose Arrival at _Paris_ he had not
known; and in the same Moment he saw him at the Top of Fortune and
Happiness. The Day of Marriage was fixed, all the Creditors were
payed by the Father-in-law, and the Merchant even in these so
delicate Circumstances, found himself free enough to take their
Receipts. In fine, they live all together, and their Union is
cemented on both sides with so much cordial hearty Love, that their
Happiness is perfect.'
A Friend of mine, to whom I show'd this Story in the Original,
altho' his Circumstances are very near as unfortunate as those of the
Merchant before the happy Change, yet could say upon reading it, That
he knew not whose Happiness was most to be envy'd, his whose Affairs
were so happily retriev'd, or his who had the Opportunity of giving
so much Pleasure to others. I believe my benevolent Friend spoke his
real Sentiments. I see Virtue in all those who were concern'd in the
Story, yet I know not whether their Virtue is more worthy of
Admiration than his.
_I am Your Friend and Reader,_ Y. Z.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 30, 1732
_Death of a Drunk_
Last Monday Morning a Woman who had been long given to
excessive Drinking, was found dead in a Room by her self, upon the
Floor. She could not be persuaded to go to Bed the Night before, but
would sit up alone, as was her frequent Custom. The Coroners Inquest
ascribe her Death to the too great Quantity of Liquor she took at one
Time. Her former Husband had many Times put several Sorts of odious
Physick into her Drink, in order to give her an Aversion to it, but
in vain; for who ever heard of a Sot reclaim'd? If there are any
such they are Miracles. People cannot be too cautious of the first
Steps that may lead them to be engaged in a Habit the most invincible
and the most pernicious of all others.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 7, 1732
_Counterfeits_
Last Monday se'nnight in the Evening, three Men went into the
Indian Prince Tavern, and having call'd for some Liquor, one of them
offer'd a new Twenty Shilling Bill to be chang'd for the Reckoning;
Mr. _R_. _Brockden_, Master of the House, suspecting it to be a
Counterfeit, went with it immediately to _A_. _Hamilton_, Esq; (under
Pretence of going out to get Change) who caused them presently to be
apprehended. Upon Examination, two of them appeared innocent, and
were discharged; the third, who offer'd to pass the Bill, being ask'd
how he came by it, answer'd that he brought Hogs to Town to sell, and
had taken it of a Woman unknown in the Market: Upon searching him,
two more of the same sort were found in his Pocket-book, all which he
said he had taken for Pork. From the Indian Prince he was carried
over to another Tavern, where he had put up his Horse, in order to
see if he had any Bags wherein more Bills might be found: While the
Examination was continuing there, a Woman Stranger in the outer Room
was observed to appear somewhat concern'd; upon which she was call'd
in, and ask'd, if she knew that Man: she answer'd Yes, he was her
Brother; being ask'd if she had any Money about her, the Man was seen
to wink at her, and she answer'd, No; but attempting to slide her
Hand into her Pocket, they prevented her, and brought the Woman of
the House to search her, who found in her Pocket twenty-three 20 _s_.
Bills of the same Sort. The Fellow finding the Story of the Hogs
would not answer, nor any other Shuffles avail him any thing, betook
himself at last to make an ingenuous Confession. He said that one
_Grindal_ who arrived this Summer in Capt. Blair from _Ireland_, got
600 20 _s_. Bills printed there from a Pattern he carried home last
Year; that when he came here, he admitted one _Watt_ into the Secret,
and gave him a Number of the Bills to pass and exchange in
_Pennsylvania_, while he went into the Jersies on the same Account,
altering his Name to _Thomson_ lest a Wife he had married at
New-Garden should hear of him; and that they were to meet next
Christmas at _Philadelphia_, and divide the Profits: That _Watt_ had
communicated the Thing to him, and given him Twenty-seven Bills to
pass, of which he was to have a Share for himself; telling him, to
persuade him to it, that it was no Sin, for it would make Money
plentier among poor People. He said he had as yet pass'd but one, of
which the Change 19 _s_. was found in his Pocket. He could not tell
where _Grindal_ might be at this Time in the Jersies, but he inform'd
that _Watt_ was at Eastown in Chester County. Officers were
immediately dispatch'd in quest of him, who rid all Night, surpriz'd
him in his Bed about Day-break, and guarded him to Town. After
Examination he was committed to Prison, to keep company with his
Friend the Pork-seller, who it seems has _brought his Hogs to a fine
Market_. Tis hoped that by Christmas we shall see _Grindal_ here
also, that he may (according to Agreement) _share the Profits with
'em_. The Bills they have attempted to counterfeit are of the last
Impression; the Counterfeits might pass with many People who do not
take much Notice, but they have imitated the Paper very ill, that of
the new Bills being thick and stiff, and the Counterfeits soft and
flimsy. What is most surprising is, that the Counterfeiters, with
all their care and exactness, have entirely omitted numbering their
Bills; at least none of those are number'd which are seiz'd. Was
this Infatuation, or were they afraid they should not number them
right?
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1732
Yesterday, being Market Day, Watt who was concern'd in the
Counterfeit Money, as mentioned in one of our late Papers, receiv'd
part of his Punishment, being whipt, pilloried and cropt. He behaved
so as to touch the Compassion of the Mob, and they did not fling at
him (as was expected) neither Snow-balls nor any Thing else. We hear
that Grindal, the Importer of the Bills, and chief Person concern'd,
was taken in the Jersies, but afterwards made his Escape. In his
Pocket-Book was found the Account of Charge, so much to the Printer,
so much for engraving the Plates, so much for Paper, &c.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 11, 1732/3
_Rules for a Club Formerly Established in Philadelphia_
Previous question, to be answer'd at every meeting.
Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to
consider what you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of
them? viz.
`1. Have you met with any thing in the author you last read,
remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly
in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or
other parts of knowledge.
`2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling
in conversation?
`3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business
lately, and what have you heard of the cause?
`4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and
by what means?
`5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or
elsewhere, got his estate?
`6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who has lately done a
worthy action, deserving praise and imitation? or who has committed
an error proper for us to be warned against and avoid?
`7. What happy effects of intemperance have you lately observed
or heard? of imprudence? of passion? or of any other vice or folly?
`8. What happy effects of temperance? of prudence? of
moderation? or of any other virtue?
`9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or
wounded? If so, what remedies were used, and what were their
effects?
`10. Who do you know that are shortly going voyages or
journies, if one should have occasion to send by them?
`11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto
may be serviceable to _mankind_? to their country, to their friends,
or to themselves?
`12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last
meeting, that you heard of? and what have you heard or observed of
his character or merits? and whether think you, it lies in the power
of the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves?
`13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up,
whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage?
`14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your
_country_, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an
amendment? Or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting?
`15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just
liberties of the people?
`16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? and what
can the Junto do towards securing it?
`17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the
Junto or any of them, can procure for you?
`18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and
how have you defended it?
`19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of
the Junto to procure redress?
`20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you
in any of your honourable designs?
`21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in which you think
the advice of the Junto may be of service?
`22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not
present?
`23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice,
and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time?
`24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or
proceedings of the Junto, which might be amended?'
_______________________
Any person to be qualified, to stand up, and lay his hand on
his breast, and be asked these questions; viz.
`1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members?
-- _Answer._ I have not.
`2. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind in general;
of what profession or religion soever? -- _Answ._ I do.
`3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body,
name or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of
worship? -- _Ans._ No.
`4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour
impartially to find and receive it yourself and communicate it to
others? -- _Answ._ Yes.'
1732
_Proposals and Queries to be Asked the Junto_
Proposals
That P S and A N be immediately invited into the Junto.
That all New Members be qualified by the 4 qualifications and
all the old ones take it.
That these Queries be copied at the beginning of a Book and be
read distinctly each Meeting with a Pause between each while one
might fill and drink a Glass of Wine.
That if they cannot all be gone thro' in one Night we begin the
next where we left off, only such as particularly regard the Junto to
be read every Night.
That it be not hereafter the Duty of any Member to bring
Queries but left to his Discretion.
That an old Declamation be without fail read every Night when
there is no New One.
That Mr. Brientnals Poem on the Junto be read once a Month, and
hum'd in Consort, by as many as can hum it.
That once a Month in Spring, Summer and Fall the Junto meet of
a Sunday in the Afternoon in some proper Place cross the River for
Bodily Exercise.
That in the aforesaid Book be kept Minutes thus
Fryday June 30. 1732.
Present ABCDEF &c.
1. HP read this Maxim viz. or this Experiment viz or &c.
5. Lately arriv'd one ------ of such a Profession or such a
Science &c.
7. XY grew rich by this Means &c.
That these Minutes be read once a Year at the Anniversary.
That all Fines due be immediately paid in, and that penal Laws
for Queries and Declamations be abolish'd only he who is absent above
ten Times in the Year, to pay 10_s._ towards the Anniversary
Entertainment.
That the Secretary for keeping the Minutes be allow'd one
Shilling per Night, to be paid out of the Money already in his Hands.
That after the Queries are begun reading, all Discourse foreign
to them shall be deem'd impertinent.
When any thing from Reading an Author is mention'd, if it
excead___lines and the Junto require it; The Person shall bring the
Passage, or an Abstract of it, in Writing, the next Night, if he has
it not with him.
When the Books of the Library come: Every Member shall
undertake some Author, that he may not be without Observations to
communicate.
____________________
Queries to be ask'd the Junto
Whence comes the Dew that stands on the Outside of a Tankard
that has cold Water in it in the Summer Time?
Does the Importation of Servants increase or advance the Wealth
of our Country?
Would not an Office of Insurance for Servants be of Service,
and what Methods are proper for the erecting such an Office?
Qu. Whence does it proceed, that the Proselytes to any Sect or
Persuasion generally appear more zealous than those who are bred up
in it?
Answ. I Suppose that People _bred_ in different Persuasions are
nearly zealous alike. He that changes his Party is either sincere,
or not sincere; that is he either does it for the sake of the
Opinions merely, or with a View of Interest. If he is sincere and
has no View of Interest; and considers before he declares himself,
how much Ill will he shall have from those he leaves, and that those
he is about to go among will be apt to suspect his Sincerity: if he
is not really zealous he will not declare; and therefore must be
zealous if he does declare. If he is not sincere, He is oblig'd at
least to put on an Appearance of great Zeal, to convince the better,
his New Friends that he is heartily in earnest, for his old ones he
knows dislike him. And as few Acts of Zeal will be more taken Notice
of than such as are done against the Party he has left, he is
inclin'd to injure or malign them, because he knows they contemn and
despise him. Hence one Renegade is (as the Proverb says) worse than
10 Turks.
______________________
Qu. Can a Man arrive at Perfection in this Life as some
Believe; or is it impossible as others believe?
A. Perhaps they differ in the meaning of the Word Perfection.
I suppose the Perfection of any Thing to be only the greatest
the Nature of that Thing is capable of;
different Things have different Degrees of Perfection; and the
same thing at different Times.
Thus an Horse is more perfect than an Oyster yet the Oyster may
be a perfect Oyster as well as the Horse a perfect Horse.
And an Egg is not so perfect as a Chicken, nor a Chicken as a
Hen; for the Hen has more Strength than the Chicken, and the Chicken
more Life than the Egg: Yet it may be a perfect Egg, Chicken and Hen.
If they mean, a Man cannot in this Life be so perfect as an
Angel, it may be true; for an Angel by being incorporeal is allow'd
some Perfections we are at present incapable of, and less liable to
some Imperfections that we are liable to.
If they mean a Man is not capable of being so perfect here as
he is capable of being in Heaven, that may be true likewise. But
that a Man is not capable of being so perfect here, as he is capable
of being here; is not Sense; it is as if I should say, a Chicken in
the State of a Chicken is not capable of being so perfect as a
Chicken is capable of being in that State. In the above Sense if
there may be a p erfect Oyster, a perfect Horse, a perfect Ship, why
not a perfect Man? that is as perfect as his present Nature and
Circumstances admit?
______________________
Quest. Wherein consists the Happiness of a rational Creature?
Ans. In having a Sound Mind and a healthy Body, a Sufficiency
of the Necessaries and Conveniencies of Life, together with the
Favour of God, and the Love of Mankind.
Qu. What do you mean by a sound Mind?
A. A Faculty of reasoning justly and truly in searching after
and discovering such Truths as relate to my Happiness. Which Faculty
is the Gift of God, capable of being improv'd by Experience and
Instruction, into Wisdom.
Q. What is Wisdom?
A. The Knowledge of what will be best for us on all Occasions
and of the best Ways of attaining it.
Q. Is any Man wise at all Times, and in all Things?
A. No; but some are much more frequently wise than others.
Q. What do you mean by the Necessaries of Life?
A. Having wholesome Food and Drink wherewith to satisfie Hunger
and Thirst, Cloathing and a Place of Habitation fit to secure against
the inclemencies of the Weather.
Q. What do you mean by the Conveniencies of Life?
A. Such a Plenty [ ]
______________________
And if in the Conduct of your Affairs you have been deceived by
others, or have committed any Error your self, it will be a
Discretion in you to observe and note the same, and the Defailance,
with the Means or Expedient to repair it.
No Man truly wise but who hath been deceived.
Let all your observations be committed to writing every Night
before you go to Sleep.
______________________
Query, Whether it is worth a Rational Man's While to forego the
Pleasure arising from the present Luxury of the Age in Eating and
Drinking and artful Cookery, studying to gratify the Appetite for the
Sake of enjoying healthy Old Age, a Sound Mind and a Sound Body,
which a re the Advantages reasonably to be expected from a more
simple and temperate Diet.
Whether those Meats and Drinks are not the best, that contain
nothing in their natural Tastes, nor have any Thing added by Art so
pleasing as to induce us to Eat or Drink when we are not athirst or
Hungry or after Thirst and Hunger are satisfied; Water for Instance
for Drink and Bread or the Like for Meat?
Is there any Difference between Knowledge and Prudence?
If there is any, which of the two is most Eligible?
Is it justifiable to put private Men to Death for the Sake of
publick Safety or Tranquility, who have committed no Crime?
As in the Case of the Plague to stop Infection, or as in the
Case of the Welshmen here Executed.
______________________
Whether Men ought to be denominated Good or ill Men from their
Actions or their Inclinations?
If the Sovereign Power attempts to deprive a Subject of his
Right, (or which is the same Thing, of what he thinks his Right) is
it justifiable in him to resist if he is able?
What general Conduct of Life is most suitable for Men in such
Circumstances as most of the Members of the Junto are; Or, of the
many Schemes of Living which are in our Power to pursue, which will
be most probably conducive to our Happiness.
Which is best to make a Friend of, a wise and good Man that is
poor; or a Rich Man that is neither wise nor good? Which of the two
is the greatest Loss to a Country, if they both die?
Which of the two is happiest in Life?
Does it not in a general Way require great Study and intense
Application for a Poor Man to become rich and Powerful, if he would
do it, without the Forfeiture of his Honesty?
Does it not require as much Pains, Study and Application to
become truly Wise and strictly Good and Virtuous as to become rich?
Can a Man of common Capacity pursue both Views with Success at
the same Time?
If not, which of the two is it best for him to make his whole
Application to?
1732
_On Drunkenness_
_To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE.
I was much pleas'd with the short Caution you gave in one of
your late Papers, on Occasion of a Woman whose sudden Death the
Coroner's Inquest ascrib'd to the violent Effect of strong Drink; and
being my self related in the nearest manner to one, on whom that
Caution seem'd to have some good Effect, I could wish you would
pursue it further, in which perhaps you may oblige others beside me:
For it is now become the Practice of some otherwise discreet Women,
instead of a Draught of Beer and a Toast, or a Hunk of Bread and
Cheese, or a wooden Noggin of good Porridge and Bread, as our good
old English Custom is, or Milk and Bread boiled, or Tea and Bread and
Butter, or Milk-Coffee, &c. they must have their two or three DRAMS
in a Morning; by which, as I believe, their Appetite for wholesome
Food is taken away, and their Minds stupified, so that they have no
longer that prudent Care for their Family, to manage well the
Business of their Station, nor that regard for Reputation, which good
Women ought to have. And tho' they find their Husband's Affairs
every Day going backward thro' their Negligence, and themselves want
Necessaries; tho' there be no Bread in the House, and the Children
almost barefoot this cold Weather, yet, as if Drinking Rum were part
of their Religious Worship, they never fail their constant daily
Sacrifice. It is not long since I was present at the following
Scene. Enters one who was once a handsome Woman, but now with
bloated Face and swollen Legs, _How do you do, Neighbour?_
Indifferent. _Bless me, it's very cold, and I've no Wood at home;
but I'll go down to_ ------ , _and they'll help me to Wood; for they
have a penny to spend, and a penny to lend, and a penny to lay up.
Come, can't you give us a Dram?_ No, I wish I had one. _Come, I've
got a Penny._ And I've got but a Penny, if more would save my Life I
ha'nt it. _Come then, I've got two pence, and your Penny will fetch
half a Pint of Run; and you shall be two pence another time._ So away
goes the half-pint Bottle. _And you shall find Sugar, and a little
Bit of Butter, and that's pure good this cold Weather._ Judge you how
finely things are like to be carried on in the Families over which
such Women are placed. I for any part shall never more speak against
TEA; let those that like it enjoy it for ever: Tea will not take away
their Sense of Shame and of Duty, nor their Fear of Censure: Their
Pride in this Particular, may make them careful, and industrious, and
frugal in other Respects, that they may have wherewith to support
their Rank and Credit in the World. They may still preserve their
Modesty, and their natural Affection; But Drunkenness is utterly
inconsistent with any one of those Virtues which make Women amiable
or valuable to Men. _I am your Friend and Reader,_ &c.
______________________
Altho' it has happened, that of the four unfortunate Wretches,
who within these few Weeks have died suddenly in this County, by
excessive Drinking of strong Liquor, two were indeed Women; yet it
must be acknowledged, that this Kind of Intemperance is by far more
frequent among the Men than among them: And perhaps 'tis owing to the
general Moderation of Women in the Use of strong Drink, that the
present Race of Englishmen retain any considerable Degree of the
Health, Robustness, and Activity of their Ancestors. There are,
however, some, it seems, who, directly contrary to the Advice given
by the Angel to the Mother of the strongest Man, instead of
refraining all Drink that may intoxicate, are determin'd to drink
nothing else. Their Fault will be its own Punishment: But what
Crimes have their unhappy Offspring committed, that they are
condemn'd to bring Misery into the World with them, to be born with
the Seeds of many future Diseases in their Constitution.
The Practice of Drinking Drams is so general, and so well
establish'd in the World at present, that some People are apt to
wonder, and scarce think it possible, when they are told, that Men
formerly lived and performed their Labour without it; and that 'tis
scarce 50 Years since distill'd Spirits have been commonly used in
England. They were first only to be found in the Apothecary's Shop,
and prescrib'd by Physicians in extraordinary Cases, a _Drachm_ at a
time, whence we have the present Word _Dram_, but it signifies now
much more than the _eighth part of an Ounce._ Our Forefathers, 'tis
true, have had Beer many Ages; but within the Memory of Men,
Temperance in Drinking was so universal amongst them, especially in
the inland Country Places, that a good old Man not long since dead
with us, could speak it as an extraordinary Thing, _Verily, I tell
thee, Friend, I knew a Smith in aoer Toon, who would sometimes go to
th' Alehouse, when he had no other Business there, but to drink!_
Observe, it was _a Smith_, which is allow'd to be a thirsty Trade,
_and but one Smith!_ I am afraid we have never a modern Miracle on
the other side to match it; that is to say, _A Smith_, or indeed any
other Tradesman, _in our Town, who never goes to the Tavern_ but when
he has other Business there _beside Drinking_.
That decrying of _Drams_ may not be thought the Fancy of
whimsical particular Men, who love Singularity, and to talk against
every thing that is in Fashion; see the united Wisdom of the British
Nation, King, Lords, and Commons in Parliament assembled, condemning
that Practice, in the Act made in 1729, for restraining it. The
Preamble is worth transcribing. _Whereas the Drinking of Spirits and
strong Waters is become very common amongst the People of Inferior
Rank, and the constant Use thereof tends greatly to the Destruction
of th eir Healths, enervating them, and rendring them unfit for
useful Labour, intoxicating them, and debauching their Morals, and
leading them into all manner of Vices and Wickedness, the Prevention
whereof would be of the greatest publick Good and Benefit,_ &c. 'Tis
pity that Act had not fully its desired Effect.
I might cite the Opinions of our most famous Physicians, who
are universally against the Practice we are speaking of: but I have
not Room, and can only at present give a Paragraph or two from Dr.
_Allen's Synopsis of Physick_, lately published with considerable
Applause. In his Chapter of _POISONS_, having treated of mineral,
vegetable, and animal _Poisons_, he concludes with this.
DISTILLED POISONS.
`There is yet another Family of Poisons, to wit, _Vinous
Spirits_ and _distilled intoxicating Liquors_; for the too frequent
and plentiful devouring of these (as the ill Custom obtains) hath
killed as many Thousands of Men as there are Stars in the Skie; nay,
ten times ten hundred Thousands have died by these, more than by all
the rest of Poisons whatever, which is not in the least to be doubted
of; wherefore I usually call this pernicious Mischief, by way
excellence, THE HARM, whether in jest or earnest I need not say. It
not only occasions violent Distempers in a great many, but also
sometimes _sudden Death_ in some; for which Reason, if it does not
deserve the Name of _Poison_, what else it would be called I can
neither learn nor conjecture.
`An ungrateful Burthen lies upon generous Physicians. Those
who guzzle burning Spirits Night and Day, according to their
detestable Custom, perpetually tippling _liquid Fire_, when they have
extinguished all Concoctions, enervated all the Solids, and corrupted
the Liquids; and the Fabrick a long while staggering is now ready to
fall, then they seek our Help. What is to be done? The Office of a
Scavenger is to be performed; and perhaps when the Drain is made, and
by chance the Matter retrieved, they presently return to the same
Practice again, as a Dog to the Vomit, or a Sow to the Mire; and
prodigal of their Lives, they shorten the remaining part of their
Days. What must Physicians, or what can Divines do? Medicines can
be of no Service, and they will not hearken to Counsel. All Things
will be in vain, they rush into the Embraces of the wicked Poison,
they become stupid and blind, deafer to Reason and Counsel than
_Marpassus's Rocks_, they thirst forever, and drink as if bit by the
_Dipsas_, and the more they drink the more they covet of the _deadly
distilled Water_, with which, in as much Haste as they can, they
close the Scene, even at the Point of Death calling for the Bottle.
Most miserable! and deplorable!
`O happy Temperance! never too much to be praised! of the
_first_, which thou mad'st the _golden_ Age, _the Ornament and
Safeguard!_ thy own Persuasive and Value! worshipped and adored by
all pure and pious Souls in all Ages. Thou art, if any thing in the
Earth, _the true Composer of Archaeus_, and the Preserver of a sound
Mind in a sound Body. Thou lead'st thy Adorers right on the way to a
long and happy old Age, with a pleasant and youthful, graceful and
lovely Countenance. To conclude, thou art adorned with the Praises
even of thy Enemies, and art counted lovely by them, with whom, when
thou art cast off, there remains the Curse of _Satyricus_, _Let them
see this Virtue, and waste away, since they have forsaken it_.'
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 1, 1732/3
_A Meditation on a Quart Mugg_
Wretched, miserable, and unhappy Mug! I pity thy luckless Lot,
I commiserate thy Misfortunes, thy Griefs fill me with Compassion,
and because of thee are Tears made frequently to burst from my Eyes.
How often have I seen him compell'd to hold up his Handle at
the Bar, for no other Crime than that of being empty; then snatch'd
away by a surly Officer, and plung'd suddenly into a Tub of cold
Water: Sad Spectacle, and Emblem of human Penury, oppress'd by
arbitrary Power! How often is he hurry'd down into a dismal Vault,
sent up fully laden in a cold Sweat, and by a rude Hand thrust into
the Fire! How often have I seen it obliged to undergo the
Indignities of a dirty Wench; to have melting Candles dropt on its
naked Sides, and sometimes in its Mouth, to risque being broken into
a thousand Pieces, for Actions which itself was not guilty of! How
often is he forced into the Company of boisterous Sots, who say all
their Nonsence, Noise, profane Swearing, Cursing, and Quarreling, on
the harmless Mug, which speaks not a Word! They overset him, maim
him, and sometimes turn him to Arms offensive or defensive, as they
please; when of himself he would not be of either Party, but would as
willingly stand still. Alas! what Power, or Place, is provided,
where this poor Mug, this unpitied Slave, can have Redress of his
Wrongs and Sufferings? Or where shall he have a Word of Praise
bestow'd on him for his Well-doings, and faithful Services? If he
prove of a large size, his Owner curses him, and says he will devour
more than he'll earn: If his Size be small, those whom his Master
appoints him to serve will curse him as much, and perhaps threaten
him with the Inquisition of the Standard. Poor Mug, unfortunate is
thy Condition! Of thy self thou wouldst do no Harm, but much Harm is
done with thee! Thou art accused of many Mischiefs; thou art said to
administer Drunkenness, Poison, and broken Heads: But none praise
thee for the good Things thou yieldest! Shouldest thou produce
double Beer, nappy Ale, stallcop Cyder, or Cyder mull'd, fine Punch,
or cordial Tiff; yet for all these shouldst thou not be prais'd, but
the rich Liquors themselves, which tho' within thee, twill be said to
be foreign to thee! And yet, so unhappy is thy Destiny, thou must
bear all their Faults and Abominations! Hast thou been industriously
serving thy Employers with Tiff or Punch, and instantly they dispatch
thee for Cyder, then must thou be abused for smelling of Rum. Hast
thou been steaming their Noses gratefully, with mull'd Cyder or
butter'd Ale, and then offerest to refresh their Palates with the
best of Beer, they will curse thee for thy Greasiness. And how,
alas! can thy Service be rendered more tolerable to thee? If thou
submittest thy self to a Scouring in the Kitchen, what must thou
undergo from sharp Sand, hot Ashes, and a coarse Dishclout; besides
the Danger of having thy Lips rudely torn, thy Countenance
disfigured, thy Arms dismantled, and thy whole Frame shatter'd, with
violent Concussions in an Iron Pot or Brass Kettle! And yet, O Mug!
if these Dangers thou escapest, with little Injury, thou must at last
untimely fall, be broken to Pieces, and cast away, never more to be
recollected and form'd into a Quart Mug. Whether by the Fire, or in
a Battle, or choak'd with a Dishclout, or by a Stroke against a
Stone, thy Dissolution happens; 'tis all alike to thy avaritious
Owner; he grieves not for thee, but for the Shilling with which he
purchased thee! If thy Bottom-Part should chance to survive, it may
be preserv'd to hold Bits of Candles, or Blacking for Shoes, or Salve
for kibed Heels; but all thy other Members will be for ever buried in
some miry Hole; or less carefully disposed of, so that little
Children, who have not yet arrived to Acts of Cruelty, may gather
them up to furnish out their Baby-Houses: Or, being cast upon the
Dunghill, they will therewith be carted into Meadow Grounds; where,
being spread abroad and discovered, they must be thrown to the Heap
of Stones, Bones, and Rubbish; or being left until the Mower finds
them with his Scythe, they will with bitter Curses be tossed over the
Hedge; and so serve for unlucky Boys to throw at Birds and Dogs;
until by Length of Time and numerous Casualties, they shall be
press'd into their Mother Earth, and be converted to their original
Principles.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 19, 1733
_Blackamore, on Mulatto Gentlemen_
_Set a Beggar on Horseback,_ &c. Chesh.
Mr. _Gazetteer_,
It is observed concerning the Generation of _Molattoes_, that
they are seldom well belov'd either by the Whites or the Blacks.
Their Approach towards Whiteness, makes them look back with some kind
of Scorn the Colour they seem to have left, while the Negroes, who do
not think them better than themselves, return their Contempt with
Interest: And the Whites, who respect them no Whit the more for the
nearer Affinity in Colour, are apt to regard their Behaviour as too
bold and assuming, and bordering upon Impudence. As they are next to
Negroes, and but just above 'em, they are terribly afraid of being
thought Negroes, and therefore avoid as much as possible their
Company or Commerce: and Whitefolks are as little fond of the Company
of _Molattoes_.
When People by their Industry or good Fortune, from mean
Beginnings find themselves in Circumstances a little more easy, there
is an Ambition seizes many of them immediately to become
_Gentlefolks_: But 'tis no easy Thing for a Clown or a Labourer, on a
sudden to hit in all respects, the natural and easy Manner of those
who have been genteely educated: And 'tis the Curse of _Imitation_,
that it almost always either under-does or over-does.
The _true Gentleman_, who is well known to be such, can take a
Walk, or drink a Glass, and converse freely, if there be occasion,
with honest Men of any Degree below him, without degrading or fearing
to degrade himself in the least. For my Part, I am an ordinary
Mechanick, and I pray I may always have the Grace to know my self and
my Station. As little as I have learnt of the World, whenever I find
a Man well dress'd whom I do not know, and observe him mighty
cautious how he mixes in Company, or converses, or engages in any
kind of equal Affair with such as appear to be his Inferiors; I
always judge him, and I generally find him, to be some _new
Gentleman_, or rather _half Gentleman_, or _Mungrel_, an unnatural
Compound of Earth and _Brass_ like the Feet of _Nebuchadnezzar's_
Image. And if in the Way of my Business, I find some young Woman
Mistress of a newly fine furnished House, treating me with a kind of
Superiority, a distant sort of Freedom, and a high Manner of
Condescension that might become a Governor's Lady, I cannot help
imagining her to be some poor Girl that is but lately well married:
Or if I see something in her very haughty and imperious, I conclude
that 'tis not long since she was somebody's Servant Maid.
With Regard to the Respect shown them by the _true Gentry_ and
the _no Gentry_, our _half Gentry_ are exactly in the Case of the
_Mulattoes_ abovementioned. They are the Ridicule and Contempt of
both sides.
There is my former Acquaintance (but now he cannot speak to me)
the lumpish stupid _Jack Chopstick_, while he kept in his natural
Sphere, which (as that of all heavy Bodies) is the lowest, the Figure
he made among Acquaintance of his own Rank was well enough; none of
us envy'd him, 'tis true, nor none of us despis'd him: But now he has
got a little Money, the Case is exceedingly alter'd. Without
Experience of Men or Knowledge of Books, or even common Wit, the vain
Fool thrusts himself into Conversation with People of the best Sense
and the most polite. All his Absurdities, which were scarcely taken
Notice of among us, stand evident among them, and afford them
continual Matter of Diversion. At the same time, we below cannot
help considering him as a Monkey that climbs a Tree, the higher he
goes, the more he shows his Arse.
To conclude with the Thought I began; there are perhaps
_Molattoes_ in Religion, in Politicks, in Love, and in several other
Things; but of all sorts of _Molattoes_, none appear to me so
monstrously ridiculous as the _Molatto Gentleman_.
_I am Yours, &c._
BLACKAMORE.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1733
_Brave Men at Fires_
_To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE.
An experienc'd Writer has said, there was never a great Man
that was not an industrious Man, and I believe that there never was a
good Man that was a lazy Man. This may serve to introduce a few
Thoughts I have had while meditating on the Circumstances of
Buildings on Fire, and the Persons there gather'd. Accidental Fires
in Houses are most frequent in the Winter and in the Night Time: But
neither Cold nor Darkness will deter good People, who are able, from
hastening to the dreadful Place, and giving their best Assistance to
quench the Flames; nor wicked People from making as much Haste to
pilfer; nor others to be idle Spectators. The two latter Sort are
not to be easily instructed and made good; and as it is not in my
Power to punish them otherwise than by despising them, as all good
People do, I shall here neglect to characterize them further.
The brave Men who at Fires are active and speedy with their
best Advice and Example, or the Labour of their Hands, are uppermost
in my Thoughts. This kind of Industry seems to me a great Virtue.
He that is afraid to leave a warm Bed, and to walk in the Dark, and
to dawb or tear his Clothes or his Skin; He that makes no Difference
between Virtue and Vice, and takes no Pleasure in Hospitality; and He
that cares not who suff ers, if he himself gains by it, or suffers
not; will not any one of them, be industriously concern'd (if their
own Dwellings are out of Danger) in preserving from devouring Flames
either private or publick Buildings.
But how pleasing must it be to a thinking Man to observe, that
not a Fire happens in this Town, but soon after it is seen and cry'd
out, the Place is crowded by active Men of different Ages,
Professions and Titles; who, as of one Mind and Rank, apply
themselves with all Vigilance and Resolution, according to their
Abilities, to the hard Work of conquering the increasing Fire. Some
of the chiefest in Authority, and numbers of good Housekeepers, are
ever ready, not only to direct but to labour, and are not seen to
shun Parts or Places the most hazardous; and Others who having scarce
a Coat in the World besides that on their Backs, will venture that,
and their Limbs, in saving of Goods surrounded with Fire, and in
rending off flaming Shingles. They do it not for Sake of Reward of
Money or Fame: There is no Provision of either made for them. But
they have a Reward in themselves, and they love one another. If it
were prudent to mention Names, and could Virtue be prais'd without
Danger of Envy and Calumny rising against her, I should rejoyce to
know a skilful Pen employ'd, to distinguish, in lively Expressions
and significant Language, Men so deserving.
This poor Paper shall praise them altogether; and while neither
its Author nor they are nam'd, Virtue will be its own Reward, and
Envy and Calumny have no Body to point at. Ye Men of Courage,
Industry, and Goodness, continue thus in well doing; and if you grow
not ostentatious, it will be thought by every good Man who sees your
Performances; here are brave Men, Men of Spirit and Humanity, good
Citizens, or Neighbours, capable and worthy of civil Society, and the
Enjoyment of a happy Government. We see where these Men are, and
what they are busy about; they are not snoring in their Beds after a
De bauch; they are not employ'd in any Crimes for Concealment whereof
the Vicious chuse the Night Season, nor do they prefer their own Ease
at Home to the Safety of other Peoples Fortunes or Lives. See there
a gallant Man who has rescu'd Children from the Flames! -- Another
receives in his Arms a poor scorch'd Creature escaping out at a
Window! -- Another is loaded with Papers and the best Furniture, and
secures them for the Owner. -- What daring Souls are cutting away the
flaming Roof to stop the Fires Progress to others! -- How vigorously
do these brave Fellows hand along the Water and work the Engines, and
assist the Ladders; and with what Presence of Mind, Readiness and
Clearness, do these fine Men observe, advise and direct. Here are
Heroes and effective Men fit to compose the Prime of an Army, and to
either lay or defend a Siege or Storm.
This little City, but esteem'd great of its Age, owes not more
at this Day for its long Streets and fair Stories, to Architects of
any kind, than to those worthy Inhabitants, who have always started
at the first Warning, to oppose and vanquish the Rage of Fire.
Besides the Pains freely taken by a great many good People in
putting out Fires, some are at the Expence of Buckets and Ladders;
without which the Business could not be done. And if it be a Duty
incumbent on all that can afford it, to provide such useful
Implements, I am of Opinion that it is most so on those, who being
decrepid or infirm, cannot assist in Person; or who wearing costly
Clothes, would not risque their being spoil'd. But such as can
neither advise nor labour, should not stand in the Way of others who
can, and are willing.
It is true indeed, as well among Men as Bees, that some Drones
are in every Hive or Swarm; but I hope there are few so void of
Consideration, and Regard to private and publick Safety, as a
vagabond Fellow at the late Fire, who, being smartly ask'd by an
industrious young Man, why he did not lend a Hand to the Buck ets,
answer'd, He car'd not if all the Houses in Town were o'Fire: For
which he receiv'd a Bucket of Water on his impudent Face. This was a
fit Reward, as it was near at Hand and took up a little Time to give
it, but I doubt not a large Majority of People think with me, that he
deserves a Punishment much greater and more exemplary.
_December_ 1. 1733. _Pennsilvanus_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 20, 1733
_Queries on a Pennsylvania Militia_
B. Franklin,
_Thee art desired to insert the following Queries in the_
Gazette, _for the Consideration of People_.
Whether it is not a great Disadvantage to the _French_, and a
great Discouragement to their Colonies on this Continent, that from
the Mouth of _Missisipi_ to St. _Lawrence_ they have no Ports to the
Sea, for the Benefit of Trade; but see them all in the Hands of the
_English_, for 1500 Miles; tho' they possess a fine Country back of
the same Extent?
Whether the Possession of the Governments of _N. Y. J. and P._
would not be very convenient for them, as well on Account of the
Plenty of Provisions raised here, as for our Rivers which run far
back towards their present Settlements?
Whether it is not possible for our Pilots to be compell'd to
bring armed Vessels up this River?
Whether Vessels do not oftentimes turn the Point in Sight of
this Town, before we hear of their being in the River?
Whether if this Town could be surpriz'd, there is not Plate,
Clocks, Watches and other rich Goods in it, sufficient to make it
worth their While that attempt?
Whether, considering our present Circumstances, any great
Number of Men would be necessary for such an Enterprize, or whether a
moderate Number would run any great Risque in it?
Whether they who are against fortifying their Coun try against
an Enemy, ought not, by the same Principle to be against shutting and
locking their Doors a Nights?
Whether it be not as just to shoot an Enemy who comes to
destroy my Country, and deprive the People of their Substance, Lives
and Liberties, as to sit (being either Judge or Juryman) and condemn
a Man to Death for breaking open a House, or taking a Purse?
Whether there was not formerly a People, who possessed a large
and good Land, where there was plenty of every Thing; and who lived
_after the Manner of the Zidonians, careless, quiet, and secure_?
Whether this was not an Invitation to an Enemy? And what was the
Consequence? See Judges 18.
Whether the _French_ Soldiers are a good, friendly, harmless
Sort of People; or whether they are not composed of the Scum, the
most profligate, wicked, and abandoned of the Nation?
Whether, if they were in Possession of these Governments, and
quarter'd upon the Inhabitants, they would out of Honesty and Scruple
of Conscience, forbear to take any Thing which was not their own?
And out of Modesty and Bashfulness, forbear to ravish any of our
Wives and Daughters? Or whether they would not do as they did, when
they overrun _Holland_ in 1675?
Whether we are sure that if they should attempt to abuse our
Women, our Men could be quiet and peaceable Witnesses of it; and that
Attempts to rescue and prevent, would not occasion frequent and daily
Murders here, as well as in _Holland_ aforesaid?
Whether they would not take as much Pride in deflouring
_Quaker_ Girls, as the _English_ did in the Nuns of the Town they
took in _Spain_?
Whether from the Purity of our Lives and the Sanctity of our
Manners, we have any more Reason to expect the immediate Protection
of Heaven than the rest of our Neighbours?
Whether the ancient Story of the Man, who sat down and prayed
his Gods to lift his Cart out of the Mire , hath not a very good
Moral?
Whether 500 disciplined Men well armed, are not able to beat an
unarm'd, unheaded, undisciplined, and affrighted Mob of 5000?
Whether, if it were known that we fortifyed and exercised
ourselves, it would not contribute towards discouraging an Enemy from
attacking us?
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 6, 1733/4
_On Constancy_
------ _Hi mores baec duri immota_ Catonis
_Secta fuit, servare modum, finemque tenere,
Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam_. Lucan.
When I have sometimes observ'd Men of Wit and Learning, in
Spite of their excellent natural and acquir'd Qualifications, fail of
obtaining that Regard and Esteem with Mankind, which their Inferiors
in point of Understanding frequently arrive at, I have, upon a slight
Reflection, been apt to think, that it was owing to the ill Judgment,
Malice, or Envy of their Acquaintance: But of late two or three
flagrant Instances of this kind have put me upon thinking and
deliberating more maturely, and I find within the Compass of my
Observation the greatest part of those fine Men have been ruined for
want of _CONSTANCY_, a Virtue never too highly priz'd, and whose true
Worth is by few rightly understood.
A Man remarkably wavering and inconstant, who goes through with
no Enterprize, adheres to no Purpose that he has resolv'd on, whose
Courage is surmounted by the most trifling Obstacles, whose Judgment
is at any time byass'd by his Fears, whose trembling and disturb'd
Imagination will at every Turn suggest to him Difficulties and
Dangers that actually have no Existence, and enlarge those that have;
A Man, I say, of this Stamp, whatever natural and acquir'd Qual ities
he may have, can never be a truly useful Member of a Common-wealth, a
sincere or amiable Friend, or a formidable Enemy; and when he is once
incapable of bearing either of these Characters, 'tis no Wonder he is
contemn'd and disregarded by Men of all Ranks and Conditions.
Without Steadiness or Perseverance no Virtue can long subsist;
and however honest and well-meaning a Man's Principles may be, the
Want of this is sufficient to render them ineffectual, and useless to
himself or others. Nor can a Man pretend to enjoy or impart the
lasting Sweets of a strict and glorious Friendship, who has not
Solidity enough to despise the malicious Misrepresentations
frequently made use of to disturb it, and which never fail of Success
where a mutual Esteem is not founded upon the solid Basis of
Constancy and Virtue. An Intimacy of this sort, contracted by
chance, or the Caprice of an unstable Man, is liable to the most
violent Shocks, and even an intire Ruin, from very trifling Causes.
Such a Man's Incapacity for Friendship, makes all that know his
Character absolutely indifferent to him: His known Fickleness of
Temper renders him too inconsiderable to be fear'd as a Foe, or
caress'd as a Friend.
I may venture to say there never was a Man eminently famous but
what was distinguish'd by this very Qualification; and few if any can
live comfortably even in a private Life without it; for a Man who has
no End in View, no Design to pursue, is like an irresolute Master of
a Ship at Sea, that can fix upon no one Port to steer her to, and
consequently can call not one Wind favourable to his Wishes.
'Tis by his firm and unshaken Adherence to his Country's Cause,
his constant Bravery in her Defence, and his burying himself but in
her Ruins, that the rigid and severe _Cato_ shines thro' those
admirable Lines of _Lucan_, of which my Motto is a part, superior to
the learn'd and eloquent _Cicero_, the great and majestick _Pompey_,
or the mighty and invincible _Caesar_ himself. This is alone what
could move the Poet to set him in Competition with the Gods
themselves, and will transmit him down to latest Posterity with the
highest Veneration and Honour.
To come nearer to our own Times; 'Tis the extraordinary
Constancy of _Charles_ XII. of _Sweden_, which makes up the most
admirable and inimitable Part of his Character: His severe and
impartial Distribution of Justice in his Army, and that fierce and
resolute Speech with which he broke up his Council, _Gentlemen, I
have resolved never to engage in an unjust War, but never to finish
one that is founded upon Justice and Right, but by the Destruction of
my Enemies:_ these and such like Instances of his Steadiness and
Perseverance in the Pursuit of Justice, have deservedly made him
esteem'd the Wonder of his Age.
King _Charles_ II. of _England_, was doubtless a Man of great
Understanding: His acquir'd Qualities far surpass'd those of
_Cromwell_, and his natural Talents at least equal'd them: He came to
rule over a People, formidable to all _Europe_ for their Bravery, and
exceedingly prepossessed in his Favour; he had learn'd to bear
Misfortune by many Years Exile, and numerous Hazards and
Difficulties: With these Advantages how great and glorious might he
have made his Reign, by the Happiness, Content and Security of his
People! 'Tis however undeniable, that the _English_ never were less
happy, or less regarded by their Neighbours, than during his Reign.
The Reason is obvious; his Inconstancy and Indolence laid him open to
every trifling Project, every self-interested Scheme, that an
avaritious or revengeful Minister or Mistress could suggest to him
for their own sinister Ends. 'Tis this has given many Occasion to
think, that he acted thro'out his whole Reign upon no Principles and
Maxims, and had no one Design in View.
_Cromwel_ came to the supreme Authority with few of these
Advantages, and against the Will of the whole Nation, except a few
Fanaticks in the Army; but his constant and resolute Carriage, which
was the Effect of his keeping one principal End in view, surmounted
all Obstacles: 'Twas this, and this alone, which rais'd him so far
above the Malice of his Enemies, or the Expectation of his Friends;
and gain'd him that high Character from a judicious Historian, _That
never Man chose his Party with more Judgment, and executed his
Designs with more Constancy and Vigour_. By virtue of this Constancy
the _English_ Nation under him arriv'd to that Pitch of Grandeur, as
to become a Terror and Dread to their Enemies, and the greatest
Protection to their Allies. 'Tis this steady Perseverance that
render'd him the Center of the different Factions and Interests in
which _England_ was at that time embroil'd, that secur'd his former
Friends and Adherents to his Interest, and deter'd his Foes from
attempting to undermine his Authority.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 4, 1734
_The Death of Infants_
_Ostendunt Terris hunc tantum Fata, neque ultra
Esse sinunt_. -------- Virgil.
It has been observ'd Sir _William Petty_ in his _Political
Arithmetick_, that one half of Mankind, which are born into this
World, die, before they arrive to the age of _Sixteen_, and that an
half of the remaining part never measure out the short Term of
_Thirty_ Years. That this Observation is pretty just, every
inquisitive Person may be satisfied by comparing the several Bills of
Mortality, published in _Europe_, for some Years past; even a cursory
View of any common Burial-place may, in a great measure evidence the
Truth of it.
Many Arguments, to prove a _Future State_, have been drawn from
the unequal Lot of good and bad Men upon Earth, but no one seems to
carry a greater Degree of Probability in it, than the foregoing
Observation. -- , To see Virtue languish and repine, to see Vice
prosperous and triumphant, to see a _Dives_ faring deliciously every
Day, and rioting in all the Excess of Luxury and Wantonness; to see a
_Lazarus_ poor, hungry, naked, and full of Sores, lying at his Door,
and denied even the Crumbs that fall from his Table, the Portion of
his Dogs, which Dogs are more charitable, more human than their
Master: Such a View, I confess, raises in us a violent Presumption
that there is another State of Retribution, where the Just and the
Unjust will be equally punished or rewarded by an impartial Judge.
On the other hand, when we reflect on the vast Numbers of Infants,
that just struggle into Life, then weep and die, and at the same time
consider, that it can be in no wise consistent with the Justice and
Wisdom of an infinite Being, to create to no end, we may very
reasonably conclude, that those animated Machines, those _Men_ in
_miniature_, who know no Difference between Good and Evil, who are
incapable of any good Offices towards their Fellow-Creatures, or of
serving their Maker, were made for good and wise Designs and
Purposes, which Purposes, and Designs transcend all the Limits of our
Ideas and all our present Capacities to conceive. Should an able and
expert Artificer employ all his Time and his Skill in contriving and
framing an exquisite Piece of _Clock-work_, which, when he had
brought it to the utmost Perfection Wit and Art were capable of, and
just set it a-going, he should suddenly dash it to pieces; would not
every wise Man naturally infer, that his intense Application had
disturb'd his Brain and impair'd his Reason?
Let us now contemplate the Body of an Infant, that curious
Engine of Divine Workmanship. What a rich and artful Structure of
Flesh upon the solid and well compacted Foundation of Bones! What
curious Joints and Hinges, on which the Limbs are moved to and fro!
What an inconceivable Variety of Nerves, Veins, Arteries, Fibres and
little invisible parts are found in every Member! What various
Fluids, Blood and Juices run thro' and agitate the innumerable
slender Tubes, the hollow Strings and Strainers of the Body! What
millions of folding Doors are fixed within, to stop those red or
transparent Rivulets in their course, either to prevent their Return
backwards, or else as a Means to swell the Muscles and move the
Limbs! What endless contrivances to secure Life, to nourish Nature,
and to propagate the same to future Animals! Can we now imagine
after such a Survey, that so wise, so good and merciful a Creator
should produce _Myriads_ of such exquisite Machines to no other End
or Purpose, but to be deposited in the dark Chambers of the Grave,
where each of the Dead lie in their cold Mansions, in Beds of
Darkness and Dust. The Shadows of a long Evening are stretch'd over
them, the Curtains of a deep Midnight are drawn around them, _The
Worm lies under them, and the Worm covers them_. No! the Notion of
Annihilation has in it something so shocking and absurd, Reason
should despise it; rather let us believe, that when they drop this
earthly Vehicle they assume an Aetherial one, and become the
Inhabitants of some more glorious Region. May they not help to
people that infinite Number of _Starry_ and _Planetary_ Worlds that
roll above us: may they not become our better _Genii_, our Guardian
Angels, watch round our Bed and our Couch, direct our wandring Paths
thro' the Maze and Labyrinth of Life, and at length conduct us safe,
even us, who were the Instruments of their passing thro' this
_Valley_ of Sorrow and Death, to a Land of Peace and the Mountains of
_Paradise_? -- But these are things that belong to the Provinces of
Light and immortality, and lie far beyond our mortal Ken. --
I was led into this Train of thinking by the Death of a
desireable Child, whose Beauty is now turning a pace into Corruption,
and all the Loveliness of its Countenance fled for ever. Death sits
heavy upon it, and the Sprightliness and Vigour of Life is perished
in every Feature and in every Limb. If the foregoing Reflections
should urge any one forward in the Paths of Vertue, or yield any
Consolation to those in the like Circumstances, and help to divert
the Stream of their Sorow into a better Channel, I shall hope my
Thoughts have been employ'd to good Purpose. When Nature gave us
Tears, she gave us leave to weep. A long Separation from those who
are so near a-kin to us in Flesh and Blood, will touch the Heart in a
painful Place, and awaken the tenderest Springs of Sorrow. The
Sluices must be allowed to be held open a little; _Nature_ seems to
demand it as a Debt to _Love_. When _Lazarus_ died, _Jesus_ groaned
and wept.
I shall only add by way of Conclusion an _Epitaph_ upon an
Infant: It is taken from a Tombstone in a little obscure Village in
_England_, that seems to have very little Title to any thing so
elegantly poetical, which renders it the more remarkable.
_Read this and weep -- but not for me;
Lament thy longer Misery:
My Life was short, my Grief the less;
Blame not my Hast to Happiness!_
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 20, 1734
_Parody and Reply to a Religious Meditation_
_By being too nice in the Choice of the little Pieces sent me
by my Correspondents to be printed, I had almost discouraged them
from writing to me any more. For the Time to come, and that my Paper
may become still more generally agreeable, I have resolved not to
regard my own Humour so much in what I print; and thereupon I give my
Readers the two following Letters_.
Mr. _Franklin_,
You gave us in your last a melancholy Account of Human Life, in
the Meditation upon that Subject. The gloomy and splenetick Part of
your Readers like it much; but as for me, I do not love to see the
dark Side of Things; and besides, I do not think such Reflections
upon Life altogether just. The World is a very good World, and if we
behave our selves well, we shall doubtless do very well in it. I
never thought even _Job_ in the right, when he repin'd that the Days
of a Man are _few_ and _full of Trouble_; for certainly both these
Things cannot be together just Causes of Complaint; if our Days are
full of Trouble, the fewer of 'em the better. But as for the Author
of the Meditation above-mention'd, besides what he says in common
with _Job_, he seems to complain in several respects very weakly, and
without the least shadow of Reason; in particular, That he cannot be
alive now, and ten Years ago, and ten Years hence, at the same time:
With very little Variation, as you shall see, his elegant Expressions
will serve for a Child who laments that he cannot eat his Cake and
have his Cake.
_All the few days we live are full of Vanity; and our
choicest Pleasures sprinkled with bitterness:_
All the few Cakes we have are puffed up with Yeast; and the
nicest Gingerbread is spotted with Flyshits!
_The time that's past is vanish'd like a dream; and that which
is to come is not yet at all:_
The Cakes that we have eaten are no more to be seen; and those
which are to come are not yet baked.
_The present we are in stays but for a moment, and then flies
away, and returns no more:_
The present Mouthful is chewed but a little while, and then is
swallowed down, and comes up no more.
_Already we are dead to the years we have liv'd; and shall
never live them over again:
Already we have digested the Cakes we have eaten, and shall
never eat them over again.
_But the longer we live, the shorter is our life; and in the
end we become a little lump of clay_.
And the more we eat, the less is the Piece remaining; and in
the end the whole will become Sir-reverence!
_O vain, and miserable world! how sadly true is all this
story!_
O vain and miserable Cake-shop! _&c_.
Away with all such insignificant Meditations. I am for taking
_Solomon_'s Advice, _eating Bread with Joy, and drinking Wine with a
merry Heart_. Let us rejoice and bless God, that we are neither
Oysters, Hogs, nor Dray-Horses; and not stand repining that He has
not made us Angels; lest we be found unworthy of that share of
Happiness He has thought fit to allow us.
_I am, Yours,_ &c.
S. M.
_SIR,_
Seeing a very _melancholy_ Piece in your Paper of last Week,
asking your Pardon, I think we have enough of that Humour in the
World already, without your Addition: I have therefore written the
following few Lines in order to palliate it. And as that may be very
acceptable to some of your Readers, this may to some others, if you
think fit to give it a Place in your next.
_I am, Yours, &c_.
J. Anonymous.
_Most happy are we, the sons of men, above all other creatures,
who are born to behold the glorious rays of the sun, and to enjoy the
pleasant fruits of the earth_.
_With what pleasure did our parents first receive us, first to
hear us cry, then to see us smile, and afterwards to behold us
growing up and thriving in the world_.
_By their good examples and a vertuous education, they put us
in the right path to happiness, as all good parents do;_
_Then we, by making a right use of that share of reason with
which God hath endued us, spend our days in gaining and enjoying the
blessings of life, which are innumerable._
_If we meet with crosses and disappointments, they are but as
sowr sauce to the sweet meats we enjoy, and the one hath not a right
relish without the other._
_As time passes away, it carries our past pains with it, and
returns no more; and the longer we live the fewer misfortunes we have
to go through._
_If death takes us off in the heighth of our prosperity, it
takes us from the pains which may ensue._
_And a great blessing attends old age, for by that we are
naturally wean'd from the pleasures of youth, and a more solid
pleasure takes place, The thoughts of our having so far escaped all
the hazards that attend mankind, and a contemplation on all our
former good actions._
_And if we have done all the good we could, we have done all
that we ought, and death is no terror to a good man._
_And after we are far declined, with hearty praises and thanks
we recommend our soul to God, the eternal Being from whom we received
it._
_Then comes the grave, and the sweet sleep of death, pleasant
as a bed is to a weary traveller after a long journey_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 8, 1734
_A Thunderstorm_
Sunday last between 7 and 8 in the Evening we had the most
terrible Gust of Wind and Rain accompanied with Thunder and
Lightning, that can be remembred in these Parts: It blew down several
Stacks of Chimneys, uncovered several Houses, some wholly and others
in Part; and quite demolished some weak Buildings. The Violence of
it did not continue long, but the Storm was of wide Extent, for we
have heard of it from _Conestogoe_, from the Mouth of the Bay, and
from _New-York_: At _Conestogoe_ it was about half an hour before it
arrived here, but in the Bay it was at near Midnight.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 25, 1734
_The Murder of a Daughter_
Saturday last, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held here, came
on the Tryal of a Man and his Wife, who were indicted for the Murder
of a Daughter which he had by a former Wife, (a Girl of about 14
Years of Age) by turning her out of Doors, and thereby exposing her
to such Hardships, as afterwards produced grievous Sickness and
Lameness; during which, instead of supplying her with Necessaries and
due Attendance, they treated her with the utmost Cruelty and
Barbarity, suffering her to lie and rot in her Nastiness, and when
she cried for Bread giving her into her Mouth with a Iron Ladle, her
own Excrements to eat, with a great Number of other Circumstances of
the like Nature, so that she languished and at length died. The
Evidence against them was numerous, and in many Particulars positive;
but the Opinion of the Physician who had visited the Child, that
whatever Usage might be given her, the Distemper she laboured under
was such, as would of itself in all Probability have ended her Life
about the Time she died, it is thought weighed so much with the Jury,
that they brought in their Verdict only _Man-slaughter_. A Verdict
which the Judge, (in a short but pathetic Speech to the Prisoners
before the Sentence) told them was _extreamly favourable_; and that,
as the Relation of their hitherto unheard-of Barbarity had in the
highest Manner shocked all that were present; so, if they were not
perfectly stupified, the inward Reflection upon their own enormous
Crimes, must be more terrible and shocking to them, than the
Punishment they were to undergo: For that they had not only acted
contrary to the particular Laws of all Nations, but had even broken
the Universal Law of Nature; since there are no Creatures known, how
savage, wild, and fierce soever, that have not implanted in them a
natural Love and Care of their tender Offspring, and that will not
even hazard Life in its Protection and Defence. -- But this is not
the only Instance the present Age has afforded, of the
incomprehensible Insensibility Dram-drinking is capable of producing.
-- They were sentenced to be burnt in the Hand, which was accordingly
executed in Court, upon them both, but first upon the Man, who
offer'd to receive another Burning if so be his Wife might be
excused; but was told the Law would not allow it.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 24, 1734
_Variant Accounts of a Battle_
_As there is nothing more partial than the Accounts given of
Battles, all of them lessening or magnifying the Loss or Gain on
either Side, just as the Writers are affected; we find it necessary
to publish several Accounts on both Sides, when there has been any
important Action, that so the Reader may be the better enabled to
form a true Judgment: And therefore to the Relations we have already
publish'd of the late important Battle in_ Italy, _we shall add the
following._
_Guastalla, Sept_. 18. Long had the brave Count Koningsegg
meditated Revenge for the fatal Battle of Parma, and Relief for the
Honour of the Imperial Arms, by giving the Allies some desperate
Blow. He had made several Attempts, but was constantly betrayed; his
Designs always took Air, and he could never discover the Traitors: At
last, however, he has carried them into Execution. There is an old
Saying in Lombardy, That if a Man would execute any Grand Design, he
must take Care to possess himself of the Seraglio, (a Spot of Ground
between Mantua and the Po). Count Merci neglected this Advice; but
Count Koningsegg thought it very just and solid, and posted the 4000
Croatians there, supported by three Regiments of Horse under the
Command of General Berlinger, whom he ordered to act along the Oglio
as Opportunity should offer. On the 4th, Count Koningsegg ordered
the whole Army to be upon its Guard, and every Man in his Post, as if
he had received Notice that he should be attacked by the Allies.
About Five o'Clock in the Evening, he gave Orders, at the same time
that he discovered to them the Design he was going to execute. The
Guards were doubled, and Notice was given, that no Person should stir
out of the Camp without Leave. The Retreat was beat, as usual, that
they might hear it in the Enemy's Camp; and the Trumpets having
flourished as at other times, every one retired. At Midnight the
Army began its March in three Columns, and in Order of Battle, the
Soldiers only in their Wastecoats, without Coats or Knapsacks; _We
shall find enough in the Enemy's Camp_, said their Officers to them,
_if you have any Hearts_. 13,000 Foot and 6 Regiments of Horse
advanced first towards the Secchia above Quistello, and forded it,
there not being above three Foot Water. The Count de Waldebeck staid
with his Brigade facing Quistello, to make a faint Attack there, as
soon as he should hear that they had surprized the Head-Quarters at
Bondanello. The French had at Quistello, (which they had well
retrenched) 1000 Men and nine Pieces of Cannon; and they had at that
time above sixty Officers there. As soon as the Germans had passed
the Secchia, they fell upon the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters, who
was so sound asleep, that our Granadiers were in his Court-Yard,
before he was well awake: Fifty Men and the Officers of the Guard
made some Resistance, to give him Time to make his Escape at the back
Door in his Shirt, with his Breeches in one Hand, and his two Sons in
the other. The Guard then surrendered; and we advanced to the Bridge
over-against Quistello, and carried that Quarter; but here the Count
de Waldebeck was killed, greatly lamented. During these
Preliminaries, the Army advanced apace, and fell upon the Count de
Broglio's Body, which consisted of 28 or 30 Battalions, who fled in
their Shirts and left their very Arms behind them. The brave
Regiments of the King and Picardie were among these; every Man made
the best Shift he could for himself, and carried the Alarm to the
Right. The Marshal de Coigny made the Troops under his Command take
Arms, all in a Hurry and Disorder, and was advancing to the Right;
but perceiving that the Imperial Army was marching towards him in
three Columns, he halted and called a Council of War; and the
Imperialists just then moving towards their Left, it was imagined
that they would endeavour to cut off the Army's Retreat towards the
Bridge of Guastalla; and therefore it was instantly resolved to make
a Retreat that way in the best Order they could. Some Battalions
were left with Artillery in the neighbouring Cassines, to stop the
Enemy; but those Troops made but a very slender Resistance, and were
obliged to yield themselves Prisoners of War. Count Koningsegg
seeing the Enemy's Disorder on all Sides, sent 10,000 Men this way,
under the Command of Prince Lewis of Wirtemberg, and advanced towards
San Benedetto, where were the Head-Quarters of the Savoyards: The
King of Sardinia made his Escape in his Night-Gown and Slippers; but
two Regiments of his Troops were cut off from the rest and taken.
Some Squadrons of Dragoons and the Hussars broke and put into
Disorder the Enemy's Rear-Guard, who are divided into Bodies of 2 or
3000 Men each, most of them without Arms, Baggage or Artillery, which
we hope to cut off and take one after the other; for we are still
pursuing them. The Booty already taken, amounts to upwards of 15
Millions of Livres; for we have taken the Arms of one Third of the
Gallo-Sardinick Army, all the Artillery, 12 or 1500 Waggons, all the
Baggage, heavy and light, all the Tents; and between 6 and 8000
Prisoners. There were doubtless 1000 or 1200 of the Enemy killed.
Never was seen such Confusion. But the Generals who suffered
themselves to be thus surprized, how will they come off.
_Next here follows a more particular Account of the Second
Battle between the same Armies, which happened on the_ 19_th of_
Sept. _viz._
_Mantua, Sept._ 24. We have here the following Particulars of
the Battle fought the 19th near Guastalla. Count Konigsegg broke up
from Luzara the 16th about Nine in the Morning, and at Ten he ordered
the Enemy, who were posted under Guastalla, to be attack'd by seven
Battalions of Foot and 12 Companies of General Valpereve and
Colmenero, who made the Onset in a very brave and intrepid Manner.
The Enemy pour'd on fresh Troops continually; whereupon our Troops
were reinforc'd with 17 Companies of Grenadiers and 19 Battallions of
Foot: Then the Action became general in a Moment, and thereupon we
order'd 50 Squadrons to engage: The Enemy's Horse were then on a
Plain, where they were, most advantageously posted behind the
Cassines, very deep Ditches, and a great many Bushes, from whence
they made a terrible and constant Fire upon our Men, which prevented
our knowing their Number. The Generals Valpareve and Colmenero were
killed in the Beginning of this Attack, as were all the Field
Officers; so that only one Lieutenant-Colonel was at the Head of the
seven Battalions who began the Attack. The Prince of Wirtemberg was
killed in the Middle of this Action, when his Presence was most
necessary to lead on the Foot. Count Koningsegg then seeing that it
was impossible for him to break the Enemy's Cavalry, after a
continual Fire of about six Hours, order'd his Army to retire, which
they did in so good Order, that the Enemy durst not pursue him; and
he went and encamped at Luzara, where his Army was encamped the Day
before. Notwithstanding the great Loss of Officers above-mentioned,
whereby the Attack was something slackened, and our Troops brought
into some disorder, our Men did not retire or lose one Inch of
Ground, till they were ordered to draw off from the Field of Battle.
The Number of our killed and wounded Men amounts to between 4 and
6000. For six or seven Hours nothing was to be seen but Fire and
Sword, Dead and Wounded, and Rivulets of Blood. The Field of Battle
was indeed left to the Enemy, where they could find nothing to give
them Occasion to boast of a Victory; for as the Fire on both Sides
was equally strong and continual, we judge their Loss must be equal
to ours.
The Velt Marshal Konnigsegg has been join'd since the last
Battle by 4000 Croatians and three Regiments of Horse. His
Excellency is actually making new Dispositions for another Combat.
The Retreat of the Imperial Army was owing to the unhappy Loss
of the Prince of Wirtemberg, and the Wounds receiv'd by the Generals
Valpariso and Watchtendonck; most of the prime Officers were also
disabled, by which means none but Lieutenant-Colonel de Uhlenfeld was
left to command the seven Battalions engag'd in the heat of Action.
Our Loss amounts to between 4 or 5000 Men; that of the Enemy must be
as considerable, if not larger.
_Paris, Octo_. 6. By our last Account from Italy the Battle of
the 19th past was very bloody; for during the Combat wherein the
Enemy had between 12 and 13000 kill'd and wounded, they sent away 200
Waggons full of wounded Men; but towards the End, being press'd
closely, were oblig'd to leave 900 wounded in the Field, whom our
General had remov'd in order to be taken care of. We reckon between
6 and 7000 killed and wounded on our Side. After the Battle the
Enemy intrench'd themselves on the Banks of the Po, over-against
Burgo-Fort, where they have a Bridge to retire over into the Mantuan
in case of Occasion.
On the 3d Te Deum was sung in the Church of Notre Dame for the
signal Victory in Italy.
_London, Octo_. 5. Letters from Paris intimate, that his Most
Christian Majesty has been pleas'd to order 100,000 Crowns to be
distributed among the Officers who lost their Equipages, when Count
Koninsegg surpriz'd the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters; and at the
same Time sent Instructions to Marshal Coigny, to inform him of the
Number of Officers who had been kill'd in the Surprize, as well as at
the Battle, in order to settle Pensions upon their Widows and
Children.
A private Letter from Paris, dated the 29th, tells us, that the
Germans, on the 19th being Sunday, with uncommon Valour attack'd the
Allies in their Intrenchment at Guastalla. At 10 the whole Armies
were engaged, Sword in Hand. The Fight lasted till 5 in the
Afternoon, when the Germans retired, without being pursued, to
Luzara, and left behind them some Pieces of Cannon, and a few Colours
and Standards. That 15000 Men were kill'd on both Sides, among them
800 Officers. That Marshal de Coigny was wounded, M. d'Harcourt lost
one Arm. 'Tis agreed on all Hands, that the Allies were much
superior in Number, notwithstanding which, putting the two Actions
together, the Loss on both Sides was supposed to be equal.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1734
_On Protection of Towns from Fire_
_Mr. Franklin,_
Being old and lame of my Hands, and thereby uncapable of
assisting my Fellow Citizens, when their Houses are on Fire; I must
beg them to take in good Part the following Hints on the Subject of
Fires.
In the first Place, as _an Ounce of Prevention is worth a Pound
of Cure_, I would advise 'em to take Care how they suffer living
Brands-ends, or Coals in a full Shovel, to be carried out of one Room
into another, or up or down Stairs, unless in a Warmingpan shut; for
Scraps of Fire may fall into Chinks, and make no Appearance till
Midnight; when your Stairs being in Flames, you may be forced, (as I
once was) to leap out of your Windows, and hazard your Necks to avoid
being over-roasted.
And now we talk of Prevention, where would be the Damage, if,
to the Act for preventing Fires, by regulating Bakehouses and Coopers
Shops, a Clause were added to regulate all other Houses in the
particulars of too shallow Hearths, and the detestable Practice of
putting wooden Mouldings on each side the Fire Place, which being
commonly of Heart-of-Pine and full of Turpentine, stand ready to
flame as soon as a Coal or a small Brand shall roul against them.
Once more; If Chimneys were more frequently and more carefully
clean'd, some Fires might thereby be prevented. I have known foul
Chimneys burn most furiously a few Days after they were swept: People
in Confidence that they are clean, making large Fires. Every Body
among us is allow'd to sweep Chimneys, that please to undertake that
Business; and if a Chimney fires thro' fault of the Sweeper, the
Owner pays the Fine, and the Sweeper goes free. This Thing is not
right. Those who undertake Sweeping of Chimneys, and employ Servants
for that Purpose, ought to be licensed by the Mayor; and if any
Chimney fires and flames out 15 Days after Sweeping, the Fine should
be paid by the Sweeper; for it is his Fault.
We have at present got Engines enough in the Town, but I
question, whether in many Parts of the Town, Water enough can be had
to keep them going for half an Hour together. It seems to me some
Publick Pumps are wanting; but that I submit to better Judgments.
As to our Conduct in the Affair of Extinguishing Fires, tho' we
do not want Hands or Good-will, yet we seem to want Order and Method,
and therefore I believe I cannot do better than to offer for our
Imitation, the Example of a City in a Neigbouring Province. There
is, as I am well inform'd, a Club or Society of active Men belonging
to each Fire Engine; whose Business is to attend all Fires with it
whenever they happen; and to work it once a Quarter, and see it kept
in order: Some of these are to handle the Firehooks, and others the
Axes, which are always kept with the Engine; and for this Service
they are consider'd in an Abatement or Exemption in the Taxes. In
Time of Fire, they are commanded by Officers appointed by Law, called
_Firewards_, who are distinguish'd by a Red Staff of five Feet long,
headed with a Brass Flame of 6 Inches; And being Men of Prudence and
Authority, they direct the opening and stripping of Roofs by the
Ax-Men, the pulling down burning Timbers by the Hook-men, and the
playing of the Engines, and command the making of Lanes, &c. and they
are impowered to require Assistance for the Removing of Goods out of
Houses on fire or in Danger of Fire, and to appoint Guards for
securing such Goods; and Disobedience, to these Officers in any, at
such Times, is punished by a Fine of 40 s. or Ten Days Imprisonment.
These Officers, with the Men belonging to the Engine, at their
Quarterly Meetings, discourse of Fires, of the Faults committed at
some, the good Management in some Cases at others, and thus
communicating their Thoughts and Experience they grow wise in the
Thing, and know how to command and to execute in the best manner upon
every Emergency. Since the Establishment of this Regulation, it
seems there has been no extraordinary Fire in that Place; and I wish
there never may be any here. But they suffer'd before they made such
a Regulation, and so must we; for _Englishmen_ feel but cannot see;
as the _Italian_ says of us. And it has pleased God, that in the
Fires we have hitherto had, all the bad Circumstances have never
happened together, such as dry Season, high Wind, narrow Street, and
little or low Water: which perhaps tends to make us secure in our own
Minds; but if a Fire with those Circumstances, which God forbid,
should happen, we should afterwards be careful enough.
Let me say one thing more, and I will be silent. I could wish,
that either Tiles would come in use for a Covering to Buildings; or
else that those who build, would make their Roofs more safe to walk
upon, by carrying the Wall above the Eves, in the Manner of the new
Buildings in _London_, and as Mr. _Turner's_ House in _Front-Street_,
or Mr. _Nichols_'s in _Chesnut-Street_, are built; which I conceive
would tend considerably to their Preservation.
Let others communicate their Thoughts as freely as I have done
mine, and perhaps something useful may be drawn from the Whole.
_I am yours,_ &c.
_A. A._
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 4, 1734/5
_Self-Denial Not the Essence of Virtue_
To the Printer of the Gazette.
_That SELF-DENIAL is not the ESSENCE of VIRTUE_.
It is commonly asserted, that without _Self-Denial_ there is no
Virtue, and that the greater the _Self-Denial_ the greater the
Virtue.
If it were said, that he who cannot deny himself in any Thing
he inclines to, tho' he knows it will be to his Hurt, has not the
Virtue of _Resolution_ or _Fortitude_, it would be intelligible
enough; but as it stands it seems obscure or erroneous.
Let us consider some of the Virtues singly.
If a Man has no inclination to _wrong_ People in his Dealings,
if he feels no Temptation to it, and therefore never does it; can it
be said that he is not a just Man? If he is a just Man, has he not
the Virtue of Justice?
If to a certain Man, idle Diversions have nothing in them that
is tempting, and therefore he never relaxes his Application to
Business for their Sake; is he not an Industrious Man? Or has he not
the Virtue of Industry?
I might in like manner instance in all the rest of the Virtues:
But to make the Thing short, As it is certain, that the more we
strive against the Temptation to any Vice, and practise the contrary
Virtue, the weaker will that Temptation be, and the stronger will be
that Habit; 'till at length the Temptation has no Force, or entirely
vanishes: Does it follow from thence, that in our Endeavours to
overcome Vice, we grow continually less and less Virtuous; till at
length we have no Virtue at all?
If Self-Denial be the Essence of Virtue, then it follows, that
the Man who is naturally temperate, just, &c. is not virtuous; but
that in order to be virtuous, he must, in spight of his natural
Inclinations, wrong his Neighbours, and eat and drink, &c. to excess.
But perhaps it may be said, that by the Word _Virtue_ in the
above Assertion, is meant, _Merit_; and so it should stand thus;
Without Self-Denial there is no Merit; and the greater the
Self-Denial the greater the Merit.
The Self-denial here meant, must be when our Inclinations are
towards Vice, or else it would still be Nonsense.
By Merit is understood, Desert; and when we say a Man merits,
we mean that he deserves Praise or Reward.
We do not pretend to merit any thing of God, for he is above
our Services; and the Benefits he confers on us, are the Effects of
his Goodness and Bounty.
All our Merit then is with regard to one another, and from one
to another.
Taking then the Assertion as it last stands,
If a Man does me a Service from a natural benevolent
Inclination, does he deserve less of me than another who does me the
like Kindness against his Inclination?
If I have two Journeymen, one naturally industrious, the other
idle, but both perform a Days Work equally good, ought I to give the
latter the most Wages?
Indeed, lazy Workmen are commonly observ'd to be more
extravagant in their Demands than the Industrious; for if they have
not more for their Work, they cannot live so well: But tho' it be
true to a Proverb, _That Lazy Folks take the most Pains_, does it
follow that they deserve the most Money?
If you were to employ Servants in Affairs of Trust, would you
not bid more for one you knew was naturally honest, than for one
naturally roguish, but who had lately acted honestly? For Currents
whose natural Channel is damm'd up, (till the new Course is by Time
worn sufficiently deep and become natural,) are apt to break their
Banks. If one Servant is more valuable than another, has he not more
Merit than the other? And yet this is not on Account of Superior
Self-denial.
Is a Patriot not praise-worthy, if Publick Spirit is natural to
him?
Is a Pacing-Horse less valuable for being a natural Pacer?
Nor in my Opinion has any Man less Merit for having in general
natural virtuous Inclinations.
The Truth is, that Temperance, Justice, Charity, &c. are
Virtues, whether practis'd with or against our Inclinations; and the
Man who practises them, merits our Love and Esteem: And Self-denial
is neither good nor bad, but as 'tis apply'd: He that denies a
Vicious Inclination is Virtuous in proportion to his Resolution, but
the most perfect Virtue is above all Temptation, such as the Virtue
of the Saints in Heaven: And he who does a foolish, indecent or
wicked Thing, meerly because 'tis contrary to his Inclination, (like
some mad Enthusiasts I have read of, who ran about naked, under the
Notion of taking up the Cross) is not practising the reasonable
Science of Virtue, but is lunatick.
_New-Castle, Feb._ 5. 1734,5.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 18, 1734/5
_A Man of Sense_
_Mr. Franklin,_
`Being the other Day near the Meeting-House Corner with some
Gentlemen, in the open Street, I heard the following Piece of
Conversation; and penn'd it down as soon as I came home. I am
confident it varies scarce any thing from what really passed; and as
it pleased the By-standers, it may possibly please the Publick, if
you give it a Place in your Paper.
`It not being proper to name the Persons discoursing, I shall
call one of them _Socrates_, his manner of Arguing being in my
Opinion, somewhat like that of _Socrates_: And, if you please, the
other may be _Crito_.'
_I am Yours,_ &c.
A. A.
_Socrates._ Who is that well-dress'd Man that passed by just
now?
_Crito._ He is a Gentleman of this City, esteem'd a _Man of
Sense_, but not very honest.
_S._ The Appellation of _a Man of Sense _ is of late frequently
given, and seems to come naturally into the Character of every Man we
are about to praise: But I am at some Loss to know whether a Man who
_is not honest_ can deserve it.
_C._ Yes, doubtless; There are many vicious Men who are
nevertheless Men of very good Sense.
_S._ You are of Opinion, perhaps, that a Man of Knowledge is _a
Man of Sense_.
_C._ I am really of that Opinion.
_S._ Is the Knowledge of Push-pin, or of the Game at Ninepins,
or of Cards and Dice, or even of Musick and Dancing, sufficient to
constitute the Character of a Man of Sense?
_C._ No certainly; there are many silly People that understand
these Things tolerably well.
_S._ Will the Knowledge of Languages, or of Logic and Rhetoric
serve to make a Man of Sense.
_C._ I think not; for I have known very senseless Fellows to be
Masters of two or three Languages; and mighty full of their Logic, or
their Rhetoric.
_S._ Perhaps some Men may understand all the Forms and Terms of
Logic, or all the Figures of Rhetoric, and yet be no more able to
convince or to perswade, than others who have not learnt those
Things?
_C._ Indeed I believe they may.
_S._ Will not the Knowledge of the Mathematicks, Astronomy, and
Natural Philosophy, those sublime Sciences, give a Right to the
Character of _a Man of Sense_.
_C._ At first Sight I should have thought they might: But upon
Recollection I must own I have known some Men, Masters of those
Sciences, who, in the Management of their Affairs, and _Conduct of
their Lives_, have acted very weakly, I do not mean viciously but
foolishly; and therefore I cannot find in my Heart to allow 'em the
Character of _Men of Sense._
_S._ It seems then, that no Knowledge will serve to give this
Character, but the Knowledge of our _true Interest_; that is, of what
is best to be done in all the Circumstances of Humane Life, in order
to arrive at our main End in View, HAPPINESS.
_C._ I am of the same Opinion. And now, as to the Point in
Hand, I suppose you will no longer doubt whether a vicious Man may
deserve the Character of a Man of Sense, since 'tis certain that
there are many Men who _know_ their true Interest, &c. and are
therefore _Men of Sense_, but are nevertheless vicious and dishonest
Men, as appears from the whole Tenour of their Conduct in Life.
_S._ Can Vice consist with any Man's true Interest, or
contribute to his Happiness.
_C._ No certainly; for in Proportion as a Man is vicious he
loses the Favour of God and Man, and brings upon himself many
Inconveniences, the least of which is capable of marring and
demolishing his Happiness.
_S._ How then does it appear that those vicious Men have the
Knowledge we have been speaking of, which constitutes _a Man of
Sense_, since they act directly contrary?
_C._ It appears by their Discoursing perfectly well upon the
Subjects of Vice and Virtue, when they occur in Conversation, and by
the just Manner in which they express their Thoughts of the
pernicious Consequences of the one, and the happy Effects of the
other.
_S._ Is it the Knowledge of all the Terms and Expressions
proper to be used in Discoursing well upon the Subject of making a
good Shoe, that constitutes a Shoemaker; or is it the Knowing how to
go about it and do it?
_C._ I own it is the latter, and not the former.
_S._ And if one who could only _talk finely_ about Shoe-making,
were to be set to work, would he not presently discover his Ignorance
in that Art?
_C._ He would, I confess.
_S._ Can the Man who is only able to talk justly of Virtue and
Vice, and to say that "Drunkenness, Gluttony and Lewdness destroy a
Man's Constitution; waste his Time and Substance, and bring him under
many Misfortunes, (to the Destruction of his Happiness) which the
contrary Virtues would enable him to avoid;" but notwithstanding his
talking thus, continues in those Vices; can such a Man deserve the
Character of a Temperate and Chaste Man? Or does not that Man rather
deserve it, who having _a thorough Sense_ that what the other has
said is true, _knows_ also _how_ to resist the Temptation to those
Vices, and embrace Virtue with a hearty and steady Affection?
_C._ The latter, I acknowledge. And since Virtue is really the
true Interest of all Men; and some of those who talk well of it, do
not put it in Practice, I am now inclined to believe they speak only
by rote, retailing to us what they have pick'd out of the Books or
Conversation of wise and virtuous Men; but what having never enter'd
or made any Impression on their Hearts, has therefore no Influence on
the Conduct of their Lives.
_S._ Vicious Men, then, do not appear to have that Knowledge
which constitutes _the Man of Sense_.
_C._ No, I am convinced they do not deserve the Name. However,
I am afraid, that instead of _defining_ a Man of Sense we have now
entirely _annihilated_ him: For if the Knowlege of his true Interest
in all Parts of the Conduct of Life, and a constant Course of
Practice agreeable to it, are essential to his Character, I do not
know where we shall find him.
_S._ There seems no necessity that to be a Man of Sense, he
should never make a Slip in the Path of Virtue, or in Point of
Morality; provided he is sensible of his Failing and diligently
applys himself to rectify what is done amiss, and to prevent the like
for the future. The best Arithmetician may err in casting up a long
Account; but having found that Error, he _knows how_ to mend it, and
immediately does so; and is notwithstanding that Error, an
Arithmetician; But he who _always_ blunders, and cannot correct his
Faults in Accounting, is no Arithmetician; nor is the
habitually-vicious Man _a Man of Sense_.
_C._ But methinks 'twill look hard, that all other Arts and
Sciences put together, and possess'd by one Man in the greatest
Perfection, are not able to dignify him with the Title of _a Man of
Sense_, unless he be also a Man of Virtue.
_S._ We shall agree, perhaps, that one who is _a Man of Sense_,
will not spend his Time in learning such Sciences as, if not useless
in themselves, will probably be useless to him?
_C._ I grant it.
_S._ And of those which may be useful to him, that is, may
contribute to his Happiness, he ought, if he is a Man of Sense to
know how to make them so.
_C._ To be sure.
_S._ And of those which may be useful, he will not (if he is a
Man of Sense) acquire all, except that One only which is the most
useful of all, to wit, the Science of Virtue.
_C._ It would, I own, be inconsistent with his Character to do
so.
_S._ It seems to follow then, that the vicious Man, tho' Master
of many Sciences, must needs be an ignorant and foolish Man; for
being, as he is vicious, of consequence unhappy, either he has
acquired only the useless Sciences, or having acquired such as might
be useful, he knows not how to make them contribute to his Happiness;
and tho' he may have every other Science, he is ignorant that the
SCIENCE OF VIRTUE is of more worth, and of more consequence to his
Happiness than all the rest put together. And since he is ignorant
of what _principally_ concerns him, tho' it has been told him a
thousand Times from Parents, Press, and Pulpit, the Vicious Man
however learned, cannot be _a Man of Sense_, but is a Fool, a Dunce,
and a Blockhead.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 11, 1734/5
_Reply to a Piece of Advice_
_Mr. Franklin,_
In your Paper of the 18th past, some Verses were inserted, said
to be design'd as a PIECE OF ADVICE to a good Friend. As this _Piece
of Advice_, if it had been intended for a particular Friend alone,
might have been as well convey'd to him privately; I suppose the
Author by getting it publish'd, thinks it may be of Use to great
Numbers of others, in his Friend's Circumstances. The import of it
is, "That 'tis mighty silly for a single Man to change his State; for
assoon as his Wishes are crown'd, his expected Bliss dissolves into
Cares in Bondage, which is a compleat Curse; That only Fools in Life
wed, for every Woman is a Tyrant: That he who marries, acts contrary
to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and will soon
perceive himself undone; and that the best of the Sex are no better
than a Plague." So ill-natur'd a Thing must have been written, either
by some forlorn old Batchelor, or some cast-away Widower, that has
got the Knack of drowning all his softer Inclinations in his Bowl or
his Bottle. I am grown old and have made abundance of Observations,
and I have had three Wives my self; so that from both Experience and
Observation I can say, that this Advice is wrong and untrue in every
Particular. It is wrong to assert _that tis silly in a single Man to
change his State_: For what old Batchelor can die without Regret and
Remorse, when he reflects upon his Death-bed, that the inestimable
Blessing of Life and Being has been communicated by Father to Son
through all Generations from _Adam_ down to him, but in him it stops
and is extinguished; and that _the Humane Race divine_ would be no
more, for any Thing he has done to continue it; he having, like the
wicked Servant, _wrapt up and hid his Talent in a Napkin_, (i. e. his
Shirt Tail,) while his Neighbours the Good and Faithful Servants, had
some of them produced _Five_ and some _Ten._ I say such an one shall
not only die with Regret, but he may justly fear a severe Punishment.
Nor is it true that _assoon as a Man weds, his expected Bliss
dissolves into slavish Cares and Bondage._ Every Man that is really a
Man is Master of his own Family; and it cannot be _Bondage_ to have
another submit to one's Government. If there be any Bondage in the
Case, 'tis the Woman enters into it, and not the Man. And as to the
_Cares_, they are chiefly what attend the bringing up of Children;
and I would ask any Man who has experienced it, if they are not the
most delightful Cares in the World; and if from that Particular
alone, he does not find the _Bliss_ of a double State much greater,
instead of being less than he expected. In short this _Bondage_ and
these _Cares_ are like the Bondage of having a beautiful and fertile
Garden, which a Man takes great Delight in; and the Cares are the
Pleasure he finds in cultivating it, and raising as many beautiful
and useful Plants from it as he can. And if common Planting and
Gardening be an Honourable Employment, (as 'tis generally allow'd,
since the greatest Heroes have practic'd it without any Diminution to
their Glory) I think _Human Planting_ must be more Honourable, as the
Plants to be raised are more excellent in their Nature, and to bring
them to Perfection requires the greater Skill and Wisdom.
As to the Adviser's next Insinuation, that _only Fools wed, and
every Woman is a Tyrant_; 'tis a very severe and undutiful Reflection
upon his own Father and Mother; and since he is most likely to know
best the Affairs of his own Family, I shall not contradict him in
that particular, so far as relates to his own Relations: for perhaps
his Aversion to a Wife arises from observing how his Mamma treated
his Daddy; for she might be a _Xantippe_ tho' he was no _Socrates_;
it being probable that a wise Man would have instill'd sounder
Principles into his Son. But in general I utterly dissent from him,
and declare, that I scarce ever knew a Man who knew how to command in
a proper Manner, but his Wife knew as well how to show a becoming
Obedience. And there are in the World infinitely more He-Tyrants
than She-Ones.
In the next Place he insinuates, that _a Man by marrying, acts
contrary to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and soon
finds himself undone_. In which he is as much mistaken as in any of
the rest. A Man does not act contrary to his Interest by Marrying;
for I and Thousands more know very well that we could never thrive
till we were married; and have done well ever since; What we get, the
Women save; a Man being fixt in Life minds his Business better and
more steadily; and he that cannot thrive married, could never have
throve better single; for the Idleness and Negligence of Men is more
frequently fatal to Families, than the Extravagance of Women. Nor
does a Man _lose his Liberty_ but encrease it; for when he has no
Wife to take Care of his Affairs at Home, if he carries on any
Business there, he cannot go Abroad without a Detriment to that; but
having a Wife, that he can confide in, he may with much more Freedom
be abroad, and for a longer Time; thus the Business goes on
comfortably, and the good Couple relieve one another by turns, like a
faithful Pair of Doves. Nor does he _lose Friends_ but gain them, by
prudently marrying; for there are all the Woman's Relations added to
his own, ready to assist and encourage the new-married Couple; and a
Man that has a Wife and Children, is sooner trusted in Business, and
can have Credit longer and for larger Sums than if he was single,
inasmuch as he is look'd upon to be more firmly settled, and under
greater Obligations to behave honestly, for his Family's Sake.
I have almost done with our _Adviser_, for he says but one
thing more; to wit, _that the best of the Sex are no better than
Plagues._ Very hard again upon his poor Mother, who tho' she might be
the best Woman in the World, was, it seems, in her graceless Son's
Opinion, no better than a Pestilence. Certainly this Versifyer never
knew what a Woman is! He must be, as I conjectur'd at first, some
forlorn old Batchelor. And if I could conjure, I believe I should
discover, that his Case is like that of many other old He-Maids I
have heard of. Such senseless Advice as this can have no Effect upon
them; 'tis nothing like this, that deters them from marrying. But
having in some of their first Attempts upon the kinder Sort of the
Fair Sex, come off with Shame and Disgrace, they persuade themselves
that they are, (and perhaps they are) really Impotent: And so durst
not marry, for fear of those dishonourable Decorations of the Head,
which they think it the inevitable Fate of a Fumbler to wear. Then,
like the Fox who could not use his Tail, (but the Fox had really lost
it) they set up for _Advisers_, as the Gentleman I have been dealing
with; and would fain persuade others, that the Use of their own Tails
is more mischievous than beneficial. But I shall leave him to
Repentance; and endeavour to make the Reader some Amends for my
Scribble, by adding the following Verses from the two best English
Poets that ever were; only hinting, that by the first two Lines 'tis
plain from whence our Poetical Adviser had his Inspiration.
Our Maker bids increase; who bids abstain,
But our _Destroyer_, foe to GOD and Man?
Hail wedded Love! mysterious Law, true source
Of human Offspring, sole propriety
In Paradise! of all Things common else.
By thee adult'rous Lust was driv'n from Men,
Among the bestial Herds to range; by thee,
(Founded in Reason, loyal, just, and pure)
Relations dear, and all the Charities
Of Father, Son, and Brother, first were known.
Perpetual Fountain of domestic Sweets!
Whose Bed is undefil'd, and chaste, pronounc'd.
Here, Love his golden shafts employs; here lights
His constant Lamp; and waves his purple Wings;
Reigns here, and revels: not in the bought smile
Of harlots; loveless, joyless, un-endear'd;
Casual fruition! _Milton_.
BUT happy they! the happiest of their Kind!
Whom gentler Stars unite, and in one Fate
Their Hearts, their Fortunes, and their Beings blend.
'Tis not the courser Tie of human Laws,
Unnatural oft, and foreign to the Mind,
Which binds their Peace, but Harmony itself,
Attuning all their Passions into Love;
Where Friendship full-exerts his softest Power,
Perfect Esteem enliven'd by Desire
Ineffable, and Sympathy of Soul,
Thought meeting Thought, and Will preventing Will,
With boundless Confidence; for nought but Love
Can answer Love, and render Bliss secure.
------ those whom Love cements, in holy Faith,
And equal Transport, free as Nature, live,
Disdaining Fear; for what's the World to them,
It's Pomp, it's Pleasure, and it's Nonsense all!
Who in each other clasp whatever fair
High Fancy forms, and lavish Heart can wish,
Something than Beauty dearer, should they look
Or on the Mind, or mind-illumin'd Face;
Truth, Goodness, Honour, Harmony and Love,
The richest Bounty of indulgent _Heaven_.
Mean-time a smiling Offspring rises round,
And mingles both their Graces. By degrees,
The human Blossom blows; and every Day,
Soft as it rolls along, shows some new Charm,
The Father's Lustre, and the Mother's Bloom.
Then infant Reason grows apace, and calls
For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care;
Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought,
To teach the young Idea how to shoot,
To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind,
To breathe th' inspiring Spirit, and to plant
The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast.
Oh speak the Joy! You, whom the sudden Tear
Surprizes often, while you look around,
And nothing strikes your Eye but Sights of Bliss,
All various Nature pressing on the Heart,
Obedient Fortune, and approving _Heaven._
These are the Blessings of diviner Love;
And thus their Moments fly; the _Seasons_ thus,
As ceaseless round a jarring World they roll,
Still find them happy; and consenting SPRING
Sheds her own rosy Garland on their Head:
Till Evening comes at last, cool, gentle, calm;
When after the long vernal Day of Life,
Enamour'd more, as Soul approaches Soul,
Together, down they sink in social Sleep. _Thomson_.
_I am, Sir,
_Your most humble Servant_,
A. A.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 4, 1734/5
_On a Pertinacious Obstinacy in Opinion_
As a _pertinacious Obstinacy_ in Opinion, and confident
_Self-Sufficiency_, is possibly one of the greatest Vices, as well as
Weaknesses, that the human Mind is capable of; so on the contrary a
Readiness to give up a _loved Opinion_, upon due Conviction, is as
great a Glory, as well as Happiness, as we are here capable of
attaining: For as _Solomon_ justly observes, a _wise Man_ feareth;
he, conscious of his own Imperfections, and sensible of the
numberless Mistakes and Errors we are here subject and liable to,
submits to the Dictates of Truth and Wisdom, where-ever he finds
them, and thereby avoids the Evil, and attains the Glory. But the
_Fool_, the self-sufficient Man, who proudly arrogates all Knowledge
and Science to himself, rageth at Contradiction, and will not suffer
his Knowledge to be questioned; what wonder is it then, if he _fall
into Evil_ when he is thus _confident_?
It is a just Observation, that a love of Truth and Goodness is
not more essential to an honest Man than a Readiness to change his
Mind and Practice, upon Conviction that he is in the wrong: And
indeed, these two are inseparably connected in our present fallible
Condition; possibly those who are arrived at a better State, may get
clear of all their Mistakes, as well as their ill Habits immediately,
and yet be capable of an endless Improvement in Knowledge, by having
their Minds extended still to discover further Objects and new
Relations of Things which they had no Notions of before. Upon this
Supposition they may receive continual Additions to their Store, and
yet have no Occasion to change their former Sentiments, because they
were right as far as they went: But I am sure in this Life we find
frequent Reason _to give up mistaken Opinions_, as well as to take in
additional Light. We cannot but perceive ourselves liable to
innumerable Errors, even when we are most careful to avoid them,
either from our Ignorance in the Nature of Things, or in the Use and
Meaning of Words. We take up Opinions, or engage in Parties, thro'
the influence of Education, Friendship, and Alliances, or in the Heat
of Opposition and Prejudice, which cannot be maintained upon more
exact Enquiries, or in cool impartial Thoughts. _Prevailing
Opinions_ insensibly gain the Possession of our Minds, and have
commonly the Advantage of being Firstcomers: and yet are very often
no better than _prevailing Falshoods_, directly the Reverse of Truth.
We are all apt to be misled, where the Safety of our Interest, or
Peace with our Neighbours appear to depend upon a particular Sett of
Principles, or upon falling in with a Party. A Man can hardly
forbear wishing those Things to be true and right, which he
apprehends would be for his Conveniency to find so: And many
Perswasions, when they are looked into, plainly appear to have no
better a Foundation.
It must therefore be highly reasonable, to examine our
Sentiments, and always to _lie open to Conviction_ and farther Light
upon better Consideration of a Case, and to be willing to profit by
the Diligence and Enquiries, as well of other Men, as ourselves.
Without this, _Reason_ would be given us in vain, _Study_ and
_Converse_ wou'd be useless and unprofitable Things. It would be
much happier for us to have no Advantages for better Instruction, or
no Capacity to improve by them, if we must necessarily be staked down
to those Apprehensions of Things, either in _Religion_ or
_Politicks_, which we have happened to light upon.
That Man only, who is ready to change his Mind upon proper
Conviction, is in the Way to come at the Knowledge of Truth. He who
is neither _ashamed_ of his own Ignorance, nor _unwilling_ to receive
Help from any Quarter towards the better Information of his Mind, or
_afraid_ to discard an old and _favoured_ Opinion, upon better
Evidence; he, I say, will find Truth kindly open before him, and
freely offer it self to him: He will be surprized with the noble
Pleasure of a new Discovery, and his Knowledge will be always
progressive as long as he lives. But a Man _tenacious_ of his _first
Thoughts_ is necessarily concluded in Error, if ever he happens to
mistake: For when People once arrive to an Opinion of Infallibility,
they can never grow wiser than they already are.
It is an Argument indeed of _Levity_ and _Weakness_ of Mind, to
change our Opinion upon every slight Appearance, or to give it up to
the Authority of others: But it argues a _real Greatness_ of Soul, to
have always a regard for Truth, superiour to every other
Consideration, and to feel an undissembled Pleasure upon the
Discovery of it.
If Truth is _Divine_ and _Eternal_, 'tis the natural Homage of
a Reasonable Mind to yield to its powerful Light, and embrace its
lovely Form wherever it appears; 'tis _Superstition_ to be fond of an
old Opinion not supported by it; It is _Idolatry_ to adore the Image
and false Appearance of it: But it is open _Prophaness_, to neglect
and contemn it. The only acceptable Sacrifice here, is that of our
_darling Prejudice_, and the Offering of an upright Mind is like the
Perfume of Incense.
But a sincere and hearty Lover of Truth will not content
himself with a meer Change of his Sentiments upon Conviction,
concealed within his own Breast; but will ingenuously acknowledge his
Mistake, as freely and as publickly as he avowed it. The same
Frankness and Sincerity which make me declare myself of one Opinion
at one Time, will oblige me to declare myself of another afterwards,
if my Sentiments are really altered. We owe this Justice to Mankind
as well as Truth.
VERIDICUS.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 27, 1735
_Dialogue Between Two Presbyterians_
Mr. FRANKLIN,
_You are desired by several of your Readers to print the
following_ DIALOGUE. _It is between Two of the Presbyterian Meeting
in this City. We cannot tell whether it may not be contrary to your
Sentiments, but hope, if it should, you will not refuse publishing it
on that Account: nor shall we be offended if you print any thing in
Answer to it._ We are yours, _&c._ A.B.C.D.
_S._ Good Morrow! I am glad to find you well and abroad; for
not having seen you at Meeting lately, I concluded you were
indispos'd.
T. _Tis true I have not been much at Meeting lately, but that
was not occasion'd by any Indisposition. In short, I stay at home,
or else go to Church, because I do not like Mr._ H. _your new-fangled
Preacher._
_S._ I am sorry we should differ in Opinion upon any Account;
but let us reason the Point calmly; what Offence does Mr. _H._ give
you?
T. _Tis his Preaching disturbs me: He talks of nothing but the
Duties of Morality: I do not love to hear so much of Morality: I am
sure it will carry no Man to Heaven, and I do not think it fit to be
preached in a Christian Congregation_.
_S._ I suppose you think no Doctrine fit to be preached in a
Christian Congregation, but such as Christ and his Apostles used to
preach.
T. _To be sure I think so_.
_S._ I do not conceive then how you can dislike the Preaching
of Morality, when you consider, that Morality made the principal Part
of their Preaching as well as of Mr. _H_'s. What is Christ's Sermon
on the Mount but an excellent moral Discourse, towards the End of
which, (as foreseeing that People might in time come to depend more
upon their _Faith_ in him, than upon _Good Works_, for their
Salvation) he tells the Hearers plainly, that their saying to him,
_Lord, Lord_, (that is, professing themselves his Disciples or
_Christians_) should give them no Title to Salvation, but their
_Doing_ the Will of his Father; and that tho' they have prophesied in
his Name, yet he will declare to them, as Neglecters of Morality,
that he never knew them.
T. _But what do you understand by that Expression of Christ's,_
Doing the Will of my Father.
_S._ I understand it to be the Will of God, that we should live
virtuous, upright, and good-doing Lives; as the Prophet understood
it, when he said, _What doth the Lord require of thee, O Man, but to
do justly, love Mercy, and walk humbly with the Lord thy God._
T. _But is not Faith recommended in the New Testament as well
as Morality?_
_S._ Tis true, it is. Faith is recommended as a Means of
producing Morality: Our Saviour was a Teacher of Morality or Virtue,
and they that were deficient and desired to be taught, ought first to
_believe_ in him as an able and faithful Teacher. Thus Faith would
be a Means of producing Morality, and Morality of Salvation. But
that from such Faith alone Salvation may be expected, appears to me
to be neither a Christian Doctrine nor a reasonable one. And I
should as soon expect, that my bare Believing Mr. _Grew_ to be an
excellent Teacher of the Mathematicks, would make me a Mathematician,
as that Believing in Christ would of it self make a Man a Christian.
T. _Perhaps you may think, that tho' Faith alone cannot save a
Man, Morality or Virtue alone, may._
_S._ Morality or Virtue is the End, Faith only a Means to
obtain that End: And if the End be obtained, it is no matter by what
Means. What think you of these Sayings of Christ, when he was
reproached for conversing chiefly with gross Sinners, _The whole,_
says he, _need not a Physician, but they that are sick;_ and, _I come
not to call the Righteous, but Sinners, to Repentance:_ Does not this
imply, that there were good Men, who, without Faith in him, were in a
State of Salvation? And moreover, did he not say of _Nathanael_,
while he was yet an Unbeliever in him, and thought no Good could
possibly come out of Nazareth, _Behold an Israelite indeed, in whom
there is no Guile!_ that is, _behold a virtuous upright Man._ Faith
in Christ, however, may be and is of great Use to produce a good
Life, but that it can conduce nothing towards Salvation where it does
not conduce to Virtue, is, I suppose, plain from the Instance of the
Devils, who are far from being Infidels, _they believe_, says the
Scripture, _and tremble._ There were some indeed, even in the
Apostles' Days, that set a great Value upon Faith, distinct from Good
Works, they meerly idolized it, and thought that a Man ever so
righteous could not be saved without it: But one of the Apostles, to
show his Dislike of such Notions, tells them, that not only those
heinous Sins of Theft, Murder, and Blasphemy, but even _Idleness_, or
the Neglect of a Man's Business, was more pernicious than meer
harmless Infidelity, _He that neglects to provide for them of his own
House,_ says he, _is WORSE than an Infidel._ St. _James_, in his
second Chapter, is very zealous against these Cryers-up of Faith, and
maintains that Faith without Virtue is useless, _Wilt thou know, O
vain Man,_ says he, _that Faith without Works is dead;_ and, _shew me
your Faith without your Works, and I will shew you mine by my Works_.
Our Saviour, when describing the last Judgment, and declaring what
shall give Admission into Bliss, or exclude from it, says nothing of
_Faith_ but what he says against it, that is, that those who cry
_Lord, Lord_, and profess to have _believed_ in his Name, have no
Favour to expect on that Account; but declares that 'tis the
Practice, or the omitting the Practice of the Duties of Morality,
_Feeding the Hungry, cloathing the Naked, visiting the Sick,_ &c. in
short, 'tis the Doing or not Doing all the Good that lies in our
Power, that will render us the Heirs of Happiness or Misery.
T. _But if Faith is of great Use to produce a good Life, why
does not Mr._ H. _preach up Faith as well as Morality?
_S._ Perhaps it may be this, that as the good Physician suits
his Physick to the Disease he finds in the Patient, so Mr. _H_. may
possibly think, that though Faith in Christ be properly first
preach'd to Heathens and such as are ignorant of the Gospel, yet
since he knows that we have been baptized in the Name of Christ, and
educated in his Religion, and call'd after his Name, it may not be so
immediately necessary to preach _Faith_ to us who abound in it, as
_Morality_ in which we are evidently deficient: For our late Want of
Charity to each other, our Heart-burnings and Bickerings are
notorious. St. _James_ says, _Where Envying and Strife is, there is
Confusion and every evil Work:_ and where Confusion and every evil
Work is, _Morality_ and Good-will to Men, can, I think, be no
unsuitable Doctrine. But surely _Morality_ can do us no harm. Upon
a Supposition that we all have Faith in Christ already, as I think we
have, where can be the Damage of being exhorted to Good Works? Is
Virtue Heresy; and Universal Benevolence False Doctrine, that any of
us should keep away from Meeting because it is preached there.
T. _Well, I do not like it, and I hope we shall not long be
troubled with it. A Commission of the Synod will sit in a short
Time, and try this Sort of Preaching.
_S._ I am glad to hear that the Synod are to take it into
Consideration. There are Men of unquestionable Good Sense as well as
Piety among them, and I doubt not but they will, by their Decision,
deliver our Profession from the satyrical Reflection, which a few
uneasy People of our Congregation have of late given Occasion for,
_to wit_, That the _Presbyterians_ are going to persecute, silence
and condemn a good Preacher, for exhorting them to be honest and
charitable to one another and the rest of Mankind.
T. _If Mr._ H. _is a Presbyterian Teacher, he ought to preach
as Presbyterians use to preach; or else he may justly be condemn'd
and silenc'd by our Church Authority. We ought to abide by the_
Westminster _Confession of Faith; and he that does not, ought not to
preach in our Meetings._
_S._ The Apostacy of the Church from the primitive Simplicity
of the Gospel, came on by Degrees; and do you think that the
Reformation was of a sudden perfect, and that the first Reformers
knew at once all that was right or wrong in Religion? Did not
_Luther_ at first preach only against selling of Pardons, allowing
all the other Practices of the _Romish_ Church for good. He
afterwards went further, and _Calvin_, some think, yet further. The
Church of _England_ made a Stop, and fix'd her Faith and Doctrine by
39 Articles; with which the Presbyterians not satisfied, went yet
farther; but being too self-confident to think, that as their Fathers
were mistaken in some Things, they also might be in some others; and
fancying themselves infallible in _their_ Interpretations, they also
ty'd themselves down by the _Westminster Confession_. But has not a
Synod that meets in King GEORGE the Second's Reign, as much Right to
interpret Scripture, as one that met in _Oliver_'s Time? And if any
Doctrine then maintain'd, is, or shall hereafter be found not
altogether orthodox, why must we be for ever confin'd to that, or to
any, _Confession_?
T. _But if the Majority of the Synod be against any Innovation,
they may justly hinder the Innovator from Preaching._
_S._ That is as much as to say, if the Majority of the
Preachers be in the wrong, they may justly hinder any Man from
setting the People right; for a _Majority_ may be in the wrong as
well as the _Minority_, and frequently are. In the beginning of the
Reformation, the _Majority_ was vastly against the Reformers, and
continues so to this Day; and, if, according to your Opinion, they
had a Right to silence the _Minority_, I am sure the _Minority_ ought
to have been silent. But tell me, if the _Presbyterians_ in this
Country, being charitably enclin'd, should send a Missionary into
_Turky_, to propagate the Gospel, would it not be unreasonable in the
_Turks_ to prohibit his Preaching?
T. _It would, to be sure, because he comes to them for their
good._
_S._ And if the _Turks_, believing us in the wrong, as we think
them, should out of the same charitable Disposition, send a
Missionary to preach _Mahometanism_ to us, ought we not in the same
manner to give him free Liberty of preaching his Doctrine?
T. _It may be so; but what would you infer from that?_
_S._ I would only infer, that if it would be thought reasonable
to suffer a _Turk_ to preach among us a Doctrine diametrically
opposite to _Christianity_, it cannot be reasonable to silence one of
our own Preachers, for preaching a Doctrine exactly agreeable to
_Christianity_, only because he does not perhaps zealously propagate
all the Doctrines of an old _Confession_. And upon the whole, though
the _Majority_ of the Synod should not in all respects approve of Mr.
_H_'s Doctrine, I do not however think they will find it proper to
condemn him. We have justly deny'd the Infallibility of the _Pope_
and his _Councils_ and _Synods_ in their Interpretations of
Scripture, and can we modestly claim _Infallibility_ for our selves
or our _Synods_ in our way of Interpreting? Peace, Unity and Virtue
in any Church are more to be regarded than Orthodoxy. In the present
weak State of humane Nature, surrounded as we are on all sides with
Ignorance and Error, it little becomes poor fallible Man to be
positive and dogmatical in his Opinions. No Point of Faith is so
plain, as that _Morality_ is our Duty, for all Sides agree in that.
A virtuous Heretick shall be saved before a wicked Christian: for
there is no such Thing as voluntary Error. Therefore, since 'tis an
Uncertainty till we get to Heaven what true Orthodoxy in all points
is, and since our Congregation is rather too small to be divided, I
hope this Misunderstanding will soon be got over, and that we shall
as heretofore unite again in mutual _Christian Charity._
T. _I wish we may. I'll consider of what you've said, and wish
you well.
_S._ Farewell.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 10, 1735
_Women's Court_
We hear from Chester County, that last Week at a Vendue held
there, a Man being unreasonably abusive to his Wife upon some
trifling Occasion, the Women form'd themselves into a Court, and
order'd him to be apprehended by their Officers and brought to Tryal:
Being found guilty he was condemn'd to be duck'd 3 times in a
neighbouring Pond, and to have one half cut off, of his Hair and
Beard (which it seems he wore at full length) and the Sentence was
accordingly executed, to the great Diversion of the Spectators.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 17, 1735
_Advice to a Pretty Creature and Replies_
Mr. _Franklin_,
"Pray let the prettiest Creature in this Place know, (by
publishing this) That if it was not for her Affectation, she would be
absolutely irresistible."
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 20, 1735
_The little Epistle in our last, has produced no less than six,
which follow in the order we receiv'd 'em._
Mr. _Franklin_,
`I cannot conceive who your Correspondent means by _the
prettiest Creature_ in this Place; but I can assure either him or
her, that she who is truly so, has no Affectation at all.'
_SIR,_
`Since your last Week's Paper I have look'd in my Glass a
thousand Times, I believe, in one Day; and if it was not for the
Charge of Affectation I might, without Partiality, believe myself the
Person meant.'
Mr. _Franklin_,
`I must own that several have told me, I am the prettiest
Creature in this Place; but I believe I shou'd not have been tax'd
with Affectation if I cou'd have thought as well of them as they do
of themselves.'
_SIR,_
`Your Sex calls me pretty; my own affected. Is it from
Judgment in the one, or Envy in the other?'
Mr. _Franklin_,
`They that call me affected are greatly mistaken; for I don't
know that I ever refus'd a Kiss to any Body but a Fool.'
_Friend Benjamin,_
`I am not at all displeased at being charged with Affectation.
Thou know'st the vain People call Decency of Behaviour by that Name.'
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 27, 1735
_A Sea Monster_
From Bermuda, they write, that a Sea Monster has been lately
seen there, the upper part of whose Body was in the Shape and about
the Bigness of a Boy of 12 Years old, with long black Hair; the lower
Part resembled a Fish. He was first seen on shore, and taking to the
Water, was pursu'd by People in a Boat, who intended to strike him
with a Fishgig; but approaching him, the human Likeness surpris'd
them into Compassion, and they had not the Power to do it.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 29, 1736
_The Art of Saying Little in Much_
_Amplification_, or the Art of saying _Little in Much_, seems
to be principally studied by the Gentlemen Retainers to the Law.
'Tis highly useful when they are to speak at the Bar; for by its
Help, they talk a great while, and appear to say a great deal, when
they have really very little to say. But 'tis principally us'd in
Deeds and every thing they write. You must abridge their
Performances to understand them; and when you find how little there
is in a Writing of vast Bulk, you will be as much surpriz'd as a
Stranger at the Opening of a _Pumpkin_.
It is said, that in the Reign of _William_ the Conqueror, the
Conveyance of a large Estate, might be made in about half a dozen
short Lines; which was nevertheless in every Respect sufficiently
authentick. For several Hundred Years past, Conveyances and Writings
in the Law have been continually encreasing in Bulk, and when they
will come to their full Growth, no Man knows: For the Rule, _That
every thing past and present ought to be express'd, and every thing
future provided for_, (tho' one would think a large Writing might be
made by it) does not serve to confine us at present; since all those
things are not only to be express'd, but may (by the Modern License)
be express'd by all the _different Words_ we can think of. Probably
the Invention of Printing, which took from the Scribes great Part of
their former Employment, put them on the Contrivance of making up by
a Multitude of Words, what they wanted in real Business; hence the
plain and strong Expression, _shall be his own_, is now swoln into,
_shall and may at all Times hereafter forever, and so from time to
time, freely, quietly and peaceably, have, hold and enjoy, &c_. The
Lawyer, in one of _Steele_'s Comedies, instructs his Pupil, that
_Tautology_ is the first, second, and third Parts of his Profession,
that is to say, _the whole of it_: And adds, _That he hopes to see
the Time, when it will require as much Parchment to convey a Piece of
Land as will cover it_. That time perhaps is not far off: For I am
told, that the Deeds belonging to the Title of some small Lotts,
(which have gone thro' several Hands) are nearly sufficient for the
Purpose.
But of all the Writings I have ever seen, for the Multiplicity,
Variety, Particularity, and prodigious Flow of Expression, none come
up to the Petition of _Dermond O Folivey_, an Attorney of the Kingdom
of _Ireland_: As the Petition is curious in itself, and may serve as
a Precedent for young Clerks, when they would acquire a proper Stile
in their Performances, I shall give it to the Publick entire, as
follows.
To the Right Honourable _Sir William Asten_, Knight, and
Lord Judge of Assize of the _Munster_ Circuit.
_The humble_ Petition _of_ Dermond O Folivey _a well
and most accomplished Gentleman_.
`Most humbly, and most submissively, and most obediently,
and most dutifully, by shewing, and expressing, and declaring to your
Lordship, that whereby, and whereas, and wherein, the most major, and
most greater, and most bigger, and the most stronger Part of the most
best, and the most ablest, and the most mightiest Sort of the People
of the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_, finding, and
knowing, and certifying themselves, both hereafter, and the Time
past, and now, and then, and at the present time, to be very much
oppressed, and distressed, and overcharged in all Taxes, and
Quit-rents, and other Levies, and accidental Applotments, and
Collections, and Gatherings-together in the Barony of _Torrough_ and
County of _Kerry_ aforesaid, And for the future Prevention of all,
and every such, henceforth, hereafter, heretofore, and for the time
to come, and now, and then, and at this time, and forever, the
aforesaid most major, and most bigger, and most better, and most
stronger Part of the most best, and most ablest, and most mightiest
Sort of the People of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_ aforesaid,
HATH appointed, nominated, constituted, ordained, declared, elected,
and made me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ to solicite, and make mention to
your Lordship, looking upon me now, and then, and there, and here,
the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, to be the fittest, the most
mightiest, and the most ablest, and the most best, and the most
accomplished, and the most eloquentest Spokesman within the said
Barony and County, their granded, and well beloved, and well
bestowed, and better merited Agent and Sollicitor, to represent
Oppression, and Suppression, and Extortion, for all such, and for all
much, and whereof, and whereby, and whereupon, your Petitioner
fairly, and finely, and honestly, and ingeniously, and deservedly
appointed, nominated, constituted, and ordained, and elected, and
approved, and made choice of me the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ as
an Agent and Sollicitor, to undergo, and overgo, and under-run, and
over-run, and manage this much, big, and mighty Service.
`These are therefore to will, and to shall be, now, and then,
and there, and at this time, and at the time past, and heretofore,
and formerly, and at the present, and forever, the humble, and
special, and important, and mighty, and irrefatigable Request of me,
your Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid; THAT your Lordship
will be pleased, and satisfied, and resolved, to grant, and give, and
deliver, and bestow, upon me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, your before
recited, and nominated Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid,
an Order and Judgment, and Warrant, and Authority of Preference to my
Lord _Kerry_, and Mr. _Henry Punceby_, Esq; and Justice of the Peace
and Quorum, or to any four or five or more or less, or either or
neither of them, now, and then, and there, and here, and any where,
and every where, and somewhere, and no-where, to call and bring, and
fetch, and carry, before him, or them, or either of them, or neither,
or both, such Party or Parties as they shall imagine, and conceive,
and consider, and suppose, and assent, and esteem, and think fit, and
meet, and necessary, and decent, and convenient, all, and every, and
either, or neither of them, to call, to examine, and call to a strict
Account; and that Part, and most Part, Extortion; and then, and
there, when, and where, and whether, to establish, and elect, and
direct, and impower, and authorize all such, and all much, Bailiffs,
and under Receivers, and Collectors and Gatherers-together of Money,
as your Petitioner did, or do, or have, or had, or shall, or will, or
may, or might, or should, or could, or ought to chuse, or pitch upon
with, and punctually to desire my self Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ that
they, them, and these, and every, and either, and neither of them,
that shall, and did, and have, and do, and will him in Peace, and
Unity, and Amity, and Concord, and Tranquility, henceforth, and for
the time to come, and hereafter, and for the time past, and not past,
and the time present, and now, and for everlasting; and especially
not to molest, or trouble, or hinder, or disturb, or hurt, or meddle
with the Petitioner, my self, Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, in his
Possession of 72 Acres of Land in _Gertogolinmore_ in the Barony of
_Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_.'
Mr. _Dermond O Folivey._
_Given, and granted, and dated, and signed, and sealed by my
own Hand and with my own Hand, and for my own Hand, and under my own
Hand and Seal this -- Day of -- Anno Dom_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1736
_The Drinker's Dictionary_
_Nothing more like a Fool than a drunken Man_.
Poor Richard.
'Tis an old Remark, that Vice always endeavours to assume the
Appearance of Virtue: Thus Covetousness calls itself _Prudence_;
_Prodigality_ would be thought _Generosity_; and so of others. This
perhaps arises hence, that Mankind naturally and universally approve
Virtue in their Hearts, and detest Vice; and therefore, whenever
thro' Temptation they fall into a Practice of the latter, they would
if possible conceal it from themselves as well as others, under some
other Name than that which properly belongs to it.
But DRUNKENNESS is a very unfortunate Vice in this respect. It
bears no kind of Similitude with any sort of Virtue, from which it
might possibly borrow a Name; and is therefore reduc'd to the
wretched Necessity of being express'd by distant round-about Phrases,
and of perpetually varying those Phrases, as often as they come to be
well understood to signify plainly that A MAN IS DRUNK.
Tho' every one may possibly recollect a Dozen at least of the
Expressions us'd on this Occasion, yet I think no one who has not
much frequented Taverns would imagine the number of them so great as
it really is. It may therefore surprize as well as divert the sober
Reader, to have the Sight of a new Piece, lately communicated to me,
entitled
The DRINKERS DICTIONARY.
A
He is Addled,
He's casting up his Accounts,
He's Afflicted,
He's in his Airs.
B
He's Biggy,
Bewitch'd,
Block and Block,
Boozy,
Bowz'd,
Been at Barbadoes,
Piss'd in the Brook,
Drunk as a Wheel-Barrow,
Burdock'd,
Buskey,
Buzzey,
Has Stole a Manchet out of the Brewer's Basket,
His Head is full of Bees,
Has been in the Bibbing Plot,
Has drank more than he has bled,
He's Bungey,
As Drunk as a Beggar,
He sees the Bears,
He's kiss'd black Betty,
He's had a Thump over the Head with Sampson's Jawbone,
He's Bridgey.
C
He's Cat,
Cagrin'd,
Capable,
Cramp'd,
Cherubimical,
Cherry Merry,
Wamble Crop'd,
Crack'd,
Concern'd,
Half Way to Concord,
Has taken a Chirriping-Glass,
Got Corns in his Head,
A Cup to much,
Coguy,
Copey,
He's heat his Copper,
He's Crocus,
Catch'd,
He cuts his Capers,
He's been in the Cellar,
He's in his Cups,
Non Compos,
Cock'd,
Curv'd,
Cut,
Chipper,
Chickery,
Loaded his Cart,
He's been too free with the Creature,
Sir Richard has taken off his Considering Cap,
He's Chap-fallen,
D
He's Disguiz'd,
He's got a Dish,
Kill'd his Dog,
Took his Drops,
It is a Dark Day with him,
He's a Dead Man,
Has Dipp'd his Bill,
He's Dagg'd,
He's seen the Devil,
E
He's Prince Eugene,
Enter'd,
Wet both Eyes,
Cock Ey'd,
Got the Pole Evil,
Got a brass Eye,
Made an Example,
He's Eat a Toad & half for Breakfast.
In his Element,
F
He's Fishey,
Fox'd,
Fuddled,
Sore Footed,
Frozen,
Well in for't,
Owes no Man a Farthing,
Fears no Man,
Crump Footed,
Been to France,
Flush'd,
Froze his Mouth,
Fetter'd,
Been to a Funeral,
His Flag is out,
Fuzl'd,
Spoke with his Friend,
Been at an Indian Feast.
G
He's Glad,
Groatable,
Gold-headed,
Glaiz'd,
Generous,
Booz'd the Gage,
As Dizzy as a Goose,
Been before George,
Got the Gout,
Had a Kick in the Guts,
Been with Sir John Goa,
Been at Geneva,
Globular,
Got the Glanders.
H
Half and Half,
Hardy,
Top Heavy,
Got by the Head,
Hiddey,
Got on his little Hat,
Hammerish,
Loose in the Hilts,
Knows not the way Home,
Got the Hornson,
Haunted with Evil Spirits,
Has Taken Hippocrates grand Elixir,
I
He's Intoxicated,
Jolly,
Jagg'd,
Jambled,
Going to Jerusalem,
Jocular,
Been to Jerico,
Juicy.
K
He's a King,
Clips the King's English,
Seen the French King,
The King is his Cousin,
Got Kib'd Heels,
Knapt,
Het his Kettle.
L
He's in Liquor,
Lordly,
He makes Indentures with his Leggs,
Well to Live,
Light,
Lappy,
Limber,
M
He sees two Moons,
Merry,
Middling,
Moon-Ey'd,
Muddled,
Seen a Flock of Moons,
Maudlin,
Mountous,
Muddy,
Rais'd his Monuments,
Mellow,
N
He's eat the Cocoa Nut,
Nimptopsical,
Got the Night Mare,
O
He's Oil'd,
Eat Opium,
Smelt of an Onion,
Oxycrocium,
Overset,
P
He drank till he gave up his Half-Penny,
Pidgeon Ey'd,
Pungey,
Priddy,
As good conditioned as a Puppy,
Has scalt his Head Pan,
Been among the Philistines,
In his Prosperity,
He's been among the Philippians,
He's contending with Pharaoh,
Wasted his Paunch,
He's Polite,
Eat a Pudding Bagg,
Q
He's Quarrelsome,
R
He's Rocky,
Raddled,
Rich,
Religious,
Lost his Rudder,
Ragged,
Rais'd,
Been too free with Sir Richard,
Like a Rat in Trouble.
S
He's Stitch'd,
Seafaring,
In the Sudds,
Strong,
Been in the Sun,
As Drunk as David's Sow,
Swampt,
His Skin is full,
He's Steady,
He's Stiff,
He's burnt his Shoulder,
He's got his Top Gallant Sails out,
Seen the yellow Star,
As Stiff as a Ring-bolt,
Half Seas over,
His Shoe pinches him,
Staggerish,
It is Star-light with him,
He carries too much Sail,
Stew'd
Stubb'd,
Soak'd,
Soft,
Been too free with Sir John Strawberry,
He's right before the Wind with all his Studding Sails out,
Has Sold his Senses.
T
He's Top'd,
Tongue-ty'd,
Tann'd,
Tipium Grove,
Double Tongu'd,
Topsy Turvey,
Tipsey,
Has Swallow'd a Tavern Token,
He's Thaw'd,
He's in a Trance,
He's Trammel'd,
V
He makes Virginia Fence,
Valiant,
Got the Indian Vapours,
W
The Malt is above the Water,
He's Wise,
He's Wet,
He's been to the Salt Water,
He's Water-soaken,
He's very Weary,
Out of the Way.
The Phrases in this Dictionary are not (like most of our Terms
of Art) borrow'd from Foreign Languages, neither are they collected
from the Writings of the Learned in our own, but gather'd wholly from
the modern Tavern-Conversation of Tiplers. I do not doubt but that
there are many more in use; and I was even tempted to add a new one
my self under the Letter B, to wit, _Brutify'd_: But upon
Consideration, I fear'd being guilty of Injustice to the Brute
Creation, if I represented Drunkenness as a beastly Vice, since, 'tis
well-known, that the Brutes are in general a very sober sort of
People.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1736/7
_Captain Farra_
The same Day arrived Capt.Farra, who has long been given over
for lost. In his Voyage from Jamaica hither, he was cast away in
Palachee Bay within Cape Florida, among the Cannibal Indians, who
were extreamly kind and assisted in saving the Cargo, Rigging, &c.
And News of the Wreck coming to Augustine, the Spaniards sent
Periagua's and other small Vessels round to take in what was sav'd,
and bring it to that Port; where Capt. Farra hir'd a Rhode-Island
Sloop to bring it hither. Had this English Vessel been forc'd ashore
on the civil, polite, hospitable, christian, protestant Coast of
Great-Britain, Query, _Might they have expected kinder Treatment from
their own Countrymen?_
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 2, 1737
_Upon the Talents Requisite in an Almanack-Writer_
_To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette.
_SIR,_
As I am a great Lover of all Works of Ingenuity, and the
Authors of them, so more especially am I a great Reader and Admirer
of those _Labours of the Learned_, called _ALMANACKS._
As I am a considerable Proficient in this Sort of Learning; and
as at this time of the Year, Copies of Almanacks for the next Year
usually come to the Press, long before they are wanted: And as I have
laid out many a Six-pence among your Customers, the Profit whereof
has in a great Measure redounded to you: So I may reasonably hope to
be look'd on as a good Customer, and claim a favourable Place in your
Paper.
I have a large Volume in Manuscript by me, on the Important
Subject of _Almanack-making_, which I may in time communicate to the
Publick; but at present I am willing to oblige them, with only a
Taste of my Skill, which (if I have any Title to the Art of
Prognostication) will certainly make them long for the whole.
My present Design, is to give to you and the Publick, _a short
Essay_, upon the Talents requisite in _an Almanack-Writer_, by which
it will plainly appear, how much the Community is indebted to Men of
such _great and uncommon Parts and Sagacity_.
An _Almanack-Writer_, Sir, should be born one like a Poet; for
as I read among the Works of the learned, _Poeta nascitur non fit_;
so it is a Maxim with me, that _Almanackorum scriptor nascitur not
fit_. Gifts of Nature, Sir, compleated by Rules of Art, are
indispensably Necessary to make a great Man this way, as well as any
other.
The first Thing requisite in an _Almanack-Writer_, is, _That he
should be descended of a great Family, and bear a Coat of Arms_, this
gives Lustre and Authority to what a Man writes, and makes the common
People to believe, that _certainly this is a great Man_. I have
known Almanack-Writers so curious and exact in this particular, that
they have been at the Expence and Charge of a Wooden Cut in the
Frontispiece, with their Arms emblazon'd, and surrounded with a
Label, expressing the Name of the Family. This, Sir, made a great
Impression, I confess, upon myself and others, and made those Works
to go off well.
If the Author who was _born to be an Almanack-maker_, has the
Misfortune to be meanly descended, but yet, has a true Genius; if he
has by him, or can borrow a Book, entitul'd the Peerage of _England_,
he may safely borrow a Coat, (if there happens to be a Peer of his
own Name) by reason, we are so great a Way distant from the Earl
Marshal of that Part of _Great-Britain_ call'd _England_.
The next Talent requisite in the forming of _a compleat
Almanack-Writer_, is a Sort of Gravity, which keeps a due medium
between Dulness and Nonsence, and yet has a Mixture of both. Now you
know, Sir, that grave Men are taken by the common People always for
wise Men. Gravity is just as good a Picture of Wisdom, as Pertness
is of Wit, and therefore very taking. And to compleat an
Almanack-maker, in this particular, he shou'd write Sentences, and
throw out Hints, that neither himself, nor any Body else can
understand or know the Meaning of. And this is also a necessary
Talent. I will give you some Instances of this Way of Writing, which
are almost inimitable, such as these, _Leeds, Jan_. 23. 1736.
_Beware, the Design is suspected_. Feb. 23. _The World is bad with
somebody_. Mar. 27. _Crimes not remitted_. April 10. _Cully Mully
puff appears_. May 21 _The Sword of Satan is drawn_. June 7. _The
Cat eat the Candle_. Now, Sir, Why should the Sword of Satan be
drawn to kill the Cat on the 21st Day of _May_, when it plainly
appears in Print, that the Cat did not eat the Candle till the 7th of
_June_ following? This Question no Man but an Astrologer can
possibly answer.
In the next Place, I lay it down as a certain Maxim or
Position, that _an Almanack-Writer shou'd not be a finish'd Poet, but
a Piece of one_, and qualify'd to write, what we vulgarly call
Doggerel; and that his Poetry shou'd bear a near Resemblance to his
Prose. I must beg _Horace's_ and my Lord _Roscommon's_ Pardon, if I
dissent from them in this one particular. I will give you their Rule
in my Lord's English Translation, and save myself the Trouble of
transcribing the Latin of _Horace_.
_But no Authority of Gods nor Men
Allow of any Mean in Poesy."
This might for all I know be a Rule for Poetry among the
Ancients, but the Moderns have found it troublesome, and the most of
them, have wholly neglected it for that Reason. Witness the Authors
Verses, whose Praise I am now celebrating, _December_ 1736.
_Now is my_ 12 _Months Task come to conclusion,
_Lord free us from Hatred, Envy and Confusion_.
_All are not pleas'd, nor never will i'th' main_.
_Fewds and Discords among us will remain_.
_Be that as 'twill, however I'm glad to see,
Envy disappointed both at Land and Sea_.
I do not pretend to say, that this is like the Poetry of
_Horace_, or Lord _Roscommon_, but it is the Poesy of an Astrologer;
it is his own and not borrowed; It is occult and mysterious. It has
a due Degree of that Sort of Gravity, which I have mentioned: In
short, it is form'd upon the Rules which I have laid down in this
short Essay.
I could further prove to you, if I was to go about it, That _an
Almanack-Writer_ ought not only to be a Piece of a Wit, but a very
Wag; and that he shou'd have the Art also to make People believe,
that he is almost a Conjurer, &c. But these Things I reserve for my
greater Work, and in the mean time, until that appears, I desire to
remain,
_Sir,_
_Sept_. 27. 1737. _Your very humble Servant,_
PHILOMATH.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 20, 1737
_The Compassion of Captain Croak_
On the 3d Inst. arrived here the _Rose_, of _London_, Capt.
_Croak_ Commander, from whom we have the following Relation, viz.
That on the 17th of _June_ last, being on his Voyage from
_Newfoundland_ to this Port, and in the Latitude of 41 Deg. N. and 48
Deg. of Longitude, he espied a Sail that made Signals of Distress;
whereupon he came up to her, and found her so near Sinking, that he
had only just Time to save the Persons belonging to her, (who were to
the Number of 61) for he had no sooner taken them on board his own
Vessel, but the other foundered in the Sea. The Persons thus
providentially saved, informed him:
That they were for the most part indented Servants and set Sail
from _Cork_ for _Boston_, the 29th of _March_ last, on board the said
Vessel, which was called the Speedwell, of which _William Stockdale_
had been Master. That about the 7th of _May_, their Water and Bread
beginning to fall short, they were obliged to touch at the Island of
St. _Michael_'s, and having lain there at Anchor, about 5 Days, a
boisterous and violent Wind, blowing S W (while the Captain and
Super-Cargo, and several others belonging to the Vessel were on
Shore) forced her out to Sea, leaving her Anchor and Cable behind.
That it was 21 Days before she could recover the Island, and being
arrived there, which was on a Friday, those on board were informed,
that the Master and those before mentioned, to have been left ashore,
had set Sail for _Lisbon_ the Friday before, on Board one Capt.
_Gillegan_. That thereupon the Persons, who had then the Care of the
Vessel, put to Sea in order to proceed on their Voyage to _Boston_.
That having met with a hard Gale of Wind, which caused the Vessel's
Larboard Quarter to give way, they were obliged to keep two Pumps a
going without Intermission, during the Space of three Days, when they
most providentially met with the _Rose_, that saved their Lives,
which otherwise were inevitably lost. _As it was running a Risque,
which few others have cared to do, it was therefore a more remarkable
Act of Humanity, in the Commander of the_ Rose, _to take so many
additional Mouths on Board, when he had only Provisions for his own
Company. This is such an Instance of a laudable Compassion, that it
is to be wished it may not be more admired than imitated on the like
Occasions.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 10, 1738
_Octuplets_
_Aug_. 5. We hear that the Wife of a Peasant in the District of
_Boisleduc_ was brought to Bed of eight Children, seven Girls and one
Boy, who were all living.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 24, 1738
_Obadiah Plainman Defends the Meaner Sort_
_To the Author of the Letter in the last_ Pennsylvania _Gazette._
_SIR,_
On my first hearing of the Outcry that was raised against the
Paragraph, that related to the shutting up of the Concert Room, _&c_.
I immediately called for the _Gazette_; but, tho' I read the Article
over and over with the greatest Attention, I was not able to discover
in it the least injurious Reflection on the Characters of the
Gentlemen concerned. My ill Success, I then attributed to my
Stupidity, and concluded that the Abuse, tho' I could not see it,
must nevertheless be very perspicuous to the BETTER SORT, otherwise,
they would not have made so loud a Complaint against it, as it is
publickly known they did, _since it was in the publick Street_.
I comforted myself with the Hopes, that, on the Appearance of
your Letter, the Mist would have been dispelled from my Eyes. But, I
can't help declaring, that, notwithstanding all the Assistance you
have furnished me with, the Injury complained of, still remains to me
as great a Secret as ever.
You tell us _the Paragraph manifestly carries in it an
Insinuation,_ that _the Persons concerned in the Concert declin'd
meeting, as thinking it inconsistent with the Doctrine of the
Christian Religion_. But, with Submission, I think the Paragraph
manifestly insinuates the quite contrary. It mentions, that the
Gentlemen concerned in the Concert, _&c_. caused the Door to be
_broke open_, which was the strongest Evidence that could be given of
their Dislike to the Principles on which it had been shut up.
Therefore, tho' it immediately follows, that no Company came the last
Assembly Night, it was _most unnatural_ to suppose they should so
_suddenly_ have changed their Sentiments, and declined their
Diversions on any religious Consideration.
Let us admit for Argument's Sake (which, otherwise, can by no
Means be admitted) that the Words are guilty of the Insinuation,
which you are so fond it should be thought they are. Yet, how does
it appear that the Characters of the Gentlemen are injured by it?
You tell us, _They think so_. But, is that a Reason to induce _Us_
to believe it is _really_ so? Since you have appealed to the _Mob_
as _Judges_ of this IMPORTANT Controversy, I must inform you, that
the Assertion (and much less, _the Belief_) of any Man, never passes
for Argument at _Our_ impartial Tribunal. For my own Part (I speak
with an humble Deference to the rest of my Brethren) I cannot
conceive how any Person's Reputation can be prejudiced, tho' it
should be reported, that he has left off making of Legs, or cutting
of Capers.
Perhaps you will object, _that it is not the Fact, but the
Motive, which is controverted; That you admit the Company did not
meet; but deny, they declined meeting, for the Reason, which,_ as you
pretend, _is insinuated in the Gazette_. If this be the true State
of the Question, _we_ unanimously pronounce the Accusation to be
groundless. In Matters of such a Nature, no Man can judge of your
Thoughts but yourself: Therefore, your Denial of the Charge was a
sufficient, and indeed the _only_ proper Defence you could make.
But you were not contented to stop here, but must needs tell
_us_ incoherent Stories of Mr. _Whitefield_ and Mr. _Seward_, and,
under Pretence of a Vindication, foist into the News-Paper Invectives
against those two Gentlemen. You might with equal Propriety have
entertained _Us_ with the History of _Romulus_ and _Remus_, and
entituled it "an Argument to prove, that you did not _think_ Dancing,
or _idle_ Capering an unchristian Diversion."
I hope, Sir, from what I have said, you are now convinced, that
you have brought before _Us_ a most _ridiculous_ Complaint against an
_imaginary_ Abuse, and consequently you have been all this Time doing
nothing more than beating the Air, and _fighting without an
Adversary_.
In the next Place, I am to reprimand you, Sir, for your
disrespectful Behaviour to _Us_, whom you had chosen for your Judges.
_We_ take Notice, that you have ranked yourself under the
Denomination of the BETTER SORT of People, which is an Expression
always made use of in Contradistinction to the _meaner Sort_, _i.e._
the Mob, or the Rabble. Tho' _We_ are not displeased with such
Appellations when bestowed on _Us_ by our Friends, yet _We_ have ever
regarded them as Terms of outrageous Reproach, when applied to _Us_
by our Enemies; for in this (and so it is in many other Cases) the
Words are to receive their Construction from the _known_ Mind of the
Speaker: Your _Demosthenes'_ and _Ciceroes_, your _Sidneys_ and
_Trenchards_ never approached _Us_ but with Reverence: _The High and
Mighty Mob_, _The Majesty of the Rabble_, _The Honour and Dignity of
the Populace_, _Or_ such _like_ Terms of Respect, were frequent in
their Orations; and what a high Opinion they entertained of the
Accuracy of _Our_ Judgment, appears from those elaborate Compositions
they addressed to _Us_.
They never took upon them to make a Difference of Persons, but
as they were distinguished by their Virtues or their Vices. But now
our present Scriblers expect our Applause for reviling us to our
Faces. They consider us as a stupid Herd, in whom the Light of
Reason is extinguished. Hence every impertinent Babler thinks
himself qualified to harangue us, without Style, Argument or Justness
of Sentiment. Your gross Deficiency in the two latter Particulars I
have already given Instances of; and as to your Skill in Language you
have furnished _Us_ with the following notable Example: You affirm
_That Mr_. Whitefield's _Tenets are mischievous_: Therefore, on that
Supposition, it is impossible they should be contemptible; yet, with
the same Breath _you assure_ Us, _that you have them in the utmost
Contempt_. This is the merriest Gibberish I ever met with. Surely,
you have not published it as a Sample of the Stile of those polite
Folks, who by their own Authority, _"contrary to Law and Justice,
without any previous Application to or Consent first had"_ of their
Fellow-Citizens, have usurped the Title of the BETTER SORT.
Under these _gentle_ Reprehensions _We_ now dismiss you, hoping
you will make a proper Use of them, when you shall judge it
_convenient_ to appeal to _Us_ again.
_I am, _On Behalf of myself and the Rest of my
Brethren of the_ Meaner Sort,
Yours, _&c_.
OBADIAH PLAINMAN.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 15, 1740
_Obadiah Plainman to Tom Trueman_
_To_ TOM TRUEMAN.
_Dear Tommy,_
Tho' there are two Letters addressed to me, one in the
_Gazette_, and the other in the _Mercury_; yet, from the near
Conformity they bear to one another in Sentiment, Reasoning, and
_Similes_, I am apt to conclude they were wrote by the same Hand,
_Or_, if by different Persons, that they communicated their Thoughts
to one another, and then club'd them together for the Service of the
_Public_. On the latter Supposition, it would be unnecessary in my
Reply, to regard them as distinct Performances of several Writers; I
therefore address myself to you as the Author of both.
You tell me you have found out by my Letter, that I imagine
myself the Prince and Leader of a mighty People. I wonder how a
Genius so penetrating as yours could be led into so gross an Error:
For, alas! I am but a poor ordinary Mechanick of this City, obliged
to work hard for the Maintenance of myself, my Wife, and several
small Children. When my daily Labour is over, instead of going to
the Alehouse, I amuse myself with the Books of the Library Company,
of which I am an _unworthy_ Member. This Account of my
Circumstances, the Meanness of my Education, and my innocent Manner
of Life, I hope, will effectually remove those _groundless_
Suspicions, which you seemed to entertain, of my being in a Plot
against the State.
You are pleased to inform me, that _you are_ But _a young Man,
Country-born_. In Return for such an _important_ Discovery, I will
let you into another Secret of as great Consequence. -- "Hark in your
Ear," _I am_ But _an old Man not Country-born_. In Respect of Soil,
I presume neither of us will pretend to any Superiority; but the
Pre-eminence being on my Side in Regard to my Age, I shall make Use
of that Privilege to _Document_ you a little.
I shall first consider the argumentative Part of your Letter in
the Gazette. You there assert, _that from the first Facts alledged
in the Paragraph, supposing nothing more said, a Stranger would
unquestionably imagine that the Rooms were shut up by the Owners_.
This Assertion is granted you, _because_ you are so kind to allow
that It is absolutely _destroyed_ by the Remainder of the Article;
which says, _the Gentlemen caused the Door to be broke open again_.
Thus far we have travelled, thro' the Construction of the Paragraph,
with a mutual Agreement, and a wonderful Satisfaction on both Sides.
But now you ask, _What does the Author mean by informing the World
that no Company came the,_ then, _last Assembly Night?_ Ay, what does
he mean? This is the "plaguy" Difficulty that has so _strangely
puzzled_, and which still seems to _continue_ to puzzle the _Better
Sort_. You are however sure, for your Part, that his Words must be
intended to signify _Something_ or _NOTHING_. As I shall always be
ready to gratify you, when I can do it safely, I agree to your latter
Alternative. But then, how can those Words which, on your own
Concession, mean NOTHING, carry in them the _Insinuation_ you contend
for, or any Insinuation at all. This notwithstanding, you think
yourself so absolutely certain of the Truth of your Consequence, that
one would imagine you were ready to take your corporal Oath of it,
when required, tho' you acknowledge there is not the _least Shadow_
of any Premises from which it can be deduced. This is such strange
Reasoning, that _doubtless, it has been reserved to this Time,
solely,_ dear _Tommy,_ for a Head so singularly clear and logical as
yours. You desire I would show the World the Interpretation the
Words will bear. Your Request, my dear Child, is contrary to all
Laws of Argument, and therefore (tho' I am heartily sorry it should
happen so) I cannot comply with your Desire. If you advance an
Assertion, it is at your own Peril to support it with Proofs, which
if you fail in, every one has a Right to _reject it as false_.
In my first I did not give any Construction of the Paragraph,
for my Business was to defend it from the Insinuation with which it
unjustly stood accused; and therefore, from the Gentlemen's declared
Dislike of Mr. _Whitefield_'s Principles, I inferred it was unnatural
to suppose they should so suddenly have changed their Sentiments.
Against this Defence you object, _that the_ Followers of Mr.
_Whitefield_ would naturally believe so sudden a Conversion. Now,
that They should be capable of _Thinking_ so, whom, in the first
Colume of the _Gazette_, you regard as _irrational_ Creatures, and,
consequently, destitute of the Faculty of _Thinking_, is to me quite
incomprehensible.
I now proceed to your Complaint of the gross Misrepresentation,
as you imagine, of the Meaning of the Words, _Better Sort_, in your
first Letter. That _notable_ Epistle was published as the Sentiments
of the whole Company concerned in the Concert. Therefore (whether
the Fact be so or not; for that is entirely out of the Question) I
had NO RIGHT to consider it, but as Theirs, nor Them in any other
Light than as they there appeared, namely as Part of the _People_,
which always signifies the Governed, or _private Persons_. Tho' the
Stile be in the third Person, yet, without any Prejudice to the
Sense, it may be changed to the first, and then it will run thus, _We
think our Characters injured by the Paragraph, as tho' Mr_.
Whitefield _had met with great Success among us the_ BETTER SORT _of
People of Pennsilvania_. This Case has no Manner of Resemblance to
those which you have put, of Boys at Bandy-Wicket, young Fellows at
Foot-Ball, Magistrates on the Bench, Quakers with their Hats on, or
the Library Company with their Hats off or on, for all those Persons
are said to be OF the _Better Sort_, which does not exclude others
from the same Rank. But the Denomination of _Better Sort_ in your
first Letter (where the Particle _of_, as applied in the latter
Cases, cannot be found) is evidently engrossed by Those who, with
such a commendable Modesty, bestowed it on themselves. Now when
private Persons publickly stile themselves, exclusively of all
others, the BETTER SORT of People of the Province, can it be doubted
but that they look on the Rest of their Fellow Subjects in the same
Government with Contempt, and consequently regard them as Mob and
Rabble. For so gross an Insult on the People in general, I
endeavoured (but without respecting any Party in particular, as you
groundlessly insinuate) to turn the Writer into Ridicule; and
therefore made Use of the Words Mob and Rabble, to expose him more
effectually; but with very different Ideas annexed to them in my Mind
(of which I was careful to give Notice) from those they receive, when
deduced from that extraordinary Epistle. In my Animadversions on it
I personated the Public, which you charge as a Crime, tho' it is an
allowed Figure in Speech, frequently used, and particularly by those
great Assertors of _Public Liberty_, whose Names I mentioned at the
Time.
I imagined my Design lay so apparently on the Surface, that you
could not have overlooked it. However, I am far from imitating the
Example you have set me, and shall not attribute your Mistake of my
Intentions, to an impenetrable Stupidity; but I fairly place it on
the Obscurity of my Stile.
This, dear _Tommy_, will be esteem'd a very liberal Concession,
by those who consider your Unskilfulness in Language. You have not,
by your Answer, mended the Blunder I remarked in your first: Your
saying, that the same Person may be both mischievous and
contemptible, is nothing to the Purpose; for you must regard him in
different Views before you can properly affirm so differently of him:
But Mr. _Whitefield_'s Doctrine you represented simply as
mischievous, and, under that Appearance only, you pronounced it the
Object of your Contempt. It seems as if you would rather have it
believed a Fault in Sentiment than Language: So you admit you
understood the Word, but charge the wrong Application of it, to the
Defect of your Judgment. In my poor Opinion, you gain nothing by the
Change, to furnish Matter of Triumph.
Tho' your Absurdities and Mistakes are such, that no Writer was
ever guilty of before; yet, I question not, but you will inform the
World in your next, as you did in your last, that my Animadversions
on them are only _Extracts out of other Men's Works,_ viz. _those of
the Party-Writers in_ England. I have, more than once, told you,
that no Man has a Right to bring an Accusation before the Publick,
without bringing his _Proofs_ along with it. You have confined your
Evidence, which is to support this Charge, to the Party-Writers of
_Great Britain_. I will not limit you to them, but shall admit, that
there is a _Possibility_ of its being true, if you can produce any
Author, of any Age or Country, that ever was engaged in a Controversy
_of the like Nature_ with Ours. The Paragraph in Dispute contains
but five Lines. The Insinuation, deduced from it in your first, is
also comprized within five; in your second it takes up fifteen; I
_hope_ I shall live to see the Day, when It shall have swelled to a
large Volume in Folio: For so useful and edifying a Work, as that is
likely to be, must redound to the immortal Honour of that IMPORTANT
Article of News, in the Reputation and Defence of which I am so
_deeply_ interested.
As to the PERSONAL SCANDAL, in both your Letters, it is a
Commodity I never deal in; and therefore, cannot make you any Return
for those _flagrant_ UNMERITED _Civilities_, which I have received
from your _polite_ Hand. However, if you think that such delicate
_genteel_ Touches of Raillery will be of any Service to you, in the
farther Prosecution of this _worthy_ Argument, I shall be far from
objecting against your Use of them.
And so, _my dear_ Tommy, _for the present_,
_I bid you heartily Farewell_.
OBADIAH PLAINMAN.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 29, 1740
_Religious Mood in Philadelphia_
During the Session of the _Presbyterian_ Synod, which began on
the 28th of the last Month, and continued to the third of this
Instant, there were no less than 14 Sermons preached on
_Society-Hill_ to large Audiences, by the Rev. Messrs. the
_Tennents_, Mr. _Davenport_, Mr. _Rowland_ and Mr. _Blair_, besides
what were deliver'd at the _Presbyterian_ and _Baptist_ Meetings, and
Expoundings and Exhortations in private Houses. The Alteration in
the Face of Religion here is altogether surprizing. Never did the
People show so great a Willingness to attend Sermons, nor the
Preachers greater Zeal and Diligence in performing the Duties of
their Function. Religion is become the Subject of most
Conversations. No Books are in Request but those of Piety and
Devotion; and instead of idle Songs and Ballads, the People are every
where entertaining themselves with Psalms, Hymns and Spiritual Songs.
All which, under God, is owing to the successful Labours of the
Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 12, 1740
_Statement of Editorial Policy_
It is a Principle among Printers, that when Truth has fair
Play, it will always prevail over Falshood; therefore, though they
have an undoubted Property in their own Press, yet they willingly
allow, that any one is entitled to the Use of it, who thinks it
necessary to offer his Sentiments on disputable Points to the
Publick, and will be at the Expence of it. If what is thus publish'd
be good, Mankind has the Benefit of it: If it be bad (I speak now in
general without any design'd Application to any particular Piece
whatever) the more 'tis made publick, the more its Weakness is
expos'd, and the greater Disgrace falls upon the Author, whoever he
be; who is at the same Time depriv'd of an Advantage he would
otherwise without fail make use of, _viz_. of Complaining, _that
Truth is suppress'd, and that he could say MIGHTY MATTERS, had he but
the Opportunity of being heard._
The Printers of this City have been unjustly reflected on, as
if they were under some undue Influence, and guilty of great
Partiality in favour of the Preaching lately admir'd among us, so as
to refuse Printing any Thing in Opposition to it, how just or
necessary soever. A Reflection entirely false and groundless, and
without the least Colour of Fact to support it; which all will be
convinc'd of when they see the following Piece from one Press, and
the Rev. Mr. _Cummings_'s Sermons against the Doctrines themselves,
from the other.
_Englishmen_ thought it an intolerable Hardship, when (tho' by
an Act of their own Parliament) Thoughts, which should be free, were
fetter'd and confin'd, and an Officer was erected over the Nation,
call'd _a Licenser of the Press_, without whose Consent no Writing
could be publish'd. Care might indeed be taken in the Choice of this
Officer, that he should be a Man of great Understanding, profound
Learning, and extraordinary Piety; yet, as the greatest and best of
Men may have _some_ Errors, and have been often found averse to
_some_ Truths, it was justly esteem'd a National Grievance, that the
People should have Nothing to read but the Opinions, or what was
agreeable to the Opinions of _ONE MAN_. But should every petty
Printer (who, if he can read his Hornbook, may be thought to have
Learning enough to qualify him for his own Sphere) presume to erect
himself into an Officer of this kind, and arbitrarily decide what
ought and what ought not to be published, much more justly might the
World complain. 'Tis true, where Invectives are contain'd in any
Piece, there is no good-natur'd Printer but had much rather be
employ'd in Work of another kind: However, tho' many personal
Reflections be interwoven in the following Performance, yet as the
Author _(who has subscrib'd his Name)_ thought them necessary, to
vindicate his own Conduct and Character, it is therefore hoped, on
that Consideration, the Reader will excuse the Printer for publishing
them.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1740
_Essay on Paper-Currency,
Proposing a New Method for Fixing Its Value_
_To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE.
It appears by the Resolutions of the Honourable the House of
Commons of _Great Britain_, that it is their Opinion, that the
Issuing Paper Currencies in the _American_ Colonies hath been
prejudicial to the Trade of _Great Britain_, by causing a Confusion
in Dealings, and lessening of Credit in those Parts; and that there
is Reason to apprehend, that some Measures will be fallen upon, to
hinder or restrain any future Emissions of such Currencies, when
those that are now extant shall be called in and sunk. But if any
Scheme could be formed, for fixing and ascertaining the Value of
Paper Bills of Credit, in all future Emissions, it may be presumed
such Restraints will be taken off, as the Confusion complained of in
Dealings would thereby be avoided. Something of this Kind is here
attempted, in hopes that it may be improved into a useful Project.
But I shall first set down a few plain Remarks touching the
Fluctuation of Exchange, and the Value of Gold and Silver in the
Colonies; with some Observations on the Ballance of Trade; in order
to render what follows the more clear and intelligible.
I. Every particular Man, that is concerned in Trade, whose
Imports and Exports are not exactly equal, must either _draw_ Bills
of Exchange on other Countries, or _buy_ Bills to send abroad to
ballance his Accounts.
II. The Exports and Imports in any Colony, may be managed by
different Hands, and the Number of those chiefly imployed in the
latter may greatly exceed the Number of those imployed in the former.
Hence it is evident there may sometimes be many Buyers and few
Sellers of Bills of Exchange, even whilst the Exports may exceed in
Value the Imports: And it is easy to conceive, that in this Case,
Exchange may rise.
III. The _British_ Merchants, who trade to the Colonies, are
often unacquainted with the Advantages that may be made by building
of Ships there, or by the Commodities of those Colonies carried to
the _West-Indies_, or to Foreign Markets: And for that Reason,
frequently order all their Remittances in Bills of Exchange, tho'
less advantageous; which must encrease the Demand for Bills, and
enhance the Price of them.
IV. A great Demand in _Europe_ for any of the Commodities of
the Colonies, and large Orders for those Commodities from the
_British_ Merchants to their Factors here, with Directions to draw
for the Value, may occasion Exchange to fall for a Time, even tho'
the Imports should be greater than the Exports.
V. Hence it appears, that a sudden great Demand for Bills in
the Colonies, may, at any time, advance the Exchange; and a sudden
great Demand abroad for their Commodities may fall the Exchange.
VI. Gold and Silver will always rise and fall, very near in
Proportion as Exchange rises and falls; being only wanted, in those
Colonies that have a Paper Currency, for the same Use as Bills of
Exchange, _viz._ for Remittances to _England_.
VII. When few People can draw on _England_, or furnish those
who want Remittances with Gold or Silver, Paper Currency may fall
with respect to Sterling-Money and Gold and Silver, (by which the
_British_ Merchants always judge of it) and yet keep up to its
original Value in Respect to all other Things.
VIII. From all these Considerations, I think, it appears that
the Rising or Falling of the Exchange can be no sure Rule for
Discovering on which Side the Ballance of Trade lies; because that
Exchange may be affected by various Accidents independent thereof.
But in order to determine this Point with more Certainty, it should
be considered;
IX. That whatever is imported, must, first or last, be paid for
in the Produce or Manufactures of the Country: If the Commodities
exported in one Year be not sufficient to pay for what is imported,
the Deficiency must be made up by exporting more in succeeding Years;
otherwise the Colony becomes Debtor for so much as the Deficiency is;
which at last must be discharged (if it is ever discharged) by their
Lands.
X. If this has been the Case with any Colony; or if the Debt of
the Colony to _Great Britain_ has been increasing for several Years
successively, it is a Demonstration that the Ballance of Trade is
against them: But on the Contrary, if the Debt to _Great Britain_ is
lessening yearly, or not increasing, it is as evident, that the
Ballance of Trade is not against them; notwithstanding the Currency
of that Colony may be falling gradually all the while.
I shall now proceed to the Scheme for fixing the Value of a
Paper Currency, _viz_.
XI. Let it be supposed, that in some one of the Colonies the
Sum of 110,000 in Bills of Credit was proposed to be struck, and all
other Currencies to be called in and destroyed; and that 133 _l_. 6
_s_. 8 _d_. in these Bills should be equivalent to 100 _l_. Sterling;
which likewise would make the said Bills equal to Foreign Coins, at
the Rates settled by the Act of Parliament made in the Sixth Year of
Queen Anne_. At which Rate, according to this Scheme, it may be as
well settled as at any other.
XII. Let _One Hundred Thousand Pounds_ be emitted on Loan, upon
good Securities, either in Land or Plate, according to the Method
used in _Pensylvania_, the Borrowers to pay _Five per Cent per Annum_
Interest, together with a _Twentieth_ Part of the Principal, which
would give the Government an Opportunity of sinking it by Degrees, if
any Alteration in the Circumstances of the Province should make it
necessary: But if no such Necessity appeared, so much of the
Principal as should be paid in, might be re-emitted on the same Terms
as before.
XIII. The other _Ten Thousand_ Pounds to be laid out in such
Commodities as should be most likely to yield a Profit at Foreign
Markets, to be ship'd off on Account of the Colony, in order to raise
a Fund or Bank in _England_: Which Sum, so laid out, would in two
Years time, be returned into the Office again by the Interest Money.
XIV. The Trustees or Managers of this Bank to be impowered and
directed to supply all Persons that should apply to them, with Bills
of Exchange, to be drawn on the Colony's Banker in _London_, at the
aforesaid Rate of 133 _l_. 6 _s_. 8 _d_. of the said Bills of Credit
for 100 _l_. Sterling. The Monies thus brought in, to be laid out
again as before, and replaced in _England_ in the said Bank with all
convenient Speed: And as these provincial Bills would have, at least,
as good a Credit as those of any private Person; every Man, who had
occasion to draw, would, of Course, be obliged to dispose of his
Bills at the same Rate.
XV. It is by Means of this Bank, that it is proposed to
regulate the Rate of Exchange; and therefore it would be necessary to
make it so large, or procure the Trustees such a Credit in _London_,
as should discourage and prevent any mischievous Combinations for
draining it and rendering the Design useless. I know of no
Inconvenience that could arise by allotting double the proposed Sum
for that Service, but that the annual Interest would be lessen'd;
which in some Governments has been found a useful Engine for
defraying the publick Expence. But if only a Credit should be
thought needful, over and above the said Sum, and upon some Emergency
Recourse should be had to it, the Interest-Money would soon afford
sufficient Means for answering that Credit.
XVI. The Trustees might further be impowered and directed, to
take in Foreign Coins, at the Rates prescribed by the Act of
Parliament, from those who wanted to change them for Paper Currency,
and to exchange for those who wanted Gold and Silver. This, it is
imagined, might reduce those Coins again to a Currency, which now are
only bought and sold as a Commodity. Or, if it should be judged more
advantageous to the Credit of the Paper-Currency, Part of the
Proceeds of what should be sent abroad, might be returned to the
Province in Gold and Silver, for creating a Fund here.
XVII. I hope it will appear upon examining into the
Circumstances of the Paper-Money-Colonies, by the Rule proposed
above, that the Ballance of Trade has not been so much against them
as is commonly imagined; but that the Fall of their Currencies, with
Respect to Sterling, and to Gold and Silver, has been chiefly
occasioned either by some such Accidents as are above shewed to
influence it; which by this Scheme will be all prevented: Or to their
being issued without any good Foundation for supporting their Credit,
such as a Land Security, _&c_. However that be, I think, there can
be no room, upon our Plan, to fear, that the Credit of the
Paper-Currency can be injur'd, even though the Ballance of Trade were
against the Colony, while their Bank in _London_ can be duely
supported.
From the sad Consequence of a losing Trade, _viz_. that of
having the Property of the Lands transferr'd to another Country, it
appears absolutely necessary for every Colony, that finds or suspects
that to be its own Case, to think timely of all proper Means for
preventing it; such as encouraging Iron-Works, Ship-building, raising
and manufacturing of Hemp and Flax, and all other Manufactures not
prohibited by their Mother Country. They might likewise save
considerable Sums, which are now sent to _England_, by setting up and
establishing an Insurance-Office. This, I think, might effectually
be done by an Act of Assembly for impowering the Trustees of the
Loan-Office to subscribe all Policies that should be brought to them,
on such Terms as should be settled by the said Trustees jointly with
a Committee of Assembly, at a Meeting for that Purpose, once a Month,
or oftner if necessary. Besides the saving to the Country in the
Article of Trade, it would probably yield a considerable yearly
Income towards the Support of Government; it being evident, that most
prudent Insurers are great Gainers upon the Whole of their
Insurances, after all Losses are deducted.
Upon the Execution of this Scheme, I am persuaded, two very
great Advantages must accrue; _First_, That the Export would be
increased, and consequently bring the Ballance of Trade more in
favour of the Province: And, _Secondly_, that the Rate of Exchange
would be fixed and ascertained; which, 'tis hoped, would effectually
remove the Prejudices which the Merchants in _England_ seem to have
conceived against a Paper Currency in the Colonies.
_The General Magazine_, February, 1741
_Letter from Theophilus,
Relating to the Divine Prescience_
_To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE.
SIR,
There is a Question in the Schools, and I think generally
resolved in the Affirmative; _Whether God concurs with all human
Actions or not?_ That is, Whether he be the principal efficient Cause
of every Action we produce? This Question, I say, is generally
resolved in the Affirmative: And the _Reason_ they give is this;
_Because,_ say they, _if God did not concur with every Action that's
produc'd, then there would be an Action, and consequently some Being,
independent of God, which is absurd: Therefore,_ &c.
It hath been the Opinion of many great and learned Men, that
second Causes have no proper Activity of their own; but that God acts
directly and immediately in them and by them; that he produces all
the Acts of Thinking, and all the Volitions or Acts of Willing; and
that he has from all Eternity decreed, _That he will do with such and
such a Creature, at such a Time, such and such Acts;_ which shall
_infallibly_ come to pass, the contrary whereof could not fall out
from any Principle in the Creature; that the Creature neither can nor
ought to have any thing real, nor positively do any Act but what God
produces in it.
There is no Possibility, they think, of defending the Doctrine
of the _Divine Prescience_, if this be deny'd. For nothing can be
foreknown that is contingent in its own Nature; but every Action
depending upon the Will of an Agent, left at Liberty to do as it
pleases, is contingent, _i. e._ it may or may not happen, and
therefore cannot be foreknown: For when any Being knows that a Thing
will be, it must be, otherwise it could not be an Object of
Knowledge: It is absolutely impossible to know, that any Event _will_
come to pass, that _may not_ come to pass.
So that whoever denies God's immediate Concourse with every
Action we produce, must of Consequence deny God's Foreknowledge.
I should be glad therefore to see some Remarks made upon this
Subject; and knowing of no better Method to invite some proper Person
to undertake it, I make bold to desire you to insert the Contents
hereof in the _General Magazine_ for the Month of _March_, and you
will oblige
_Your constant Reader, and
most humble Servant,_
THEOPHILUS.
_The General Magazine_, March, 1741
_Obituary of Andrew Hamilton_
On the 4th Instant, died ANDREW HAMILTON, Esq; and was the next
Day inter'd at _Bush-Hill_, his Country Seat. His Corps was attended
to the Grave by a great Number of his Friends, deeply affected with
their own, but more with their Country's Loss. He lived not without
Enemies: For, as he was himself open and honest, he took pains to
unmask the Hypocrite, and boldly censured the Knave, without regard
to Station and Profession. Such, therefore, may exult at his Death.
He steadily maintained the Cause of Liberty; and the Laws made,
during the time he was Speaker of the Assembly, which was many Years,
will be a lasting Monument of his Affection to the People, and of his
Concern for the welfare of this Province. He was no Friend to Power,
as he had observed an ill use had been frequently made of it in the
Colonies; and therefore was seldom upon good Terms with Governors.
This Prejudice, however, did not always determine his Conduct towards
them; for where he saw they meant well, he was for supporting them
honourably, and was indefatigable in endeavouring to remove the
Prejudices of others. He was long at the Top of his Profession here,
and had he been as griping as he was knowing and active, he might
have left a much greater Fortune to his Family than he has done: But
he spent more Time in hearing and reconciling Differences in private,
to the Loss of his Fees, than he did in pleading Causes at the Bar.
He was just, where he sat as a Judge; and tho' he was stern and
severe in his Manner, he was compassionate in his Nature, and very
slow to punish. He was the Poor Man's Friend, and was never known to
with-hold his Purse or Service from the Indigent or Oppressed. He
was a tender Husband and a fond Parent: But -- these are Virtues
which Fools and Knaves have sometimes in common with the Wise and the
Honest. His free Manner of treating Religious Subjects, gave Offence
to many, who, if a Man may judge by their Actions, were not
themselves much in earnest. He feared God, loved Mercy, and did
Justice: If he could not subscribe to the Creed of any particular
Church, it was not for want of considering them All; for he had read
much on Religious Subjects. He went through a tedious Sickness with
uncommon Chearfulness, Constancy and Courage. Nothing of affected
Bravery or Ostentation appeared; But such a Composure and Tranquility
of Mind, as results from the Reflection of a Life spent agreeable to
the best of a Man's Judgment. He preserved his Understanding and his
Regard for his Friends to the last Moment. What was given as a Rule
for a Poet, upon another Occasion, may be justly apply'd to Him upon
this,
------ _Servetur ad imum
Qualis ab incepto processerit, & sibi constet._
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 6, 1741
_Obituary of James Merrewether_
On Sunday last died after a short Illness, JAMES MERREWETHER, a
Person somewhat obscure, and of an unpromising Appearance, but
esteem'd by those few who enjoy'd an Intimacy with him, to be one of
the honestest, best, and wisest Men in Philadelphia.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 22, 1742
_I Sing My Plain Country Joan_
Poor RICHARD's Description of his
Country WIFE JOAN.
_A_ SONG -- TUNE, _The Hounds are all out_.
1. Of their _Chloes_ and _Phyllises_ Poets may prate,
I will sing my plain COUNTRY JOAN;
Twice twelve Years my Wife, still the Joy of my Life:
Bless'd Day that I made her my own,
_My dear Friends._
Bless'd Day that I made her my own.
2. Not a Word of her Shape, or her Face, or her Eyes,
Of Flames or of Darts shall you hear:
Though I BEAUTY admire, 'tis VIRTUE I prize,
Which fades not in seventy Years.
3. In Health a Companion delightful and gay,
Still easy, engaging, and free;
In Sickness no less than the faithfullest Nurse,
As tender as tender can be.
4. In Peace and good Order my Houshold she guides,
Right careful to save what I gain;
Yet chearfully spends, and smiles on the Friends
I've the Pleasure to entertain.
5. Am I laden with Care, she takes off a large Share,
That the Burden ne'er makes me to reel;
Does good Fortune arrive, the Joy of my Wife
Quite doubles the Pleasure I feel.
6. She defends my good Name, even when I'm to blame,
Friend firmer to Man ne'er was given:
Her compassionate Breast feels for all the distress'd,
Which draws down the Blessings of Heaven.
7. In Raptures the giddy Rake talks of his Fair,
Enjoyment will make him despise.
I speak my cool Sense, which long Exper'ence
And Acquaintance has chang'd in no Wise.
8. The Best have some Faults, and so has My JOAN,
But then they're exceedingly small,
And, now I'm us'd to 'em, they're so like my own,
I scarcely can feel them at all.
9. Was the fairest young Princess, with Millions in Purse,
To be had in Exchange for My JOAN,
She could not be a better Wife, might be a worse,
So I'll stick to My JUGGY alone,
_A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge Among the British
Plantations in America_
The _English_ are possess'd of a long Tract of Continent, from
_Nova Scotia_ to _Georgia_, extending North and South thro' different
Climates, having different Soils, producing different Plants, Mines
and Minerals, and capable of different Improvements, Manufactures,
_&c._
The first Drudgery of Settling new Colonies, which confines the
Attention of People to mere Necessaries, is now pretty well over; and
there are many in every Province in Circumstances that set them at
Ease, and afford Leisure to cultivate the finer Arts, and improve the
common Stock of Knowledge. To such of these who are Men of
Speculation, many Hints must from time to time arise, many
Observa-tions occur, which if well-examined, pursued and improved,
might produce Discoveries to the Advantage of some or all of the
_British_ Plantations, or to the Benefit of Mankind in general.
But as from the Extent of the Country such Persons are widely
separated, and seldom can see and converse or be acquainted with each
other, so that many useful Particulars remain uncommunicated, die
with the Discoverers, and are lost to Mankind; it is, to remedy this
Inconvenience for the future, proposed,
That One Society be formed of Virtuosi or ingenious Men
residing in the several Colonies, to be called _The American
Philosophical Society_; who are to maintain a constant
Correspondence.
That _Philadelphia_ being the City nearest the Centre of the
Continent-Colonies, communicating with all of them northward and
southward by Post, and with all the Islands by Sea, and having the
Advantage of a good growing Library, be the Centre of the Society.
That at _Philadelphia_ there be always at least seven Members,
_viz_. a Physician, a Botanist, a Mathematician, a Chemist, a
Mechanician, a Geographer, and a general Natural Philosopher, besides
a President, Treasurer and Secretary.
That these Members meet once a Month, or oftner, at their own
Expence, to communicate to each other their Observations,
Experiments, _&c._ to receive, read and consider such Letters,
Communications, or Queries as shall be sent from distant Members; to
direct the Dispersing of Copies of such Communications as are
valuable, to other distant Members, in order to procure their
Sentiments thereupon, _&c._
That the Subjects of the Correspondence be, All new-discovered
Plants, Herbs, Trees, Roots, _&c._ their Virtues, Uses, _&c._ Methods
of Propagating them, and making such as are useful, but particular to
some Plantations, more general. Improvements of vegetable Juices, as
Cyders, Wines, _&c_. New Methods of Curing or Preventing Diseases.
All new-discovered Fossils in different Countries, as Mines,
Minerals, Quarries, _&c_. New and useful Improvements in any Branch
of Mathematicks. New Discoveries in Chemistry, such as Improvements
in Distillation, Brewing, Assaying of Ores, _&c_. New Mechanical
Inventions for saving Labour; as Mills, Carriages, _&c_. and for
Raising and Conveying of Water, Draining of Meadows, _&c_. All new
Arts, Trades, Manufactures, _&c_. that may be proposed or thought of.
Surveys, Maps and Charts of particular Parts of the Sea-coasts, or
Inland Countries; Course and Junction of Rivers and great Roads,
Sit-uation of Lakes and Mountains, Nature of the Soil and
Productions, _&c_. New Methods of Improving the Breed of useful
Animals; Introducing other Sorts from foreign Countries. New
Improvements in Planting, Gardening, Clearing Land, _&c_. And all
philosophical Experiments that let Light into the Nature of Things,
tend to increase the Power of Man over Matter, and multiply the
Conveniencies or Pleasures of Life.
That a Correspondence already begun by some intended Members,
shall be kept up by this Society with the ROYAL SOCIETY of _London_,
and with the DUBLIN SOCIETY.
That every Member shall have Abstracts sent him Quarterly, of
every Thing valuable communicated to the Society's Secretary at
_Philadelphia_; free of all Charge except the Yearly Payment
hereafter mentioned.
That by Permission of the Postmaster-General, such
Communications pass between the Secretary of the Society and the
Members, Postage-free.
That for defraying the Expence of such Experiments as the
Society shall judge proper to cause to be made, and other contingent
Charges for the common Good, every Member send a Piece of Eight _per
Annum_ to the Treasurer, at _Philadelphia_, to form a Common Stock,
to be disburs'd by Order of the President with the Consent of the
Majority of the Members that can conveniently be consulted thereupon,
to such Persons and Places where and by whom the Experiments are to
be made, and otherwise as there shall be Occasion; of which
Disbursements an exact Account shall be kept, and communicated yearly
to every Member.
That at the first Meetings of the Members at _Philadelphia_,
such Rules be formed for Regulating their Meetings and Transactions
for the General Benefit, as shall be convenient and necessary; to be
afterwards changed and improv'd as there shall be Occasion, wherein
due Regard is to be had to the Advice of distant Members.
That at the End of every Year, Collections be made and printed,
of such Experiments, Discoveries, Improvements, _&c_. as may be
thought of publick Advantage: And that every Member have a Copy sent
him.
That the Business and Duty of the Secretary be, To receive all
Letters intended for the Society, and lay them before the President
and Members at their Meetings; to abstract, correct and methodize
such Papers, _&c_. as require it, and as he shall be directed to do
by the President, after they have been considered, debated and
digested in the Society; to enter Copies thereof in the Society's
Books, and make out Copies for distant Members; to answer their
Letters by Direction of the President, and keep Records of all
material Transactions of the Society, _&c_.
_Benjamin Franklin_, the Writer of this Proposal, offers
himself to serve the Society as their Secretary, 'till they shall be
provided with one more capable.
_Philadelphia, May_ 14. 1743.
Philadelphia, broadside, 1743
_Apology for the Young Man in Goal_
_An_ Apology _for the young Man in Goal, and in Shackles, for
ravishing an old Woman of_ 85 _at_ Whitemarsh, _who had only one Eye,
and that a red one_.
Unhappy Youth, that could not longer stay,
Till by old Age thy Choice had dy'd away;
A few Days more had given to thy Arms,
Free from the Laws, her aged Lump of Charms,
Which, tho' defunct, might feel not less alive
Than we imagine Maids of Eighty-five;
Or hadst thou staid till t'other Eye was gone,
Thou mightst have lov'd and jogg'd securely on.
Yet may thy Council urge this prudent Plea,
That by one Crime, thou has avoided three;
For had a Mare or Sow attack'd thy Love,
No human Form to save thy Life would move;
Or had thy Lust been offer'd to a Male,
All Vindications would and ought to fail;
Or hadst thou sought a blooming Virgin's Rape,
Thou shouldst not from the Penalty escape:
But when the Object is long past her Flow'r,
And brings no County-Charge, and wants no Dow'r;
Who, slighted all her Life, would fain be ravish'd,
Thou shouldst be pity'd for thy Love so lavish'd.
_The American Weekly Mercury_, September 15, 1743
_An Over-Masted Privateer_
Sunday last the Tartar, Capt. Mackey, sail'd down the Bay in
order to proceed on his Cruise, but being (as 'tis said) over-masted,
and not well ballasted, she was unfortunately overset, by a slight
Flaw of Wind, near the Capes, and sunk immediately in about 8 Fathom
Water. The Captain with about 60 Officers and Seamen were saved in
her Long-boat, and went ashore at the Cape; 14 were taken up by Capt.
Plasket in a Pilot Boat; and Capt. Claes, who was coming in from
Barbadoes, ran his Vessel near the Ship, and took up 47. The rest
perished. 'Tis expected she will soon be weigh'd, and with some
Alterations, fitted out again, as she is a most extraordinary Sailor;
so that we hope our Enemies will hardly hear of the Misfortune,
before they find they have no great Reason to rejoice at it.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 5, 1744
_American Privateers_
'Tis computed that there are and will be before Winter 113 Sail
of Privateers at Sea, from the _British American_ Colonies; most of
them stout Vessels and abundantly well mann'd. A Naval Force, equal
(some say) to that of the Crown of _Great-Britain_ in the Time of
Queen _Elizabeth_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1744
_Account of Louisburgh_
As the _CAPE-BRETON_ Expedition is at present the Subject of
most Conversations, we hope the following Draught (rough as it is,
for want of good Engravers here) will be acceptable to our Readers;
as it may serve to give them an Idea of the Strength and Situation of
the Town now besieged by our Forces, and render the News we receive
from thence more intelligible.
EXPLANATION.
1. The Island Battery, at the Mouth of the Harbour, mounting 34
Guns, ------ Pounders. This Battery can rake Ships
PLAN of the Town and Harbour of _LOUISBURGH_.
fore and aft before they come to the Harbour's Mouth, and take
them in the Side as they are passing in.
2. The Grand Battery, of 36 Forty-two Pounders, planted right
against the Mouth of the Harbour, and can rake Ships fore and aft as
they enter.
3. The Town N. East Battery, which mounts 18 Twenty-four
Pounders on two Faces, which can play on the Ships as soon as they
have entered the Harbour.
4. The Circular Battery, which mounts 16 Twenty four Pounders,
stands on high Ground, and overlooks all the Works. This Battery can
also gaul Ships, as soon as they enter the Harbour.
5. Three Flanks, mounting 2 Eighteen Pounders each.
6. A small Battery, which mounts 8 Nine Pounders. All these
Guns command any Ship in the Harbour.
7. The Fort or Citadel, fortified distinctly from the Town, in
which the Governor lives.
8. A Rock, called the Barrel.
T The Center of the Town. L The Light-House.
Every Bastion of the Town Wall has Embrasures or Ports for a
Number of Guns to defend the Land Side.
The black Strokes drawn from the several Batteries, shew the
Lines in which the Shot may be directed.
_CAPE-BRETON_ Island, on which _Louisburgh_ is built, lies on
the South of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and commands the Entrance
into that River, and the Country of _Canada_. It is reckon'd 140
Leagues in Circuit, full of fine Bays and Harbours, extreamly
convenient for Fishing Stages. It was always reckon'd a Part of
_Nova-Scotia_. For the Importance of this Place see our _Gazette_,
No. 858. As soon as the French King had begun the present unjust War
against the English, the People of _Louisburgh_ attack'd the
_New-England_ Town of _Canso_, consisting of about 150 Houses and a
Fort, took it, burnt it to the Ground, and carried away the People,
Men, Women and Children, Prisoners. They then laid Siege to
_Annapolis Royal_, and would have taken it, if seasonable Assistance
had not been sent from _Boston_. Mr. _Duvivier_ went home to
_France_ last Fall for more Soldiers, _&c_. to renew that Attempt,
and for Stores for Privateers, of which they proposed to fit out a
great Number this Summer, being the last Year unprovided: Yet one of
their Cruisers only, took 4 Sail in a few Days, off our Capes, to a
very considerable Value. What might we have expected from a dozen
Sail, making each 3 or 4 Cruises a Year? They boasted that during
the War they should have no Occasion to cut Fire-Wood, for that the
Jackstaves of English Vessels would be a Supply sufficient. It is
therefore in their own NECESSARY DEFENCE, as well as that of all the
other _British_ Colonies, that the People of _New-England_ have
undertaken the present Expedition against that Place, to which may
the _GOD OF HOSTS_ grant Success. _Amen_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 6, 1745
_Old Mistresses Apologue_
My dear Friend, June 25. 1745
I know of no Medicine fit to diminish the violent natural
Inclinations you mention; and if I did, I think I should not
communicate it to you. Marriage is the proper Remedy. It is the
most natural State of Man, and therefore the State in which you are
most likely to find solid Happiness. Your Reasons against entring
into it at present, appear to me not well-founded. The
circumstantial Advantages you have in View by postponing it, are not
only uncertain, but they are small in comparison with that of the
Thing itself, the being _married and settled_. It is the Man and
Woman united that make the compleat human Being. Separate, she wants
his Force of Body and Strength of Reason; he, her Softness,
Sensibility and acute Discernment. Together they are more likely to
succeed in the World. A single Man has not nearly the Value he would
have in that State of Union. He is an incomplete Animal. He
resembles the odd Half of a Pair of Scissars. If you get a prudent
healthy Wife, your Industry in your Profession, with her good
Economy, will be a Fortune sufficient.
But if you will not take this Counsel, and persist in thinking
a Commerce with the Sex inevitable, then I repeat my former Advice,
that in all your Amours you should _prefer old Women to young ones_.
You call this a Paradox, and demand my Reasons. They are these:
1. Because as they have more Knowledge of the World and their
Minds are better stor'd with Observations, their Conversation is more
improving and more lastingly agreable.
2. Because when Women cease to be handsome, they study to be
good. To maintain their Influence over Men, they supply the
Diminution of Beauty by an Augmentation of Utility. They learn to do
a 1000 Services small and great, and are the most tender and useful
of all Friends when you are sick. Thus they continue amiable. And
hence there is hardly such a thing to be found as an old Woman who is
not a good Woman.
3. Because there is no hazard of Children, which irregularly
produc'd may be attended with much Inconvenience.
4. Because thro' more Experience, they are more prudent and
discreet in conducting an Intrigue to prevent Suspicion. The
Commerce with them is therefore safer with regard to your Reputation.
And with regard to theirs, if the Affair should happen to be known,
considerate People might be rather inclin'd to excuse an old Woman
who would kindly take care of a young Man, form his Manners by her
good Counsels, and prevent his ruining his Health and Fortune among
mercenary Prostitutes.
5. Because in every Animal that walks upright, the Deficiency
of the Fluids that fill the Muscles appears first in the highest
Part: The Face first grows lank and wrinkled; then the Neck; then the
Breast and Arms; the lower Parts continuing to the last as plump as
ever: So that covering all above with a Basket, and regarding only
what is below the Girdle, it is impossible of two Women to know an
old from a young one. And as in the dark all Cats are grey, the
Pleasure of corporal Enjoyment with an old Woman is at least equal,
and frequently superior, every Knack being by Practice capable of
Improvement.
6. Because the Sin is less. The debauching a Virgin may be her
Ruin, and make her for Life unhappy.
7. Because the Compunction is less. The having made a young
Girl _miserable_ may give you frequent bitter Reflections; none of
which can attend the making an old Woman _happy_.
8thly and Lastly They are _so grateful!!_
Thus much for my Paradox. But still I advise you to marry
directly; being sincerely Your affectionate Friend.
_The Antediluvians Were All Very Sober_
The Antediluvians were all very sober
For they had no Wine, and they brew'd no October;
All wicked, bad Livers, on Mischief still thinking,
For there can't be good Living where there is not good
Drinking.
Derry down
'Twas honest old Noah first planted the Vine,
And mended his Morals by drinking its Wine;
He justly the drinking of Water decry'd;
For he knew that all Mankind, by drinking it, dy'd.
Derry down.
From this Piece of History plainly we find
That Water's good neither for Body or Mind;
That Virtue and Safety in Wine-bibbing's found
While all that drink Water deserve to be drown'd.
Derry down
So For Safety and Honesty put the Glass round.
_Appreciation of George Whitefield_
On Sunday the 20th Instant, the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ preach'd
twice, tho' apparently much indispos'd, to large Congregations in the
New-Building in this City, and the next Day set out for New-York.
When we seriously consider how incessantly this faithful Servant (not
yet 32 Years old) has, for about 10 Years past, laboured in his great
Master's Vineyard, with an Alacrity and fervent Zeal, which an infirm
Constitution, still daily declining, cannot abate; and which have
triumphed over the most vigorous Opposition from whole Armies of
invidious Preachers and Pamphleteers; under whose Performances, the
Pulpits and Presses, of _Great-Britain_ and _America_, have groaned;
We may reasonably think with the learned Dr. Watts_, "That he is a
Man raised up by Providence in an uncommon Way, to awaken a stupid
and ungodly World, to a Sense of the important Affairs of Religion
and Eternity:" And the Lines of Mr. _Wesley_, concerning another
young Methodist, may justly be applied to his dear Friend
_Whitefield_ --
_Wise in his Prime, he waited not for Noon,
Convinc'd that Mortals never liv'd too soon;
As if foreboding here his little Stay,
He makes his Morning bear the Heat of Day.
No fair Occasion glides unheeded by,
Snatching the Golden Moments as they fly,
He by few fleeting Hours ensures Eternity._
His Sermons here this Summer have given general Satisfaction,
and plainly proved the great Ability of the Preacher. His rich
Fancy, sound and ripening Judgment, and extensive Acquaintance with
Men and Books of useful Literature, have been acknowledg'd by every
unprejudiced Person. Purity of Language, Perspicuity of Method, a
ready Elocution, an engaging Address, and an apt Gesture, peculiar to
this accomplish'd Orator, consider'd with his unspotted Character in
private Life, have added Force to the plain strong Arguments, and
pathetick Expostulations, wherewith his Discourses abounded. And, it
cannot be doubted, that many have been awaken'd to a Sense of the
Importance of Religion, and others have been built up in their most
holy Christian Faith under his Ministry.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 31, 1746
_The Speech of Miss Polly Baker_
_The SPEECH of Miss_ Polly Baker, _before a Court of
Judicature, at_ Connecticut _in_ New England, _where she was
prosecuted the fifth Time for having a Bastard Child; which
influenced the Court to dispense with her Punishment, and induced one
of her Judges to marry her the next Day_.
May it please the Honourable Bench to indulge me a few Words: I
am a poor unhappy Woman; who have no Money to Fee Lawyers to plead
for me, being hard put to it to get a tolerable Living. I shall not
trouble your Honours with long Speeches; for I have not the
presumption to expect, that you may, by any Means, be prevailed on to
deviate in your Sentence from the Law, in my Favour. All I humbly
hope is, that your Honours would charitably move the Governor's
Goodness on my Behalf, that my Fine may be remitted. This is the
Fifth Time, Gentlemen, that I have been dragg'd before your Courts on
the same Account; twice I have paid heavy Fines, and twice have been
brought to public Punishment, for want of Money to pay those Fines.
This may have been agreeable to the Laws; I do not dispute it: But
since Laws are sometimes unreasonable in themselves, and therefore
repealed; and others bear too hard on the Subject in particular
Circumstances; and therefore there is left a Power somewhere to
dispense with the Execution of them; I take the Liberty to say, that
I think this Law, by which I am punished, is both unreasonable in
itself, and particularly severe with regard to me, who have always
lived an inoffensive Life in the Neighbourhood where I was born, and
defy my Enemies (if I have any) to say I ever wrong'd Man, Woman, or
Child. Abstracted from the Law, I cannot conceive (may it please
your Honours) what the Nature of my Offence is. I have brought Five
fine Children into the World, at the Risque of my Life: I have
maintained them well by my own Industry, without burthening the
Township, and could have done it better, if it had not been for the
heavy Charges and Fines I have paid. Can it be a Crime (in the
Nature of Things I mean) to add to the Number of the King's Subjects,
in a new Country that really wants People? I own I should think it
rather a Praise worthy, than a Punishable Action. I have debauch'd
no other Woman's Husband, nor inticed any innocent Youth: These
Things I never was charged with; nor has any one the least cause of
Complaint against me, unless, perhaps the Minister, or the Justice,
because I have had Children without being Married, by which they have
miss'd a Wedding Fee. But, can even this be a Fault of mine? I
appeal to your Honours. You are pleased to allow I don't want Sense;
but I must be stupid to the last Degree, not to prefer the honourable
State of Wedlock, to the Condition I have lived in. I always was,
and still am, willing to enter into it; I doubt not my Behaving well
in it, having all the Industry, Frugality, Fertility, and Skill in
Oeconomy, appertaining to a good Wife's Character. I defy any Person
to say I ever Refused an Offer of that Sort: On the contrary, I
readily Consented to the only Proposal of Marriage that ever was made
me, which was when I was a Virgin; but too easily confiding in the
Person's Sincerity that made it, I unhappily lost my own Honour, by
trusting to his; for he got me with Child, and then forsook me: That
very Person you all know; he is now become a Magistrate of this
County; and I had hopes he would have appeared this Day on the Bench,
and have endeavoured to moderate the Court in my Favour; then I
should have scorn'd to have mention'd it; but I must Complain of it
as unjust and unequal, that my Betrayer and Undoer, the first Cause
of all my Faults and Miscarriages (if they must be deemed such)
should be advanced to Honour and Power, in the same Government that
punishes my Misfortunes with Stripes and Infamy. I shall be told,
'tis like, that were there no Act of Assembly in the Case, the
Precepts of Religion are violated by my Transgressions. If mine,
then, is a religious Offence, leave it, Gentlemen, to religious
Punishments. You have already excluded me from all the Comforts of
your Church Communion: Is not that sufficient? You believe I have
offended Heaven, and must suffer eternal Fire: Will not that be
sufficient? What need is there, then, of your additional Fines and
Whippings? I own, I do not think as you do; for, if I thought, what
you call a Sin, was really such, I would not presumptuously commit
it. But how can it be believed, that Heaven is angry at my having
Children, when, to the little done by me towards it, God has been
pleased to add his divine Skill and admirable Workmanship in the
Formation of their Bodies, and crown'd it by furnishing them with
rational and immortal Souls? Forgive me Gentlemen, if I talk a
little extravagantly on these Matters; I am no Divine: But if you,
great Men, (*) must be making Laws, do not turn natural and useful
Actions into Crimes, by your Prohibitions. Reflect a little on the
horrid Consequences of this Law in particular: What Numbers of
procur'd Abortions! and how many distress'd Mothers have been driven,
by the Terror of Punishment and public Shame, to imbrue, contrary to
Nature, their own trembling Hands in the Blood of their helpless
Offspring! Nature would have induc'd them to nurse it up with a
Parent's Fondness. 'Tis the Law therefore, 'tis the Law itself that
is guilty of all these Barbarities and Murders. Repeal it then,
Gentlemen; let it be expung'd for ever from your Books: And on the
other hand, take into your wise Consideration, the great and growing
Number of Batchelors in the Country, many of whom, from the mean Fear
of the Expence of a Family, have never sincerely and honourably
Courted a Woman in their Lives; and by their Manner of Living, leave
unproduced (which I think is little better than Murder) Hundreds of
their Posterity to the Thousandth Generation. Is not theirs a
greater Offence against the Public Good, than mine? Compel them
then, by a Law, either to Marry, or pay double the Fine of
Fornication every Year. What must poor young Women do, whom Custom
has forbid to sollicit the Men, and who cannot force themselves upon
Husbands, when the Laws take no Care to provide them any, and yet
severely punish if they do their Duty without them? Yes, Gentlemen,
I venture to call it a Duty; 'tis the Duty of the first and great
Command of Nature, and of Nature's God, _Increase and multiply_: A
Duty, from the steady Performance of which nothing has ever been able
to deter me; but for it's Sake, I have hazarded the Loss of the
public Esteem, and frequently incurr'd public Disgrace and
Punishment; and therefore ought, in my humble Opinion, instead of a
Whipping, to have a Statue erected to my Memory.
(*) _Turning to some Gentlemen of the Assembly, then in Court.
_The Maryland Gazette_, August 11, 1747; first printed April
15, 1747
_Whitefield's Accounts_
_Extract of a Letter from the Reverend Mr._ Smith, _of_
Charles-Town, South-Carolina, _dated_ March 2. 1746-7.
"Mr. WHITEFIELD's excellent Parts, fine Elocution, and masterly
Address; His admirable Talent of opening the Scriptures, and
enforcing the most weighty Subjects upon the Conscience; His polite
and serious Behaviour; His unaffected and superior Piety; His
Prudence, Humility, and Catholick Spirit, are Things which must
silence and disarm Prejudice itself. By these Qualifications of the
_Orator_, the _Divine_, and the _Christian_, He has not only fixed
himself deeper in the Affections of his former Friends, but greatly
increased the Number wherever he has preached; and made his Way into
the Hearts of several, who, till this Visit, had said all the severe
Things against him that _Enmity_ itself seemed capable of. He now
seems to _reign_ over his Hearers, among whom are Gentlemen of the
best Figure and Estate we have, and has gained some, whose former
Prejudices one would have thought insuperable. As an Instance of our
Affection and Esteem, no sooner was the Motion started by some
particular Gentlemen, but, with the greatest Alacrity, and in a _very
short_ Time, we subscribed, and gave him, much above _Two Hundred
Pounds_ Sterling_; which we should not have done, but upon a firm
Persuasion of the Sincerity of his Intentions. We hope we have laid
an effectual Scheme for _tying_ him faster to _America_, which will
give us the Satisfaction of seeing a Man we so highly esteem the
oftener. These Things are so universally known in _this Town_, that
you have free Leave to publish them, and to affix the Name of,
_Dear Sir,_
_Your affectionate Friend and Servant,_
_JOSIAH SMITH_."
_Extract of another Letter from South-Carolina, dated March_
11_th_.
"It is with Pleasure I can now assure you, that the Rev. Mr.
_Whitefield_ has more Friends in _Charlestown_ among Gentlemen,
especially of Distinction and Substance, than ever heretofore. The
Orator in the Pulpit, and the Gentleman and the Christian, happily
united in Conversation, has triumph'd over a thousand Prejudices, and
is become the Admiration of several, who before had conceiv'd the
worst Idea of him imaginable. And since Actions are the best
Expositors of the Heart, we have not been content to court his
Company only, but, as a further Expression of our Esteem, have given
him between two and three hundred Pounds Sterling."
The above Extracts will, we doubt not, at once please the
Friends of the Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_, and convince every candid
Reader, that his Accounts of the Disposition of the Sums of Money
heretofore collected for the Use of his _Orphan House_ in _Georgia_
are just; since it cannot be conceived that Gentlemen, who live so
near to that House as _Charles-Town, South-Carolina_, and have daily
Opportunities of knowing how the Affair is conducted, should
contribute so generously to Mr. _Whitefield_, if they thought his
former Collections were not duly applied.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1747
_Verses on the Virginia Capitol Fire_
_Mr. Printer,_
It may entertain the curious and learned Part of your
Subscribers, if you give them the following genuine _Speech_ and
_Address_, which, for the _Importance_ of the _Subject_, _Grandeur_
of _Sentiment_, and _Elegance_ of _Expression_, perhaps exceed Any
they have hitherto seen. For the Benefit of more common Readers, I
have turn'd them, with some Paraphrase, into _plain English Verse_.
I am told by Friends, that my Performance is excellent: But I claim
no other Praise than what regards my _Rhyme_, and my _Perspicuity_.
All the other Beauties I acknowledge, are owing to the _Original_,
whose true Sense I have every where follow'd with a scrupulous
Exactness. If envious Critics should observe, that some of my Lines
are _too short_ in their Number of Feet, I own it; but then, to make
ample Amends, I have given _very good Measure_ in most of the others.
I am, Sir,
your constant Reader,
NED. TYPE.
* * * * *
_The_ SPEECH _Versyfied_.
L --- d have Mercy on us! -- the CAPITOL! the CAPITOL!
is burnt down!
O astonishing Fate! -- which occasions this Meeting in
Town.
And this _Fate_ proves a _Loss_, to be deplored the more,
The said _Fate_ being th'_Effect_ of Malice and _Design_, to be
sure.
And yet 'tis hard to comprehend how a Crime of so
flagitious a Nature,
Should be committed, or even _imagined_, by any but an
_irrational_ Creature.
But when you consider, that the first _Emission of Smoke_ was
not from below,
And that Fires kindled by Accident _always burn slow_,
And not with half the Fury as when they _burn on Purpose_
you know
You'll be forced to ascribe it (with Hearts full of Sadness)
To the horrid Machinations of desperate Villains, instigated
by infernal Madness.
God forbid I should accuse or excuse any without just
Foundation,
Yet I may venture to assert, -- for our own Reputation,
That such superlative Wickedness never entred the Hearts of
_Virginians_, who are the CREAM of the _British_ Nation.
The Clerks have been examin'd, and clear'd by the May'r,
Yet are willing to be examin'd again by you, and that's fair.
And will prove in the Face of the Country, if requir'd,
That it was not by their _Conduct_ our Capitol was fir'd.
I must add, to do 'em Justice, that the Comfort we have,
In enjoying our authentic Registers, which those Clerks did
save,
Is owing to their Activity, Resolution and Diligence,
Together with Divine Providence.
All which would have been in vain, I protest,
If the Wind, at the bursting out of the Flames, had not
changed from _East_ to _Northwest_.
Our Treasury being low, and my Infirmities great,
I would have kept you prorogu'd till the Revisal of the Laws
was compleat;
But this Misfortune befalling the _Capitol_ of the Capital of
our Nation
Require your immediate Care and Assistance for its
_Instauration_.
To press you in a Point of such Usefulness manifest,
Would shew a Diffidence of your sincere Zeal for the public
Interest
For which you and I always make such a laudable Pother,
And for which we've so often _applauded one Another_.
The same public Spirit which within these Walls us'd to
direct you all,
Will determine you (as Fathers of your Country) to apply
Means effectual
For restoring the ROYAL FABRIC to its former Beauty
And Magnificence, according to your Duty;
With the like Apartments, elegant and spacious
For all the _weighty_ purposes of Government, so capacious.
Mean time the College and Court of Hustings our _Weight_
may sustain,
But pray let us speedily have our CAPITOL, our _important_
CAPITOL again.
_The COUNCIL's Answer_.
We the King's _best Subjects_, the Council of this
Dominion,
Are deeply affected (as is every true _Virginian_)
With the unhappy Occasion of our present Meeting:
------ In Troth we have but a sorry Greeting.
We are also not a little touch'd (in the Head) with the
same _Weakness_ as your Honour's,
And therefore think this raging Fire which consum'd our
_Capitol_, should incite us to reform our Manners:
The best _Expedient_ at present to avert the Indignation
divine,
And _nobly_ to express our _Gratitude_ for the _Justice_, which
(temper'd with Mercy) doth shine,
In _preserving_ our Records, tho' Red hot,
And like Brands pluck'd out of the Flames, in which they
were going to pot,
Without this _Expedient_ we shall be ruin'd quite. --
Besides, This FIRE puts us in Mind of NEW-LIGHT;
And we think it Heav'n's Judgment on us for tolerating the
Presbyterians,
Whose Forefathers drubb'd ours, about a hundred Year-hence.
We therefore resolve to abate a little of our Drinking,
Gaming, Cursing and Swearing,
And make up for the rest, by persecuting some itinerant
Presbyterian.
An _active Discharge_ of our _important_ Trusts, according to
your Honour's Desire,
Is the wisest _Project of Insurance_ that can be, of the Public
Safety, from the Attempts of such as would _set it
on fire_.
'Tis _a Project_ also for advancing the Honour and Interest of
our King and Nation,
And _a Project_ for engaging Heaven's Protection from
Generation to Generation.
We take this Opportunity, that we may not be suspected
of Malignity,
To congratulate you, Sir, on your Promotion to the
Baronet's Dignity;
A fresh Instance of just Regard to your long and faithful
Services we say,
Because from _Carthagena_ your Honour came safe away,
And you lent and sent such _great Assistance_ for reducing
CANADA.
_The BARONET's Reply_.
The just Sense you express for the Loss of our CAPITOL,
which to be sure was a fatal Mishap,
Your affectionate Concern for the _Infirmities of my Honour_,
And Joy at my new Title, of which our good K -- g is the
Donor,
Claim sincere Acknowledgments of Thankfulness,
And Gratitude, for this obliging Address.
And, (lest here and hereafter we're left in the Lurch)
To promote _true Religion_, (I mean our own Church)
I'll heartily concur with you, and lend a few Knocks
To suppress these confounding New Light Heterodox.
Then if from our Sins, we also refrain,
Perhaps we may have our CAPITOL! our dear CAPITOL!
our glorious ROYAL CAPITOL again.
_The New-York Gazette,_ June 1, 1747, supplement
_The Necessity of Self-Defence_
Mr. _FRANKLIN_,
The absolute and obvious Necessity of Self-Defence, in the
present Conjuncture, occasioned me to consider attentively several
Passages in the New Testament, from whence some have endeavoured to
shew the Unlawfulness of Christians bearing Arms on any Account,
wherein I had made a small Progress before hearing Mr. _Tennent_'s
Sermon last _Thursday_ on that Occasion, which is so full and clear
on the Subject, so well supported by Strength of Argument, and
carried on with such masterly Judgment and Address, that I am of
Opinion, the Publication thereof may sufficiently answer the most
material Purposes in my View; wherefore I only now present you a few
Thoughts which lay ready, on one particular Passage, as an Amusement
to your Readers, till the above Sermon appears in Print, as I hear it
soon will.
When it is considered that some Kinds of War were held lawful
amongst the primitive Christians, as appears evidently from many of
the ancient Martyrs, who suffered Torture and Death, for their Faith
in Jesus, and Constancy to the Christian Religion, being at the Time
of such Martyrdom, actually in the Station of Soldiers, and this in
the early Ages of Christianity, while the Streams flow'd pure from
the Fountain, 'ere the Apostacy had crept in, or the holy Doctrines
of Jesus and his Apostles, were exchanged for the corrupt Traditions
of Men, being only a few Centuries from Christ, it may seem strange
that any Christians should now deny the Lawfulness of defensive War,
and attempt to infer from our Saviour's Answer and Command to the
Disciple who drew a Sword in his Defence, that the Use of Arms is in
all Cases forbid by Christ. For the better understanding this
Matter, observe what the several Evangelists say theron.
_Mark_ is very short: _One of them that stood by, drew a Sword,
and smote a Servant of the High Priest, and cut off his Ear,_ chap.
xiv. 47.
_Luke_ only says; _When they which were about him saw what
would follow, they said unto him, Lord, shall we smite with the
Sword? And one of them smote the Servant of the High Priest, and cut
off his right Ear. And Jesus answered and said, Suffer ye thus far,
and he touched his Ear, and healed him_, Chap. xx. 49-51.
This is all the Notice taken by _Mark_ and _Luke_, which
implies not so much as a Prohibition of Arms, even on this Occasion.
_John_ xviii. 10. writes; _Then Simon Peter having a Sword,
drew it, and smote the High Priest's Servant, and cut off his right
Ear. The Servant's Name was Malchus. Then said Jesus unto Peter,
Put up thy Sword into the Sheath:_ The Reason follows, not that the
Use of Arms is unlawful, but _The Cup which my Father hath given me,
shall I not drink it?_
_Matthew_ is most full on the Passage, Chap. xxvi. 51,-54. _And
behold one of them which were with Jesus, stretched out his Hand, and
drew a Sword, and struck a Servant of the High Priest's, and smote
off his Ear. Then said Jesus unto him, Put up again thy Sword into
his Place; for all they that take the Sword, shall perish with the
Sword. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father, and he
shall presently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels? But how
then shall the Scripture be fulfilled, that thus it must be?_
From whence neither will it follow, that the Use of Arms is
prohibited, since it must be granted, the Words, _All they that take
the Sword, shall perish with the Sword_, cannot be understood in an
absolute literal Sense, as to Individuals; it being evident that all
Men who have taken the Sword, have not perished by the Sword, but
many of them died in the common Course of Nature, by Diseases, or old
Age: Nor will any, 'tis presum'd, be so uncharitable to suppose, this
can be meant of the Souls of all those who have taken the Sword. The
Passage therefore by no Means determines this Point, whether to use a
Sword on any Occasion, be right or wrong; altho' it might have warned
People against attempting to propagate the Christian Religion by Fire
or Sword, and apparently tends to convince the _Jews_ of their great
Mistake, in expecting the Messiah with outward Pomp and Regal
Authority; also may be easily understood to illustrate the great
Difference between Christ's Kingdom and those of Princes. If Force
had been necessary to the former, an invincible Army of Angels would
assuredly have conquered all Opposition, the Disciples poor Help had
been quite needless: But the Defence of Christ's Kingdom not
depending on Men or Angels, could have no Support from their
Assistance, being neither liable to Change, or subject to
Dissolution. _The Word of the Lord endureth for ever; and this is
the Word which by the Gospel is preached unto you, 1 Pet. i. 24, 25.
On the other Hand, the above quoted Words of Christ may either
generally relate to the Revolutions and Periods of States, or in a
more limited Sense (as in this Case of the Disciples) only signify,
that all who persist in opposing their Swords, as private Men against
the legal Authority of the Magistracy, shall perish with the Sword.
Other Explications may be given, all _agreeing_ to demonstrate no
Inconsistency in the Passage, unless taken in an absolute literal
Sense, and without which, a total Prohibition or Discouragement of
bearing Arms will not follow. The Words, _Put up again thy Sword
into his Place_, convey an Idea very different to laying it aside for
ever as unlawful; do they not rather hint, The Sword, when in its
proper Place, is ready against a suitable Occasion. The Passage
might be enlarged upon; but, in my Apprehension, no Construction
appears more clear and easy, than the Text simply pointing out a
Contradistinction between the Kingdom of Christ, and those of
temporal Princes; carnal Weapons, tho' useful and necessary in the
latter, are not only unlawful, but improper and ineffectual for
establishing the former; and if Liberty may be taken to vary the
concise, comprehensive Stile of Scripture into a familiar Way of
Speech, the Sense of those Verses appears much the same as if Christ
had said, "_Peter_, put up thy Sword on this Occasion, it is no Time
now to use carnal Weapons; My Kingdom is not of this World, is
neither capable of being supported, or liable to be subverted by the
Sword, to the Dangers of which all earthly Kingdoms are continually
exposed: Mine stands on a more sure Foundation, in the De-fence
whereof, if Force availed, a most powerful Army of Angels would now
descend to my Assistance." But in the 54th Verse an immediate Reason
is given why our Saviour did not admit any kind of Defence to be made
in his Behalf: It would frustrate the End of his Coming, and prevent
the fulfilling of the Scriptures, which agrees with that given by St.
_John_; and the whole Passage appears plainly to have no Relation to
the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of using the Sword in any other Case
than on the Score of Religion, but most particularly in preventing
Christ being delivered to the _Jews_. From whence follows this most
obvious Remark, That since Swords were by Christ commanded to be
procured, yet forbidden to be used on this Occasion, they were
certainly intended for some other Purpose: For the Injunction of
providing them will presently be shewn in the strongest Terms; and we
may here well use an Expression of _Cicero_ with redoubled Energy,
_Quid Gladii volunt? quos habere certi non liceret, si uti illis
nullo pacto liceret_. But in St. _Luke_, xxii. 35. we find very
plainly Christ's Opinion of the Necessity of having Swords in these
Words, _When I sent you without Purse, and Scrip, and Shoes, lacked
ye any Thing? And they said, Nothing_. This was when our Lord sent
his Disciples, Chapter x. 1. _Before his Face, into every City, and
Place, whither he himself would come._ But now, when the Lord is
about to be offered up, and his Disciples are to remain in the World,
it seems they are not to expect a miraculous Support and Defence: For
Christ says, Chapter xxii. 36. _But now, he that hath a Purse, let
him take it, and likewise his Scrip, and he that hath no Sword, let
him sell his Garment, and buy one._
_(He that hath a Purse, let him take it)_ Money, it seems, in
the tedious Journey of human Life was lawful and necessary _(and
likewise his Scrip)_ Provisions or Food were also; (_And he that hath
no Sword, let him sell his Garment, and buy one)_ But a Sword was
lawful, and still more necessary, even of greater Consequence than
our very Clothes; and the Experience of Christians from that Time
down to the present, may be appealed to, Whether Money and Provisions
have not been found very useful, and, in many Cases, the Defence of
Mens Lives and Liberties of greater Consequence than Food or Raiment;
agreeable to our Saviour's Words in another Place, _Is not the Life
more than Meat, and the Body than Raiment?_ Matth. vi. 25.
Yet how punctually do some Christians perform the first and
second Parts of this Injunction? Very diligently they provide Purse,
and Scrip, yet neglect that most necessary Provision, the Sword,
notwithstanding Food and Raiment are represented by Christ of so much
less Consequence than Life, which, under Providence, is protected and
defended by the Sword, and (on Account of its signal Use, no Doubt)
is commanded to be purchased at the Expence of our Garments: Wherefor
it is most plain some Use was to be made of Swords; but it has been
already shewn that Christianity was not to be forced upon People by
the Sword: What better Use then remains, than the Defence of our
Country, and the Protection of the Helpless and Innocent? If any can
be shewn more consistent with Christianity, or beneficial to Mankind,
it would be kind in the _Quakers_ to inform those, whose present
Measures of using Arms they condemn. Should some object, that on the
Answer, Verse 38. _Lord, Behold here are two Swords_, Christ said,
_It is enough_. Let them remember, that the same Proportion which
was adjusted for the Disciples, is enough in most well peopled
Countries.
_I am Yours,_ &c.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 29, 1747, supplement
_Devices and Mottoes of the Associators_
DEVICES and MOTTOES painted on some of the Silk Colours of the
Regiments of Associators_, in and near _Philadelphia_.
I. A Lion erect, a naked Scymeter in one Paw, the other holding
the _Pennsylvania_ Scutcheon. Motto, PRO PATRIA.
II. Three Arms, wearing different Linnen, ruffled, plain and
chequed; the Hands joined by grasping each the other's Wrist,
denoting the Union of all Ranks. Motto, UNITA VIRTUS VALET.
III. An Eagle, the Emblem of Victory, descending from the
Skies. Motto, A DEO VICTORIA.
IV. The Figure of LIBERTY, sitting on a Cube, holding a Spear
with the Cap of Freedom on its Point. Motto, INESTIMABILIS.
V. An armed Arm, with a naked Faulchion in its Hand. Motto,
DEUA ADJUVAT FORTES.
VI. An Elephant, being the Emblem of a Warrior always on his
Guard, as that Creature is said never to lie down, and hath his Arms
ever in Readiness. Motto, SEMPER PARATUS.
VII. A City walled round. Motto, SALUS PATRIAE, SUMMA LEX.
VIII. A Soldier, with his Piece recover'd, ready to present.
Motto, SIC PACEM QUERIMUS.
IX. A Coronet and Plume of Feathers. Motto, IN GOD WE TRUST.
X. A Man with a Sword drawn. Motto, PRO ARIS ET FOCIS. &c. &c.
Most of the above Colours, together with the Officers
Half-Pikes and Spontons, and even the Halberts, Drums, &c. have been
given by the good Ladies of this City, who raised Money by
Subscription among themselves for that Purpose.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 12, 1747/8
Continuation of Devices and Mottoes painted on some of the Silk
Colours of the Regiments of Associators in this City and Country
adjacent.
XI. Three of the Associators marching with their Muskets
shoulder'd, and dressed in different Clothes, intimating the
Unanimity of the different Sorts of People in the Association; Motto,
Vis Unita Fortior.
XII. A Musket and Sword crossing each other; Motto, Pro Rege &
Grege.
XIII. Representation of a Glory, in the Middle of which is
wrote _Jehovah_ _Nissi_, in English, The Lord our Banner.
XIV. A Castle, at the Gate of which a Soldier stands Centinel;
Motto, Cavendo Tutus.
XV. David, as he advanced against Goliah, and slung the Stone;
Motto, In Nomine Domini.
XVI. A Lion rampant, one Paw holding up a Scymiter, another on
a Sheaf of Wheat; Motto, Domine Protege Alimentum.
XVII. A sleeping Lion; Motto, Rouze me if you dare.
XVIII. Hope, represented by a Woman standing cloathed in blue,
holding one Hand on an Anchor; Motto, Spero per Deum vincere.
XIX. The Duke of Cumberland as a General; Motto, Pro Deo &
Georgio Rege.
XX. A Soldier on Horseback; Motto, Pro Libertate Patriae.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 16, 1748
_Advice to a Young Tradesman, Written by an Old One._
To my Friend _A_. _B_.
_As you have desired it of me, I write the following Hints,
which have been of Service to me, and may, if observed, be so to
you_.
Remember that TIME is Money. He that can earn Ten Shillings a
Day by his Labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle one half of that
Day, tho' he spends but Sixpence during his Diversion or Idleness,
ought not to reckon That the only Expence; he has really spent or
rather thrown away Five Shillings besides.
Remember that CREDIT is Money. If a Man lets his Money lie in
my Hands after it is due, he gives me the Interest, or so much as I
can make of it during that Time. This amounts to a considerable Sum
where a Man has good and large Credit, and makes good Use of it.
Remember that Money is of a prolific generating Nature. Money
can beget Money, and its Offspring can beget more, and so on. Five
Shillings turn'd, is _Six_: Turn'd again, 'tis Seven and Three Pence;
and so on 'til it becomes an Hundred Pound. The more there is of it,
the more it produces every Turning, so that the Profits rise quicker
and quicker. He that kills a breeding Sow, destroys all her
Offspring to the thousandth Generation. He that murders a Crown,
destroys all it might have produc'd, even Scores of Pounds.
Remember that Six Pounds a Year is but a Groat a Day. For this
little Sum (which may be daily wasted either in Time or Expence
unperceiv'd) a Man of Credit may on his own Security have the
constant Possession and Use of an Hundred Pounds. So much in Stock
briskly turn'd by an industrious Man, produces great Advantage.
Remember this Saying, _That the good Paymaster is Lord of
another Man's Purse_. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly
to the Time he promises, may at any Time, and on any Occasion, raise
all the Money his Friends can spare. This is sometimes of great Use:
Therefore never keep borrow'd Money an Hour beyond the Time you
promis'd, lest a Disappointment shuts up your Friends Purse forever.
The most trifling Actions that affect a Man's Credit, are to be
regarded. The Sound of your Hammer at Five in the Morning or Nine at
Night, heard by a Creditor, makes him easy Six Months longer. But if
he sees you at a Billiard Table, or hears your Voice in a Tavern,
when you should be at Work, he sends for his Money the next Day.
Finer Cloaths than he or his Wife wears, or greater Expence in any
particular than he affords himself, shocks his Pride, and he duns you
to humble you. Creditors are a kind of People, that have the
sharpest Eyes and Ears, as well as the best Memories of any in the
World.
Good-natur'd Creditors (and such one would always chuse to deal
with if one could) feel Pain when they are oblig'd to ask for Money.
Spare 'em that Pain, and they will love you. When you receive a Sum
of Money, divide it among 'em in Proportion to your Debts. Don't be
asham'd of paying a small Sum because you owe a greater. Money, more
or less, is always welcome; and your Creditor had rather be at the
Trouble of receiving Ten Pounds voluntarily brought him, tho' at ten
different Times or Payments, than be oblig'd to go ten Times to
demand it before he can receive it in a Lump. It shews, besides,
that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you appear a careful
as well as an honest Man; and that still encreases your Credit.
Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living
accordingly. 'Tis a mistake that many People who have Credit fall
into. To prevent this, keep an exact Account for some Time of both
your Expences and your Incomes. If you take the Pains at first to
mention Particulars, it will have this good Effect; you will discover
how wonderfully small trifling Expences mount up to large Sums, and
will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved,
without occasioning any great Inconvenience.
In short, the Way to Wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as
the Way to Market. It depends chiefly on two Words, INDUSTRY and
FRUGALITY; _i. e._ Waste neither Time nor Money, but make the best
Use of both. He that gets all he can honestly, and saves all he gets
(necessary Expences excepted) will certainly become RICH; If that
Being who governs the World, to whom all should look for a Blessing
on their Honest Endeavours, doth not in his wise Providence otherwise
determine.
Philadelphia, B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the New-Printing-Office, 1748
_Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_
Advertisement to the Reader.
_It has long been regretted as a Misfortune to the Youth of
this Province, that we have no_ ACADEMY, _in which they might receive
the Accomplishments of a regular Education._
_The following Paper of_ Hints _towards forming a Plan for that
Purpose, is so far approv'd by some publick-spirited Gentlemen, to
whom it has been privately communicated, that they have directed a
Number of Copies to be made by the Press, and properly distributed,
in order to obtain the Sentiments and Advice of Men of Learning,
Understanding, and Experience in these Matters; and have determin'd
to use their Interest and best Endeavours, to have the Scheme, when
compleated, carried gradually into Execution; in which they have
Reason to believe they shall have the hearty Concurrence and
Assistance of many who are Wellwishers to their Country._
_Those who incline to favour the Design with their Advice,
either as to the Parts of Learning to be taught, the Order of Study,
the Method of Teaching, the Oeconomy of the School, or any other
Matter of Importance to the Success of the Undertaking, are desired
to communicate their Sentiments as soon as may be, by Letter directed
to_ B. Franklin, _Printer, in_ Philadelphia.
AUTHORS _quoted in this_ PAPER.
1. The famous _Milton_, whose Learning and Abilities are well
known, and who had practised some Time the Education of Youth, so
could speak from Experience.
2. The great Mr. _Locke_, who wrote a Treatise on Education,
well known, and much esteemed, being translated into most of the
modern Languages of _Europe_.
3. _Dialogues on Education_, 2 Vols. Octavo, that are much
esteem'd, having had two Editions in 3 Years. Suppos'd to be wrote
by the ingenious Mr. _Hutcheson_ (Author of _A Treatise on the
Passions_, and another on the _Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_) who has
had much Experience in Educating of Youth, being a Professor in the
College at _Glasgow_, &c.
4. The learned Mr. _Obadiah Walker_, who had been many Years a
Tutor to young Noblemen, and wrote a Treatise _on the Education of a
young Gentleman_; of which the Fifth Edition was printed 1687.
5. The much admired Mons. _Rollin_, whose whole Life was spent
in a College; and wrote 4 Vols. on Education, under the Title of,
_The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres_; which are
translated into _English_, _Italian_, and most of the modern
Languages.
6. The learned and ingenious Dr. _George Turnbull_, Chaplain to
the present Prince of _Wales_; who has had much Experience in the
Educating of Youth, and publish'd a Book, Octavo, intituled,
_Observations on Liberal Education, in all its Branches_, 1742.
With some others.
The good Education of Youth has been esteemed by wise Men in
all Ages, as the surest Foundation of the Happiness both of private
Families and of Common-wealths. Almost all Governments have
therefore made it a principal Object of their Attention, to establish
and endow with proper Revenues, such Seminaries of Learning, as might
supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick
with Honour to themselves, and to their Country. (* 1)
Many of the first Settlers of these Provinces, were Men who had
received a good Education in _Europe_, and to their Wisdom and good
Management we owe much of our present Prosperity. But their Hands
were full, and they could not do all Things. The present Race are
not thought to be generally of equal Ability: For though the
_American_ Youth are allow'd not to want Capacity; yet the best
Capacities require Cultivation, it being truly with them, as with the
best Ground, which unless well tilled and sowed with profitable Seed,
produces only ranker Weeds.
That we may obtain the Advantages arising from an Increase of
Knowledge, and prevent as much as may be the mischievous Consequences
that would attend a general Ignorance among us, the following _Hints_
are offered towards forming a Plan for the Education of the Youth of
_Pennsylvania_, viz.
It is propos'd,
THAT some Persons of Leisure and publick Spirit, apply for a
CHARTER, by which they may be incorporated, with Power to erect an
ACADEMY for the Education of Youth, to govern the same, provide
Masters, make Rules, receive Donations, purchase Lands, _&c._ and to
add to their Number, from Time to Time such other Persons as they
shall judge suitable.
That the Members of the Corporation make it their Pleasure, and
in some Degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, encourage
and (* 2) countenance the Youth, countenance and assist the Masters,
and by all Means in their Power advance the Usefulness and Reputation
of the Design; that they look on the Students as in some Sort their
Children, treat them with Familiarity and Affection, and when they
have behav'd well, and gone through their Studies, and are to enter
the World, zealously unite, and make all the Interest that can be
made to establish them (* 3), whether in Business, Offices,
Marriages, or any other Thing for their Advantage, preferably to all
other Persons whatsoever even of equal Merit.
And if Men may, and frequently do, catch such a Taste for
cultivating Flowers,ng, Grafting, Inoculating, and the like, as to
despise all other Amusements for their Sake, why may not we expect
they should acquire a Relish for that _more useful_ Culture of young
Minds. _Thompson_ says,
_'Tis Joy to see the human Blossoms blow,
When infant Reason grows apace, and calls
For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care;
Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought,
To teach the young Idea how to shoot,
To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind,
To breathe th' enliv'ning Spirit, and to fix
The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast._
That a House be provided for the ACADEMY, if not in the Town,
not many Miles from it; the Situation high and dry, and if it may be,
not far from a River, having a Garden, Orchard, Meadow, and a Field
or two.
That the House be furnished with a Library (if in the Country,
if in the Town, the Town (* 4) Libraries may serve) with Maps of all
Countries, Globes, some mathematical Instruments, and Apparatus for
Experiments in Natural Philosophy, and for Mechanics; Prints, of all
Kinds, Prospects, Buildings, Machines, _&c_. (* 5)
That the RECTOR be a Man of good Understanding, good Morals,
diligent and patient, learn'd in the Languages and Sciences, and a
correct pure Speaker and Writer of the _English_ Tongue; to have such
Tutors under him as shall be necessary.
That the boarding Scholars diet (* 6) together, plainly,
temperately, and frugally.
That to keep them in Health, and to strengthen and render
active their Bodies, they be frequently (* 7) exercis'd in Running,
Leaping, Wrestling, and Swimming (* 8) _&c_.
That they have peculiar Habits to distinguish them from other
Youth, if the Academy be in or near the Town; for this, among other
Reasons, that their Behaviour may be the better observed.
As to their STUDIES, it would be well if they could be taught
_every Thing_ that is useful, and _every Thing_ that is ornamental:
But Art is long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos'd
that they learn those Things that are likely to be _most useful_ and
_most ornamental_. Regard being had to the several Professions for
which they are intended.
All should be taught to write a _fair Hand_, and swift, as that
is useful to All. And with it may be learnt something of (* 9)
_Drawing_, by Imitation of Prints, and some of the first Principles
of Perspective.
(* 10) _Arithmetick_, _Accounts_, and some of the first
Principles of _Geometry_ and _Astronomy_.
The (* 11) _English_ Language might be taught by Grammar; in
which some of our best Writers, as _Tillotson_, _Addison_, _Pope_,
_Algernoon Sidney_, _Cato_'s Letters, _&c_. should be Classicks: The
_Stiles_ principally to be cultivated, being the _clear_ and the
_concise_. Reading should also be taught, and pronouncing, properly,
distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, which _under-does_,
nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature.
To form their Stile, they should be put on Writing (* 12)
Letters to each other, making Abstracts of what they read; or writing
the same Things in their own Words; telling or writing Stories lately
read, in their own Expressions. All to be revis'd and corrected by
the Tutor, who should give his Reasons, explain the Force and Import
of Words, _&c_.
To form their (* 13) Pronunciation, they may be put on making
Declamations, repeating Speeches, delivering Orations, _&c_. The
Tutor assisting at the Rehearsals, teaching, advising, correcting
their Accent, _&c_.
But if (* 14) HISTORY be made a constant Part of their Reading,
such as the Translations of the _Greek_ and _Roman_ Historians, and
the modern Histories of antient _Greece_ and _Rome_, &c. may not
almost all Kinds of useful Knowledge be that Way introduc'd to
Advantage, and with Pleasure to the Student? As
GEOGRAPHY, by reading with Maps, and being required to point
out the Places _where_ the greatest Actions were done, to give their
old and new Names, with the Bounds, Situation, Extent of the
Countries concern'd, _&c_.
CHRONOLOGY, by the Help of _Helvicus_ or some other Writer of
the Kind, who will enable them to tell _when_ those Events happened;
what Princes were Cotemporaries, what States or famous Men flourish'd
about that Time, _&c_. The several principal Epochas to be first
well fix'd in their Memories.
ANTIENT CUSTOMS, religious and civil, being frequently
mentioned in History, will give Occasion for explaining them; in
which the (* 15) Prints of Medals, Basso Relievo's, and antient
Monuments will greatly assist.
MORALITY, (* 16) by descanting and making continual
Observations on the Causes of the Rise or Fall of any Man's
Character, Fortune, Power, _&c_. mention'd in History; the Advantages
of Temperance, Order, Frugality, Industry, Perseverance, _&c_. _&c_.
(* 17) Indeed the general natural Tendency of Reading good History,
must be, to fix in the Minds of Youth deep Impressions of the Beauty
and Usefulness of Virtue of all Kinds, Publick Spirit, Fortitude,
_&c_.
_History_ will show the wonderful Effects of ORATORY, in
governing, turning and leading great Bodies of Mankind, Armies,
Cities, Nations. When the Minds of Youth are struck with Admiration
at this, (* 18) then is the Time to give them the Principles of that
Art, which they will study with Taste and Application. Then they may
be made acquainted with the best Models among the Antients, their
Beauties being particularly pointed out to them. Modern Political
Oratory being chiefly performed by the Pen and Press, its Advantages
over the Antient in some Respects are to be shown; as that its
Effects are more extensive, more lasting, _&c_.
_History_ will also afford frequent Opportunities of showing
the Necessity of a _Publick Religion_, from its Usefulness to the
Publick; the Advantage of a Religious Character among private
Persons; the Mischiefs of Superstition, _&c_. and the Excellency of
the CHRISTIAN RELIGION above all others antient or modern (* 19).
_History_ will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage
of Civil Orders and Constitutions, how Men and their Properties are
protected by joining in Societies and establishing Government; their
Industry encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more
comfortable: The Advantages of _Liberty_, Mischiefs of
_Licentiousness_, Benefits arising from good Laws and a due Execution
of Justice, _&c_. Thus may the first Principles of sound (* 20)
_Politicks_ be fix'd in the Minds of Youth.
On _Historical_ Occasions, Questions of Right and Wrong,
Justice and Injustice, will naturally arise, and may be put to Youth,
which they may debate in Conversation and in Writing (* 21). When
they ardently desire Victory, for the Sake of the Praise attending
it, they will begin to feel the Want, and be sensible of the Use of
_Logic_, or the Art of Reasoning to _discover_ Truth, and of Arguing
to _defend_ it, and _convince_ Adversaries. This would be the Time
to acquaint them with the Principles of that Art. _Grotius_,
_Puffendorff_, and some other Writers of the same Kind, may be used
on these Occasions to decide their Disputes. (* 22) Publick Disputes
warm the Imagination, whet the Industry, and strengthen the natural
Abilities.
When Youth are told, that the Great Men whose Lives and Actions
they read in History, spoke two of the best Languages that ever were,
the most expressive, copious, beautiful; and that the finest
Writings, the most correct Compositions, the most perfect Productions
of human Wit and Wisdom, are in those Languages, which have endured
Ages, and will endure while there are Men; that no Translation can do
them Justice, or give the Pleasure found in Reading the Originals;
that those Languages contain all Science; that one of them is become
almost universal, being the Language of Learned Men in all Countries;
that to understand them is a distinguishing Ornament, _&c_. they may
be thereby made desirous of learning those Languages, and their
Industry sharpen'd in the Acquisition of them. All intended for
Divinity should be taught the _Latin_ and _Greek_; for Physick, the
_Latin_, _Greek_ and _French_; for Law, the _Latin_ and _French_;
Merchants, the _French_, _German_, and _Spanish_: And though all
should not be compell'd to learn _Latin_, _Greek_, or the modern
foreign Languages; yet none that have an ardent Desire to learn them
should be refused; their _English_, Arithmetick, and other Studies
absolutely necessary, being at the same Time not neglected.
If the new _Universal History_ were also read, it would give a
_connected_ Idea of human Affairs, so far as it goes, which should be
follow'd by the best modern Histories, particularly of our Mother
Country; then of these Colonies; which should be accompanied with
Observations on their Rise, Encrease, Use to _Great-Britain_,
Encouragements, Discouragements, _&c_. the Means to make them
flourish, secure their Liberties, _&c_.
With the History of Men, Times and Nations, should be read at
proper Hours or Days, some of the best _Histories of Nature_ (* 23),
which would not only be delightful to Youth, and furnish them with
Matter for their Letters, _&c_. as well as other History; but
afterwards of great Use to them, whether they are Merchants,
Handicrafts, or Divines; enabling the first the better to understand
many Commodities, Drugs, _&c_. the second to improve his Trade or
Handicraft by new Mixtures, Materials, _&c_. and the last to adorn
his Discourses by beautiful Comparisons, and strengthen them by new
Proofs of Divine Providence. The Conversation of all will be
improved by it, as Occasions frequently occur of making Natural
Observations, which are instructive, agreeable, and entertaining in
almost all Companies. _Natural History_ will also afford
Opportunities of introducing many Observations, relating to the
Preservation of Health, which may be afterwards of great Use.
_Arbuthnot_ on Air and _Aliment_, _Sanctorius_ on Perspiration,
_Lemery_ on Foods, and some others, may now be read, and a very
little Explanation will make them sufficiently intelligible to Youth.
While they are reading Natural History, might not a little
_Gardening_, _Planting_, _Grafting_, _Inoculating_, &c. be taught and
practised; and now and then Excursions made to the neighbouring
Plantations of the best Farmers, their Methods observ'd and reason'd
upon for the Information of Youth. The Improvement of Agriculture
being useful to all (* 24), and Skill in it no Disparagement to any.
The History of _Commerce_, of the Invention of Arts, Rise of
Manufactures, Progress of Trade, Change of its Seats, with the
Reasons, Causes, _&c_. may also be made entertaining to Youth, and
will be useful to all. And this, with the Accounts in other History
of the prodigious Force and Effect of Engines and Machines used in
War, will naturally introduce a Desire to be instructed in (* 25)
_Mechanicks_, and to be inform'd of the Principles of that Art by
which weak Men perform such Wonders, Labour is sav'd, Manufactures
expedited, _&c. &c_. This will be the Time to show them Prints of
antient and modern Machines, to explain them, to let them be (* 26)
copied, and to give Lectures in Mechanical Philosophy.
With the whole should be constantly inculcated and cultivated,
that _Benignity of Mind_ (* 27), which shows itself in _searching
for_ and _seizing_ every Opportunity _to serve_ and _to oblige_; and
is the Foundation of what is called GOOD BREEDING; highly useful to
the Possessor, and most agreeable to all (* 28).
The Idea of what is _true Merit_, should also be often
presented to Youth, explain'd and impress'd on their Minds, as
consisting in an _Inclination_ join'd with an _Ability_ to serve
Mankind, one's Country, Friends and Family; which _Ability_ is (with
the Blessing of God) to be acquir'd or greatly encreas'd by _true
Learning_; and should indeed be the great _Aim_ and (* 29) _End_ of
all Learning.
(* 1) As some Things here propos'd may be found to differ a
little from the Forms of Education in common Use, the following
Quotations are to shew the Opinions of several learned Men, who have
carefully considered and wrote expresly on the Subject; such as
_Milton_, _Locke_, _Rollin_, _Turnbull_, and others. They generally
complain, that the _old Method_ is in many Respects wrong; but long
settled Forms are not easily changed. For us, who are now to make a
Beginning, 'tis, at least, as easy to set out right as wrong; and
therefore their Sentiments are on this Occasion well worth our
Consideration.
Mr. _Rollin_ says (_Belles Lett. p._ 249. speaking of the
Manner of Educating Youth) "Though it be generally a very wise and
judicious Rule to avoid all Singularity, and to follow the received
Customs, yet I question whether, in the Point we now treat of, this
Principle does not admit of some Exception, and whether we ought not
to apprehend the Dangers and Inconveniencies of blindly following the
Footsteps of those who have gone before us, so as to consult _Custom_
more than _Reason_, and the governing our Actions rather by what
others _do_, than by what they _should do_; from whence it often
happens, that an Error once established is handed down from Age to
Age, and becomes almost a certain Law, from a Notion, that we ought
to act like the rest of Mankind, and follow the Example of the
greatest Number. But human Nature is not so happy as to have the
greatest Number always make the best Choice, and we too frequently
observe the contrary."
(* 2) _Rollin_, Vol. 2. p. 371. mentions a _French_ Gentleman,
Mons. _Hersan_, who, "at his own Expence, built a School for the Use
of poor Children, one of the finest in the Kingdom; and left a
Stipend for the Master. That he himself taught them very often, and
generally had some of them at his Table. He clothed several of them;
and distributed Rewards among them from Time to Time, in order to
encourage them to study."
(* 3) Something seems wanting in _America_ to incite and
stimulate Youth to Study. In _Europe_ the Encouragements to Learning
are of themselves much greater than can be given here. Whoever
distinguishes himself there, in either of the three learned
Professions, gains Fame, and often Wealth and Power: A poor Man's Son
has a Chance, if he studies hard, to rise, either in the Law or the
Church, to gainful Offices or Benefices; to an extraordinary Pitch of
Grandeur; to have a Voice in Parliament, a Seat among the Peers; as a
Statesman or first Minister to govern Nations, and even to mix his
Blood with Princes.
(* 4) Besides the _English_ Library begun and carried on by
Subscription in _Philadelphia_, we may expect the Benefit of another
much more valuable in the Learned Languages, which has been many
Years collecting with the greatest Care, by a Gentleman distinguish'd
for his universal Knowledge, no less than for his Judgment in Books.
It contains many hundred Volumes of the best Authors in the best
Editions, among which are the _Polyglot_ Bible, and _Castel_'s
Lexicon on it, in 8 large Vols. _Aldus_'s Septuagint, Apocrypha and
New Testament, in _Greek_, and some other Editions of the same; most
of the Fathers; almost all the _Greek_ Authors from _Homer_ himself,
in divers Editions (and one of them in that of _Rome_, with
_Eustathius_'s Commentaries, in 4 Vols.) to near the End of the 4th
Century, with divers later, as _Photius_, _Suidas_, divers of the
_Byzantine_ Historians; all the old Mathematicians, as _Archimedes_,
_Apollonius_, _Euclid_, _Ptolomy_'s Geography and Almagest, with
_Theon_'s Commentaries and _Diophantus_, in the whole above 100 Vols.
in _Greek_ Folio's. All the old _Roman_ Classics without Exception,
and some of them in several Editions (as all _Tully_'s Works in four
Editions). All _Graevius_, _Gronovius_, _Salengre_'s and _Poleni_'s
Collections of _Roman_ and _Greek_ Antiquities, containing above Five
Hundred distinct Discourses in 33 Tomes, with some Hundreds of late
Authors in _Latin_, as _Vossius_, _Lipsius_, _Grotius_, &c. A good
Collection of Mathematical Pieces, as _Newton_ in all the three
Editions, _Wallis_, _Huygens_, _Tacquet_, _Dechales_, &c. in near 100
Vols. in all Sizes, with some _Orientals_, _French_ and _Italian_
Authors, and many more _English_, &c. A handsome Building above 60
Feet in front, is now erected in this City, at the private Expence of
that Gentleman, for the Reception of this Library, where it is soon
to be deposited, and remain for the publick Use, with a valuable
yearly Income duly to enlarge it; and I have his Permission to
mention it as an Encouragement to the propos'd Academy; to which this
noble Benefaction will doubtless be of the greatest Advantage, as not
only the Students, but even the Masters themselves, may very much
improve by it.
(* 5) See in _Turnbull_, p. 415. the Description of the
Furniture of the School called the _Instituto_ at _Bologna_, procur'd
by the Care and Direction of Count _Marsigli_, and originally at his
private Expence.
(* 6) Perhaps it would be best if none of the Scholars were to
diet abroad. _Milton_ is of that Opinion (_Tractate of Education_)
for that much Time would else be lost, and many ill Habits got.
(* 7) _Milton_ proposes, that an Hour and Half before Dinner
should be allow'd for Exercise, and recommends among other Exercises,
the handling of Arms, but perhaps this may not be thought necessary
here. _Turnbull_, p. 318. says, "Corporal Exercise invigorates the
Soul as well as the Body; let one be kept closely to Reading, without
allowing him any Respite from Thinking, or any Exercise to his Body,
and were it possible to preserve long, by such a Method, his Liking
to Study and Knowledge, yet we should soon find such an one become no
less soft in his Mind than in his outward Man. Both Mind and Body
would thus become gradually too relaxed, too much unbraced for the
Fatigues and Duties of active Life. Such is the Union between Soul
and Body, that the same Exercises which are conducive, when rightly
managed, to consolidate or strengthen the former, are likewise
equally necessary and fit to produce Courage, Firmness, and manly
Vigour, in the latter. For this, and other Reasons, certain hardy
Exercises were reckoned by the Antients an essential Part in the
Formation of a liberal Character; and ought to have their Place in
Schools where Youth are taught the Languages and Sciences."
(* 8) 'Tis suppos'd that every Parent would be glad to have
their Children skill'd in _Swimming_, if it might be learnt in a
Place chosen for its Safety, and under the Eye of a careful Person.
Mr. _Locke_ says, p. 9. in his _Treatise of Education_; "'Tis that
saves many a Man's Life; and the _Romans_ thought it so necessary,
that they rank'd it with Letters; and it was the common Phrase to
mark one ill educated, and good for nothing, that he had neither
learnt to read nor to swim; _Nec Literas didicit nec Natare_. But
besides the gaining a Skill which may serve him at Need, the
Advantages to Health by often Bathing in cold Water during the Heat
of the Summer, are so many, that I think nothing need be said to
encourage it."
'Tis some Advantage besides, to be free from the slavish
Terrors many of those feel who cannot swim, when they are oblig'd to
be on the Water even in crossing a Ferry.
Mr. _Hutchinson_, in his _Dialogues concerning Education_, 2
Vols. Octavo, lately publish'd, says, Vol. 2. p. 297. "I would have
the Youth accustomed to such Exercises as will harden their
Constitution, as Riding, Running, Swimming, Shooting, and the like."
_Charlemagne_, Founder of the _German_ Empire, brought up his
Sons hardily, and even his Daughters were inur'd to Industry.
_Henry_ the Great of _France_, saith Mons. _Rhodez_, "was not
permitted by his Grand-father to be brought up with Delicacy, who
well knew that _seldom lodgeth other than a mean and feeble Spirit in
an effeminate and tender Body._ He commanded that the Boy should be
accustomed to run, to leap, to climb the Rocks and Mountains; that by
such Means he might be inured to Labour, _&c_. His ordinary Food
also was of coarse Bread, Beef, Cheese and Garlick; his Cloathing
plain and coarse, and often he went barefoot and bareheaded."
_Walker_ of Education, p. 17, 18.
(* 9) Drawing_ is a kind of Universal Language, understood by
all Nations. A Man may often express his Ideas, even to his own
Countrymen, more clearly with a Lead Pencil, or Bit of Chalk, than
with his Tongue. And many can understand a Figure, that do not
comprehend a Description in Words, tho' ever so properly chosen. All
Boys have an early Inclination to this Improvement, and begin to make
Figures of Animals, Ships, Machines, _&c._ as soon as they can use a
Pen: But for want of a little Instruction at that Time, generally are
discouraged, and quit the Pursuit.
Mr. _Locke_ says, p. 234. "When your Son can write well and
quick, I think it may be convenient not only to continue the Exercise
of his Hand in Writing, but also to improve the Use of it further in
_Drawing_; a Thing very useful to a Gentleman on several Occasions;
but especially if he travel; as that which helps a Man often to
express in a _few Lines_ well put together, what a _whole Sheet of
Paper in Writing_ would not be able to represent and make
intelligible. How many Buildings may a Man see, how many _Machines_
and Habits meet with, the Ideas whereof would be easily retain'd, and
communicated by a little Skill in Drawing; which being committed to
Words, are in Danger to be lost, or at best but ill retained in the
most exact Descriptions? I do not mean that I would have him a
perfect Painter; to be that to any tolerable Degree, will require
more Time than he can spare from his other Improvements of greater
Moment. But so much Insight into Perspective and Skill in Drawing,
as will enable him to represent tolerably on Paper any Thing he sees,
except Faces, may, I think, be got in a little Time."
_Drawing_ is no less useful to a _Mechanic_ than to a
Gentleman. Several Handicrafts seem to require it; as the
Carpenter's, Shipwright's, Engraver's, Painter's, Carver's,
Cabinet-maker's, Gardiner's, and other Businesses. By a little Skill
of this kind, the Workman may perfect his own Idea of the Thing to be
done, before he begins to work; and show a Draft for the
Encouragement and Satisfaction of his Employer.
(* 10) Mr. _Locke_ is of Opinion, p. 269. that a Child should be
early enter'd in Arithmetick, Geography, Chronology, History and
Geometry. "Merchants Accounts, he says, if it is not necessary to
help a Gentleman to _get_ an Estate, yet there is nothing of more Use
and Efficacy to make him _preserve_ the Estate he has. 'Tis seldom
observ'd that he who keeps an Account of his Income and Expences, and
thereby has constantly under View the Course of his Domestic Affairs,
lets them run to Ruin: And I doubt not but many a Man gets
behind-hand before he is aware, or runs farther on when he is once
in, for want of this Care, or the Skill to do it. I would therefore
advise all Gentlemen to learn perfectly _Merchants Accounts_; and not
to think 'tis a Skill that belongs not to them, because it has
received its Name, and has been chiefly practis'd by Men of
Traffick." p. 316.
Not only the _Skill_, but the _Habit_ of keeping Accounts,
should be acquir'd by all, as being necessary to all.
(* 11) Mr. _Locke_, speaking of _Grammar_, p. 252. says, "That
to those the greatest Part of whose Business in this World is to be
done with their Tongues, and with their Pens, it is convenient, if
not necessary, that they should speak properly and correctly, whereby
they may let their Thoughts into other Mens Minds the more easily,
and with the greater Impression. Upon this Account it is, that any
sort of Speaking, so as will make him be understood, is not thought
enough for a Gentleman. He ought to study _Grammar_, among the other
Helps of Speaking well, but it _must be_ THE GRAMMAR OF HIS OWN
TONGUE, of the Language he uses, that he may understand his own
Country Speech nicely, and speak it properly, without shocking the
Ears of those it is addressed to with Solecisms and offensive
Irregularities. And to this Purpose _Grammar is necessary_; but it
is the Grammar _only_ of _their own proper Tongues_, and to those who
would take Pains in cultivating their Language, and perfecting their
Stiles. Whether all Gentlemen should not do this, I leave to be
considered, since the Want of Propriety and Grammatical Exactness is
thought very misbecoming one of that Rank, and usually draws on one
guilty of such Faults, the Imputation of having had a lower Breeding
and worse Company than suits with his Quality. If this be so (as I
suppose it is) it will be Matter of Wonder, why young Gentlemen are
forc'd to learn the Grammars of foreign and dead Languages, and are
never once told of the Grammar of their own Tongues. They do not so
much as know there is any such Thing, much less is it made their
Business to be instructed in it. Nor is their own Language ever
propos'd to them as worthy their Care and Cultivating, tho' they have
_daily Use_ of it, and are not seldom, in the future Course of their
Lives, judg'd of by their handsome or awkward Way of expressing
themselves in it. Whereas the Languages whose Grammars they have
been so much employed in, are such as probably they shall scarce ever
speak or write; or if upon Occasion this should happen, they should
be excused for the Mistakes and Faults they make in it. Would not a
_Chinese_, who took Notice of this Way of Breeding, be apt to
imagine, that all our young Gentlemen were designed to be Teachers
and Professors of the dead Languages of foreign Countries, and not to
be Men of Business in their own." Page 255. the same Author adds,
"That if Grammar ought to be taught at any Time, it must be to one
that can speak the Language already; how else can he be taught the
Grammar of it? This at least is evident from the Practice of the
wise and learned Nations among the Antients. They made it a _Part of
Education_ to cultivate _their own_, not foreign Tongues. The
_Greeks_ counted all other Nations barbarous, and had a Contempt for
their Languages. And though the _Greek_ Learning grew in Credit
amongst the _Romans_ towards the End of their Commonwealth, yet it
was the _Roman_ Tongue that was made the Study of their Youth: _Their
own_ Language they were to make Use of, and therefore it was _their
own_ Language they were _instructed_ and _exercised_ in." And p. 281.
"There can scarce be a greater Defect (says he) in a Gentleman, than
not to express himself well either in Writing or Speaking. But yet I
think I may ask the Reader, whether he doth not know a great many,
who live upon their Estates, and so, with the Name, should have the
Qualities of Gentlemen, who cannot so much as tell a Story as they
should, much less speak clearly and persuasively in any Business.
This I think not to be so much their Fault as the _Fault of their
Education_." Thus far _Locke_.
Mons. _Rollin_, reckons the Neglect of Teaching their own
Tongue a great Fault in the _French_ Universities. He spends great
Part of his first Vol. of _Belles Lettres_, on that Subject; and lays
down some excellent Rules or Methods of Teaching _French_ to
_Frenchmen_ grammatically, and making them Masters therein, which are
very applicable to our Language, but too long to be inserted here.
He practis'd them on the Youth under his Care with great Success.
Mr. _Hutchinson_, Dial. p. 297. says, "To perfect them in the
Knowledge of their Mother Tongue, they should learn it in the
Grammatical Way, that they may not only speak it purely, but be able
both to correct their own Idiom, and afterwards enrich the Language
on the same Foundation."
Dr. _Turnbull_, in his Observations on a liberal Education,
says, p. 262. "The _Greeks_, perhaps, made more early Advances in
the most useful Sciences than any Youth have done since, chiefly on
this Account, that they studied no other Language but their own.
This no Doubt saved them very much Time; but they _applied themselves
carefully_ to the Study of _their own_ Language, and were _early_
able to speak and write it in _the greatest Perfection_. The _Roman_
Youth, though they learned the _Greek_, did not neglect their own
Tongue, but studied it more carefully than we now do _Greek_ and
_Latin_, without giving ourselves any Trouble about our own Tongue."
Mons. _Simon_, in an elegant Discourse of his among the Memoirs
of the Academy of _Belles Lettres_ at _Paris_, speaking of the Stress
the _Romans_ laid on Purity of Language and graceful Pronunciation,
adds, "May I here make a Reflection on the Education we commonly give
our Children? It is very remote from the Precepts I have mentioned.
Hath the Child arrived to six or seven Years of Age, he mixes with a
Herd of ill-bred Boys at School, where under the Pretext of Teaching
him _Latin_, no Regard is had to his _Mother Tongue_. And what
happens? What we see every Day. A young Gentleman of eighteen, who
has had this Education, CANNOT READ. For to articulate the Words,
and join them together, I do not call _Reading_, unless one can
pronounce well, observe all the proper Stops, vary the Voice, express
the Sentiments, and read with a delicate Intelligence. Nor can he
speak a Jot better. A Proof of this is, that he cannot write ten
Lines without committing gross Faults; and because he did not learn
his own Language well in his early Years, he will never know it well.
I except a few, who being afterwards engaged by their Profession, or
their natural Taste, cultivate their Minds by Study. And yet even
they, if they attempt to write, will find by the _Labour_ Composition
costs them, what a _Loss it is_, not to have learned their Language
in the proper Season. Education among the _Romans_ was upon a quite
different Footing. Masters of Rhetoric taught them early the
Principles, the Difficulties, the Beauties, the Subtleties, the
Depths, the Riches of their own Language. When they went from these
Schools, they were perfect Masters of it, they were never at a Loss
for proper Expressions; and I am much deceived if it was not owing to
this, that they produced such excellent Works with so _marvellous
Facility_."
_Pliny_, in his Letter to a Lady on chusing a Tutor for her
Son, speaks of it as the most material Thing in his Education, that
he should have a good _Latin_ Master of Rhetoric, and recommends
_Julius Genitor_ for his _eloquent, open and plain Faculty of
Speaking_. He does not advise her to a _Greek_ Master of Rhetoric,
tho' the _Greeks_ were famous for that Science; but to a _Latin_
Master, because _Latin_ was the Boy's Mother Tongue. In the above
Quotation from Mons. _Simon_, we see what was the Office and Duty of
the Master of Rhetoric.
(* 12) This Mr. _Locke_ recommends, _Educ. p._ 284. and says,
"The Writing of Letters has so much to do in all the Occurrences of
human Life, that no Gentleman can avoid shewing himself in this Kind
of Writing. Occasions will daily force him to make this Use of his
Pen, which, besides the Consequences that, in his Affairs, the well
or ill managing it often draws after it, always lays him open to a
severer Examination of his Breeding, Sense and Abilities, than oral
Discourses, whose transient Faults dying for the most Part with the
Sound that gives them Life, and so not subject to a strict Review,
more easily escape Observation and Censure." He adds,
"Had the Methods of Education been directed to their right End,
one would have thought this so necessary a Part could not have been
neglected, whilst Themes and Verses in _Latin_, of no Use at all,
were so constantly every where pressed, to the Racking of Childrens
Inventions beyond their Strength, and hindring their chearful
Progress by unnatural Difficulties. But Custom has so ordained it,
and who dares disobey? And would it not be very unreasonable to
require of a learned Country Schoolmaster (who has all the Tropes and
Figures in _Farnaby_'s Rhetorick at his Finger's Ends) to teach his
Scholar to express himself handsomely in _English_, when it appears
to be so little his Business or Thought, that the Boy's Mother
(despised, 'tis like, as illiterate for not having read a System of
Logic or Rhetoric) outdoes him in it?
"To speak and write correctly, gives a Grace, and gains a
favourable Attention to what one has to say: And since 'tis _English_
that an _Englishman_ will have constant Use of, that is the Language
he should chiefly cultivate, and wherein most Care should be taken to
polish and perfect his Stile. To speak or write better _Latin_ than
_English_, may make a Man be talk'd of, but he will find it more to
his Purpose to express himself well in his own Tongue, that he uses
every Moment, than to have the vain Commendation of others for a very
insignificant Quality. This I find universally neglected, nor no
Care taken any where to improve young Men in their own Language, that
they may thoroughly understand and be Masters of it. If any one
among us have a Facility or Purity more than ordinary in his Mother
Tongue, it is owing to Chance, or his Genius, or any Thing, rather
than to his Education, or any Care of his Teacher. To mind what
_English_ his Pupil speaks or writes, is below the Dignity of one
bred up among _Greek_ and _Latin_, tho' he have but little of them
himself. These are the Learned Languages, fit only for Learned Men
to meddle with and teach: _English_ is the Language of the illiterate
Vulgar. Though the Great Men among the _Romans_ were daily
exercising themselves in their own Language; and we find yet upon
Record the Names of Orators who taught some of their Emperors
_Latin_, tho' it were their Mother Tongue. 'Tis plain the _Greeks_
were yet more nice in theirs. All other Speech was barbarous to them
but their own, and no foreign Language appears to have been studied
or valued amongst that learned and acute People; tho' it be past
Doubt, that they borrowed their Learning and Philosophy from abroad.
"I am not here speaking against _Greek_ and _Latin_. I think
_Latin_ at least ought to be well understood by every Gentleman. But
whatever foreign Languages a young Man meddles with, that which he
should critically study, and labour to get a Facility, Clearness and
Elegancy to express himself in, should be _his own_; and to this
Purpose _he should daily be_ EXERCISED in it."
To the same Purpose writes a Person of eminent Learning in a
Letter to Dr. _Turnbull_: "Nothing certainly (says he) can be of more
Service to Mankind than a right Method of Educating the Youth, and I
should be glad to hear ------ ------ to give an Example of the great
Advantage it would be to the _rising Age_, and to our Nation. When
our publick Schools were first establish'd, the Knowledge of _Latin_
was thought Learning; and he that had a tolerable Skill in two or
three Languages, tho' his Mind was not enlightened by any _real
Knowledge_, was a profound Scholar. But it is not so at present; and
People confess, that Men may have obtained a Perfection in these, and
yet continue _deeply ignorant_. The _Greek_ Education was of another
Kind [which he describes in several Particulars, and adds] They
studied to write their _own Tongue_ more accurately than we do
_Latin_ and _Greek_. But where is _English_ taught at present? Who
thinks it of Use to study correctly _that Language_ which he is to
use _every Day_ in his Life, be his Station ever so high, or ever so
insignificant. It is in _this_ the Nobility and Gentry defend their
Country, and serve their Prince in Parliament; in _this_ the Lawyers
plead, the Divines instruct, and all Ranks of People write their
Letters, and transact all their Affairs; and yet who thinks it worth
his learning to write _this_ even accurately, not to say politely?
Every one is suffer'd to form his Stile by Chance; to imitate the
first wretched Model which falls in his Way, before he knows what is
faulty, or can relish the Beauties of a just Simplicity. Few think
their Children qualified for a Trade till they have been whipt at a
_Latin_ School for five or six Years, to learn a little of that which
they are oblig'd to forget; when in those Years right Education would
have improv'd their Minds, and taught them to acquire Habits of
Writing _their own Language_ easily under right Direction; and this
would have been useful to them as long as they lived." _Introd. p. 3,
4, 5.
Since Mr. _Locke_'s Time, several good Grammars have been wrote
and publish'd for the Use of Schools; as _Brightland_'s,
_Greenwood_'s, &c.
(* 13) By Pronunciation is here meant, the proper Modulation of
the Voice, to suit the Subject with due Emphasis, Action, _&c_. In
delivering a Discourse in Publick, design'd to persuade, the
_Manner_, perhaps, contributes more to Success, than either the
_Matter_ or _Method_. Yet the two latter seem to engross the
Attention of most Preachers and other Publick Speakers, and the
former to be almost totally neglected.
(* 14) As nothing _teaches_ (saith Mr. _Locke_) so nothing
_delights_ more than HISTORY. The first of these recommends it to
the Study of grown Men, the latter makes me think it the _fittest_
for a young Lad, who as soon as he is instructed in Chronology, and
acquainted with the several Epochas in Use in this Part of the World,
and can reduce them to the _Julian_ Period, should then have some
History put into his Hand. _Educ. p._ 276.
Mons. _Rollin_ complains, that the College Education in
_France_ is defective in Teaching _History_, which he thinks may be
made of great Advantage to Youth. This he demonstrates largely in
his _Belles Lettres_, to the Satisfaction of all that read the Book.
He lays down the following Rules for Studying History, _viz_. 1. To
reduce the Study to Order and Method. 2. To observe what relates to
Usages and Customs. 3. To enquire particularly, and above all
Things, after the Truth. 4. To endeavour to find out the Causes of
the Rise and Fall of States, of the Gaining or Losing of Battles, and
other Events of Importance. 5. To study the Character of the Nations
and great Men mentioned in History. 6. To be attentive to such
Instructions as concern MORAL EXCELLENCY and the CONDUCT OF LIFE. 7.
Carefully to note every Thing that relates to RELIGION: _Vol._ 3.
_p._ 146.
(* 15) Plenty of these are to be met with in _Montfaucon_; and
other Books of Antiquities.
(* 16) For the Importance and Necessity of moral Instructions to
Youth, see the latter Notes.
(* 17) Dr. _Turnbull_, Liberal Education, _p._ 371, says, "That
the useful Lessons which ought to be inculcated upon Youth, are much
better taught and enforced from _Characters_, _Actions_, and
_Events_, developing the inward Springs of human Conduct, and the
different Consequences of Actions, whether with Respect to private or
publick Good, than by abstract Philosophical Lectures. History
points out in Examples, as in a Glass, all the Passions of the human
Heart, and all their various Workings in different Circumstances, all
the Virtues and all the Vices human Nature is capable of; all the
Snares, all the Temptations, all the Vicissitudes and Incidents of
human Life; and gives Occasion for Explaining all the Rules of
Prudence, Decency, Justice and Integrity, in private Oeconomy, and in
short all the Laws of natural Reason."
(* 18) "Rules are best understood, when Examples that confirm
them, and point out their Fitness or Necessity, naturally lead one,
as it were by the Hand, to take Notice of them. One who is persuaded
and moved by a Speech, and heartily admires its Force and Beauty,
will with Pleasure enter into a critical Examination of its
Excellencies; and willingly lay up in his Mind the Rules of Rhetoric
such an Example of Eloquence plainly suggests. But to teach Rules
abstractly, or without Examples, and before the agreeable Effects the
Observance of them tends to produce (which are in Reality their
Reason or Foundation) have been felt, _is exceedingly preposterous_."
_Turnbull_, p. 410.
"I have seldom or never observed any one to get the Skill of
Speaking handsomely, by Studying the Rules which pretend to teach
Rhetoric." _Locke_, p. 279.
(* 19) See _Turnbull_ on this Head, from p. 386 to 390. very
much to the Purpose, but too long to be transcribed here.
(* 20) Thus, as _Milton_ says, _Educ_. p. 381. should they be
instructed in the Beginning, End and Reasons of political Societies;
that they may not, in a dangerous Fit of the Commonwealth, be such
poor, shaken, uncertain Reeds, of such a tottering Conscience, as
many of our great Councellors have lately shewn themselves, but
stedfast Pillars of the State.
(* 21) After this, they are to dive into the Grounds of Law and
legal Justice; deliver'd first and with best Warrant by _Moses_; and
as far as human Prudence can be trusted, in those celebrated Remains
of the antient _Grecian_ and _Roman_ Lawgivers, _&c_. p. 382.
"When he has pretty well digested _Tully_'s Offices, says Mr.
_Locke_, p. 277. and added to it _Puffendorff de Officio Hominis &
Civis_, it may be seasonable to set him upon _Grotius, de Jure Belli
& Pacis_, or which perhaps is the better of the two, _Puffendorff de
Jure naturali & Gentium_; wherein he will be instructed in the
natural Rights of Men, and the Original and Foundations of Society,
and the Duties resulting from thence. This _general Part of Civil
Law_ and History are Studies which a Gentleman should not barely
touch at, but constantly dwell upon, and never have done with. A
virtuous and well-behaved young Man, that is well versed in the
_general Part of the Civil Law_ (which concerns not the Chicane of
private Cases, but the Affairs and Intercourse of civilized Nations
in general, grounded upon Principles of Reason) understands _Latin_
well, and can write a good Hand, one may turn loose into the World,
with great Assurance that he will find Employment and Esteem every
where."
(* 22) Mr. _Walker_, in his excellent Treatise of the Education
of young Gentlemen, speaking of _Publick and open Argumentation pro
and con_, says p. 124, 125. "_This is it_ which brings a Question to
a Point, and discovers the very Center and Knot of the Difficulty.
_This_ warms and _activates_ the Spirit in the Search of Truth,
excites Notions, and by replying and frequent Beating upon it,
_cleanseth_ it from the Ashes, and makes it shine and flame out the
clearer. Besides, it puts them upon a continual _Stretch_ of their
Wits to defend their Cause, it makes them quick in Replies, intentive
upon their Subject; where the _Opponent_ useth all Means to drive his
Adversary from his Hold; and the _Answerer_ defends himself
_sometimes_ with the Force of Truth, _sometimes_ with the Subtilty of
his Wit; and _sometimes_ also he escapes in a Mist of Words, and the
Doubles of a Distinction, whilst he seeks all Holes and Recesses to
shelter his persecuted Opinion and Reputation. This properly
belongeth to the Disputations which are Exercises of young Students,
who are by these Velitations and in this Palaestra brought up to a
more serious Search of Truth. And in them I think it not a Fault _to
dispute for Victory_, and to endeavour to save their Reputation; nor
that their Questions and Subjects are concerning Things of small
Moment and little Reality; yea, I have known some Governors that have
absolutely forbidden such Questions, where the Truth was of
Concernment, on purpose that the Youth might have the Liberty of
exerting their Parts to the uttermost, and that there might be no
Stint to their Emulation."
(* 23) _Rollin_, _Vol._ 4. _p._ 211. speaking of _Natural
Philosophy_, says, "That much of it falls within the Capacity of all
Sorts of Persons, even of Children. It consists in attending to the
Objects with which nature presents us, in considering them with Care,
and admiring their different Beauties, _&c_. Searching out their
secret Causes indeed more properly belongs to the Learned.
"I say that even Children are capable of Studying Nature, for
they have Eyes, and don't want Curiosity; they ask Questions, and
love to be informed; and here we need only awaken and keep up in them
the Desire of Learning and Knowing, which is natural to all Mankind.
Besides this Study, if it is to be called a Study, instead of being
painful and tedious, is pleasant and agreeable; it may be used as a
Recreation, and should usually be made a Diversion. It is
inconceivable, how many Things Children are capable of, if all the
Opportunities of Instructing them were laid hold of, with which they
themselves supply us.
"A Garden, a Country, a Plantation, are all so many Books which
lie open to them; but they must have been taught and accustomed to
read in them. Nothing is more common amongst us than the Use of
Bread and Linnen. How seldom do Children know how either of them are
prepared, through how many Operations and Hands the Corn and Flax
must pass, before they are turned into Bread and Linnen? The same
may be said of Cloth, which bears no Resemblance to the Wool whereof
it is formed, any more than Paper to the Rags which are picked up in
the Streets: And why should not Children be instructed in these
wonderful Works of Nature and Art which they every Day make Use of
without reflecting upon them?
"He adds, that a careful Master may in this Way enrich the Mind
of his Disciple with a great Number of useful and agreeable Ideas,
and by a properMixture of short Reflections, will at the same Time
take Care to form his Heart, and lead him by Nature to Religion."
_Milton_ also recommends the Study of _Natural Philosophy_ to
Youth, _Educ. p._ 380. "In this, says he, they may proceed leisurely
from the History of Meteors, Minerals, Plants and living Creatures,
as far as Anatomy; Then also in Course might be read to them out of
some not tedious Writer, the Institution of Physick; that they may
know the Tempers, the Humours, the Seasons, and how to manage a
Crudity; which he who can wisely and timely do, is not only a great
Physician to himself, and to his Friends, but also may at some Time
or other save an Army by this frugal and expenseless Means only; and
not let the healthy and stout Bodies of young Men rot away under him
for want of this Discipline, which is a great Pity, and no less a
Shame to the Commander."
Proper Books may be, _Ray_'s _Wisdom of God in the Creation_,
_Derham_'s _Physico-Theology_, _Spectacle de la Nature_, &c.
(* 24) _Milton_ would have the _Latin_ Authors on Agriculture
taught at School, as _Cato_, _Varro_ and _Columella_; "for the
Matter, says he, is most easy, and if the Language be difficult, yet
it may be master'd. And here will be an Occasion of _inciting_ and
_enabling_ them hereafter to improve the Tillage of their Country, to
recover the bad Soil, and to remedy the Waste that is made of Good;
for this was one of _Hercules'_ Praises." _Educ. p._ 379.
_Hutcheson_ (Dialogues on Educ. 303, 2d Vol.) says, "Nor should
I think it below the Dignity or Regard of an University, to descend
even to the general Precepts of _Agriculture_ and _Gardening_.
_Virgil_, _Varro_, and others eminent in Learning, tho't it not below
their Pen -- and why should we think meanly of that Art, which was
the Mother of Heroes, and of the Masters of the World."
_Locke_ also recommends the Study of Husbandry and Gardening,
as well as gaining an Insight in several of the manual Arts; _Educ.
p._ 309, 314, 315. It would be a Pleasure and Diversion to Boys to
be led now and then to the Shops of Artificers, and suffer'd to spend
some Time there in observing their Manner of Working. For the
Usefulness of Mechanic Skill, even to Gentlemen, see the Pages above
cited, to which much might be added.
(* 25) How many Mills are built and Machines constructed, at
great and fruitless Expence, which a little Knowledge in the
Principles of Mechanics would have prevented?
(* 26) We are often told in the Journals of Travellers, that
such and such Things are done in foreign Countries, by which Labour
is sav'd, and Manufactures expedited, _&c_. but their Description of
the Machines or Instruments used, are quite unintelligible for want
of good Drafts. Copying Prints of Machines is of Use to fix the
Attention on the several Parts, their Proportions, Reasons, Effects,
_&c_. A Man that has been us'd to this Practice, is not only better
able to make a Draft when the Machine is before him, but takes so
much better Notice of its Appearance, that he can carry it off by
Memory when he has not the Opportunity of Drawing it on the Spot.
Thus may a Traveller bring home Things of great Use to his Country.
(* 27) "Upon this excellent Disposition (says _Turnbull_, p.
326.) it will be _easy to build_ that amiable Quality commonly called
GOOD BREEDING, and upon _no other Foundation_ can it be raised. For
whence else can it spring, but from a general Good-will and Regard
for all People, deeply rooted in the Heart, which makes any one that
has it, careful not to shew in his Carriage, any Contempt,
Disrespect, or Neglect of them, but to express a Value and Respect
for them according to their Rank and Condition, suitable to the
Fashion and Way of their Country? 'Tis a Disposition to make all we
converse with easy and well pleased."
(* 28) It is this lovely Quality which gives true Beauty to all
other Accomplishments, or renders them useful to their Possessor, in
procuring him the Esteem and Good-will of all that he comes near.
Without it, his other Qualities, however good in themselves, make him
but pass for proud, conceited, vain or foolish. Courage, says an
excellent Writer, in an ill-bred Man has the Air, and escapes not the
Opinion of Brutality; Learning becomes Pedantry; Wit, Buffoonery;
Plainness, Rusticity; and there cannot be a good Quality in him which
Ill-breeding will not warp and disfigure to his Disadvantage."
_Turnbull_, p. 327.
(* 29) To have in View the _Glory_ and _Service of God_, as some
express themselves, is only the same Thing in other Words. For
_Doing Good to Men_ is the _only Service of God_ in our Power; and to
_imitate his Beneficence_ is to _glorify him_. Hence _Milton_ says,
"The _End_ of Learning is to repair the Ruins of our first Parents,
by regaining to _know God aright_, and out of that Knowledge to _love
him_, to _imitate_ him, to be _like him_, as we may the nearest by
possessing our Souls of true Virtue." _Educ. p._ 373. Mr.
_Hutcheson_ says, _Dial_. v. 2. _p._ 97. "The _principal End_ of
Education is, to _form us wise and good Creatures, useful to others,
and happy ourselves_. The whole Art of Education lies within a
narrow Compass, and is reducible to a very simple Practice; namely,
_To assist in unfolding those Natural and Moral Powers with which Man
is endowed, by presenting proper Objects and Occasions; to watch
their Growth that they be not diverted from their End, or disturbed
in their Operation by any foreign Violence; and gently to conduct and
apply them to all the Purposes of private and of public Life_." And
Mr. _Locke_ (p. 84. Educ.) says, "'Tis VIRTUE, then, direct VIRTUE,
which is to be _aim'd at_ in Education. All other Considerations and
Accomplishments are nothing in Comparison to this. This is the
_solid_ and _substantial_ Good, which Tutors should not only read
Lectures and talk of, but the _Labour_ and _Art of Education_ should
furnish the Mind with, and _fasten_ there, and never cease till the
young Man had a true Relish of it, and plac'd his _Strength_, his
_Glory_, and his _Pleasure_, in it." And Mons. _Rollin_, _Belles
Lettres_, Vol. 4. p. 249. to the same Purpose, "If we consult our
Reason ever so little, it is easy to discern that the END which
Masters should have in View, is not barely to teach their Scholars
_Greek_ and _Latin_, to learn them to make Exercises and Verses, to
charge their Memory with Facts and historical Dates, to draw up
Syllogisms in Form, or to trace Lines and Figures upon Paper. These
Branches of Learning I own are useful and valuable, but as _Means_,
and not as the _End_; when they conduct us to other Things, and not
when we stop at them; when they serve us as Preparatives and
Instruments for better Knowledge, without which the rest would be
useless. Youth would have Cause to complain, if they were condemned
to spend eight or ten of the best Years of their Life in learning, at
a great Expence, and with incredible Pains, one or two Languages, and
some other Matters of a like Nature, which perhaps they would seldom
have Occasion to use. The End of Masters, in the long Course of
their Studies, is to habituate their Scholars to serious Application
of Mind, to make them love and value the Sciences, and to cultivate
in them such a Taste, as shall make them thirst after them when they
are gone from School; to point out the Method of attaining them; and
make them thoroughly sensible of their Use and Value; and by that
Means dispose them for the different Employments to which it shall
please God to call them. Besides this, the _End_ of Masters should
be, _to improve their Hearts_ and Understandings, to protect their
Innocence, to _inspire_ them with Principles of _Honour_ and
_Probity_, to train them up to good Habits; to correct and subdue in
them by gentle Means, the ill Inclinations they shall be observed to
have, such as Pride, Insolence, an high Opinion of themselves, and a
saucy Vanity continually employed in lessening others; a blind
Self-love solely attentive to its own Advantage; a Spirit of Raillery
which is pleased with offending and insulting others; an Indolence
and Sloth, which renders all the good Qualities of the Mind useless."
Dr. _Turnbull_ has the same Sentiments, with which we shall
conclude this Note. If, says he, there be any such Thing as DUTY, or
any such Thing as HAPPINESS; if there be any Difference between right
and wrong Conduct; any Distinction between Virtue and Vice, or Wisdom
and Folly; in fine, if there be any such Thing as Perfection or
Imperfection belonging to the rational Powers which constitute moral
Agents; or if Enjoyments and Pursuits admit of Comparison; _Good
Education_ must of Necessity be acknowledged to mean, _proper Care_
to instruct early in the Science of Happiness and Duty, or in the Art
of Judging and _Acting aright_ in Life. Whatever else one may have
learned, if he comes into the World from his Schooling and Masters,
quite unacquainted with the Nature, Rank and Condition, of Mankind,
and the _Duties of human Life_ (in its more ordinary Circumstances at
least) he hath lost his Time; _he is not educated_; he is not
prepared for the World; he is not qualified for Society; he is not
fitted for discharging the _proper Business of Man_. The Way
therefore to judge whether Education be on a right Footing or not, is
to compare it with the END; or to consider what it does in order to
accomplish Youth for choosing and _behaving well_ in the various
Conditions, _Relations_ and Incidents, of Life. If Education be
calculated and adapted to furnish young Minds betimes with proper
Knowledge for their Guidance and Direction in the chief Affairs of
the World, and in the principal Vicissitudes to which human Concerns
are subject, then is it indeed _proper or right Education._ But if
_such Instruction_ be not the _principal Scope_ to which all other
Lessons are rendered subservient in what is called the _Institution
of Youth_, either _the Art of Living and Acting well_ is not Man's
_most important_ Business, or what ought to be the CHIEF END of
Education is neglected, and sacrificed to something of _far inferior_
Moment. _Observations on Liberal Education_, p. 175, 176.
Philadelphia, 1749
_Rules Proper to be Observed in Trade_
I. Endeavour to be perfect in the calling you are engaged in;
and be assiduous in every part thereof; INDUSTRY being the natural
means of acquiring _wealth_, _honour_, and _reputation_; as
_idleness_ is of _poverty_, _shame_, and _disgrace_.
II. Lay a good foundation in regard to principle: Be sure not
wilfully to over-reach, or deceive your neighbour; but keep always in
your eye the golden rule of _doing as you would be done unto_.
III. Be strict in discharging all legal debts: Do not evade
your creditors by any shuffling arts, in giving notes under your
hand, only to defer payment; but, if you have it in your power,
discharge all debts when they become due. Above all, when you are
straitened for want of money, be cautious of taking it up at an high
interest. This has been the ruin of many, therefore endeavour to
avoid it.
IV. Endeavour to be as much in your shop, or warehouse, or in
whatever place your business properly lies, as possibly you can:
Leave it not to servants to transact, for customers will not regard
them as yourself; they generally think they shall not be so well
served: Besides, mistakes may arise by the negligence, or
inexperience, of servants; and therefore, your presence will prevent,
probably, the loss of a good customer.
V. Be complaisant to the _meanest_, as well as greatest: You
are as much obliged to use good manners for a farthing, as a pound;
the one demands it from you, as well as the other.
VI. Be not too talkative, but speak as much as is necessary to
recommend your goods, and always observe to keep within the rules of
decency. If customers slight your goods, and undervalue them,
endeavour to convince them of their mistake, if you can, but not
affront them: Do not be pert in your answers, but with patience hear,
and with meekness give an answer; for if you affront in a small
matter, it may probably hinder you from a future good customer. They
may think that you are dear in the articles they want; but, by going
to another, may find it not so, and probably may return again; but if
you behave rude and affronting, there is no hope either of returning,
or their future custom.
VII. Take great care in keeping your accounts well: Enter every
thing necessary in your books with neatness and exactness; often
state your accounts, and examine whether you gain, or lose; and
carefully survey your stock, and inspect into every particular of
your affairs.
VIII. Take care, as much as you can, whom you trust: Neither
take nor give long credit; but, at the farthest, annually settle your
accounts. Deal at the fountain head for as many articles as you can;
and, if it lies in your power, for ready money: This method you will
find to be the most profitable in the end. Endeavour to keep a
proper assortment in your way, but not over-stock yourself. Aim not
at making a great figure in your shop, in unnecessary ornaments, but
let it be neat and useful: Too great an appearance may rather
prevent, than engage customers. Make your _business_ your pleasure,
and other entertainments will only appear necessary for relaxation
therefrom.
IX. Strive to maintain a _fair character_ in the world: That
will be the best means for advancing your credit, gaining you the
most flourishing trade, and enlarging your fortune. Condescend to no
mean action, but add a lustre to trade, by keeping up to the dignity
of your nature.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 20, 1749/50
_Rules for Making Oneself a Disagreeable Companion
RULES, _by the Observation of which, a Man of Wit and Learning
may nevertheless make himself a_ disagreeable _Companion_.
Your Business is to _shine_; therefore you must by all means
prevent the shining of others, for their Brightness may make yours
the less distinguish'd. To this End,
1. If possible engross the whole Discourse; and when other
Matter fails, talk much of your-self, your Education, your Knowledge,
your Circumstances, your Successes in Business, your Victories in
Disputes, your own wise Sayings and Observations on particular
Occasions, &c. &c. &c.
2. If when you are out of Breath, one of the Company should
seize the Opportunity of saying something; watch his Words, and, if
possible, find somewhat either in his Sentiment or Expression,
immediately to contradict and raise a Dispute upon. Rather than
fail, criticise even his Grammar.
3. If another should be saying an indisputably good Thing;
either give no Attention to it; or interrupt him; or draw away the
Attention of others; or, if you can guess what he would be at, be
quick and say it before him; or, if he gets it said, and you perceive
the Company pleas'd with it, own it to be a good Thing, and withal
remark that it had been said by _Bacon_, _Locke_, _Bayle_, or some
other eminent Writer; thus you deprive him of the Reputation he might
have gain'd by it, and gain some yourself, as you hereby show your
great Reading and Memory.
4. When modest Men have been thus treated by you a few times,
they will chuse ever after to be silent in your Company; then you may
shine on without Fear of a Rival; rallying them at the same time for
their Dullness, which will be to you a new Fund of Wit.
Thus you will be sure to please _yourself_. The polite Man
aims at pleasing _others_, but you shall go beyond him even in that.
A Man can be present only in one Company, but may at the same time be
absent in twenty. He can please only where he _is_, you where-ever
you are _not_.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 15, 1750
_Idea of the English School_
_Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the_ Trustees _of the_
PHILADELPHIA ACADEMY.
It is expected that every Scholar to be admitted into this
School, be at least able to pronounce and divide the Syllables in
Reading, and to write a legible Hand. None to be receiv'd that are
under Years of Age.
_First or lowest_ CLASS.
Let the first Class learn the _English Grammar_ Rules, and at
the same time let particular Care be taken to improve them in
_Orthography_. Perhaps the latter is best done by _Pairing_ the
Scholars, two of those nearest equal in their Spelling to be put
together; let these strive for Victory, each propounding Ten Words
every Day to the other to be spelt. He that spells truly most of the
other's Words, is Victor for that Day; he that is Victor most Days in
a Month, to obtain a Prize, a pretty neat Book of some Kind useful in
their future Studies. This Method fixes the Attention of Children
extreamly to the Orthography of Words, and makes them good Spellers
very early. 'Tis a Shame for a Man to be so ignorant of this little
Art, in his own Language, as to be perpetually confounding Words of
like Sound and different Significations; the Consciousness of which
Defect, makes some Men, otherwise of good Learning and Understanding,
averse to Writing even a common Letter.
Let the Pieces read by the Scholars in this Class be short,
such as _Croxall_'s Fables, and little Stories. In giving the
Lesson, let it be read to them; let the Meaning of the difficult
Words in it be explained to them, and let them con it over by
themselves before they are called to read to the Master, or Usher;
who is to take particular Care that they do not read too fast, and
that they duly observe the Stops and Pauses. A Vocabulary of the
most usual difficult Words might be formed for their Use, with
Explanations; and they might daily get a few of those Words and
Explanations by Heart, which would a little exercise their Memories;
or at least they might write a Number of them in a small Book for the
Purpose, which would help to fix the Meaning of those Words in their
Minds, and at the same Time furnish every one with a little
Dictionary for his future Use.
_The Second_ CLASS _to be taught_
Reading with Attention, and with proper Modulations of the
Voice according to the Sentiments and Subject.
Some short Pieces, not exceeding the Length of a _Spectator_,
to be given this Class as Lessons (and some of the easier
_Spectators_ would be very suitable for the Purpose.) These Lessons
might be given over Night as Tasks, the Scholars to study them
against the Morning. Let it then be required of them to give an
Account, first of the Parts of Speech, and Construction of one or two
Sentences; this will oblige them to recur frequently to their
Grammar, and fix its principal Rules in their Memory. Next of the
_Intention_ of the Writer, or the _Scope_ of the Piece; the Meaning
of each Sentence, and of every uncommon Word. This would early
acquaint them with the Meaning and Force of Words, and give them that
most necessary Habit, of Reading with Attention.
The Master then to read the Piece with the proper Modulations
of Voice, due Emphasis, and suitable Action, where Action is
required; and put the Youth on imitating his Manner.
Where the Author has us'd an Expression not the best, let it be
pointed out; and let his Beauties be particularly remarked to the
Youth.
Let the Lessons for Reading be varied, that the Youth may be
made acquainted with good Stiles of all Kinds in Prose and Verse, and
the proper Manner of reading each Kind. Sometimes a well-told Story,
a Piece of a Sermon, a General's Speech to his Soldiers, a Speech in
a Tragedy, some Part of a Comedy, an Ode, a Satyr, a Letter, Blank
Verse, Hudibrastick, Heroic, _&c_. But let such Lessons for Reading
be chosen, as contain some useful Instruction, whereby the
Understandings or Morals of the Youth, may at the same Time be
improv'd.
It is requir'd that they should first study and understand the
Lessons, before they are put upon reading them properly, to which End
each Boy should have an _English_ Dictionary to help him over
Difficulties. When our Boys read _English_ to us, we are apt to
imagine _they_ understand what _they_ read because _we_ do, and
because 'tis their Mother Tongue. But they often read as Parrots
speak, knowing little or nothing of the Meaning. And it is
impossible a Reader should give the due Modulation to his Voice, and
pronounce properly, unless his Understanding goes before his Tongue,
and makes him Master of the Sentiment. Accustoming Boys to read
aloud what they do not first understand, is the Cause of those even
set Tones so common among Readers, which when they have once got a
Habit of using, they find so difficult to correct: By which Means,
among Fifty Readers we scarcely find a good One. For want of good
Reading, Pieces publish'd with a View to influence the Minds of Men
for their own or the publick Benefit, lose Half their Force. Were
there but one good Reader in a Neighbourhood, a publick Orator might
be heard throughout a Nation with the same Advantages, and have the
same Effect on his Audience, as if they stood within the Reach of his
Voice.
_The Third_ CLASS _to be taught_
Speaking properly and gracefully, which is near of Kin to good
Reading, and naturally follows it in the Studies of Youth. Let the
Scholars of this Class begin with learning the Elements of Rhetoric
from some short System, so as to be able to give an Account of the
most usual Tropes and Figures. Let all their bad Habits of Speaking,
all Offences against good Grammar, all corrupt or foreign Accents,
and all improper Phrases, be pointed out to them. Short Speeches
from the _Roman_ or other History, or from our _Parliamentary
Debates_, might be got by heart, and deliver'd with the proper
Action, _&c_. Speeches and Scenes in our best Tragedies and Comedies
(avoiding every Thing that could injure the Morals of Youth) might
likewise be got by Rote, and the Boys exercis'd in delivering or
acting them; great Care being taken to form their Manner after the
truest Models.
For their farther Improvement, and a little to vary their
Studies, let them now begin to read _History_, after having got by
Heart a short Table of the principal Epochas in Chronology. They may
begin with _Rollin_'s _Antient and Roman Histories_, and proceed at
proper Hours as they go thro' the subsequent Classes, with the best
Histories of our own Nation and Colonies. Let Emulation be excited
among the Boys by giving, Weekly, little Prizes, or other small
Encouragements to those who are able to give the best Account of what
they have read, as to Times, Places, Names of Persons, _&c_. This
will make them read with Attention, and imprint the History well in
their Memories. In remarking on the History, the Master will have
fine Opportunities of instilling Instruction of various Kinds, and
improving the Morals as well as the Understandings of Youth.
The Natural and Mechanic History contain'd in _Spectacle de la
Nature_, might also be begun in this Class, and continued thro' the
subsequent Classes by other Books of the same Kind: For next to the
Knowledge of _Duty_, this Kind of Knowledge is certainly the most
useful, as well as the most entertaining. The Merchant may thereby
be enabled better to understand many Commodities in Trade; the
Handicraftsman to improve his Business by new Instruments, Mixtures
and Materials; and frequently Hints are given of new Manufactures, or
new Methods of improving Land, that may be set on foot greatly to the
Advantage of a Country.
_The Fourth_ CLASS _to be taught_
Composition. Writing one's own Language well, is the next
necessary Accomplishment after good Speaking. 'Tis the
Writing-Master's Business to take Care that the Boys make fair
Characters, and place them straight and even in the Lines: But to
_form their Stile_, and even to take Care that the Stops and Capitals
are properly disposed, is the Part of the _English_ Master. The Boys
should be put on Writing Letters to each other on any common
Occurrences, and on various Subjects, imaginary Business, _&c_.
containing little Stories, Accounts of their late Reading, what Parts
of Authors please them, and why. Letters of Congratulation, of
Compliment, of Request, of Thanks, of Recommendation, of Admonition,
of Consolation, of Expostulation, Excuse, _&c_. In these they should
be taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and naturally,
without affected Words, or high-flown Phrases. All their Letters to
pass through the Master's Hand, who is to point out the Faults,
advise the Corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of the
best Letters published in our own Language, as Sir _William
Temple_'s, those of _Pope_, and his Friends, and some others, might
be set before the Youth as Models, their Beauties pointed out and
explained by the Master, the Letters themselves transcrib'd by the
Scholar.
Dr. Johnson's _Ethices Elementa_, or first Principles of
Morality, may now be read by the Scholars, and explain'd by the
Master, to lay a solid Foundation of Virtue and Piety in their Minds.
And as this Class continues the Reading of History, let them now at
proper Hours receive some farther Instructions in Chronology, and in
that Part of Geography (from the Mathematical Master) which is
necessary to understand the Maps and Globes. They should also be
acquainted with the modern Names of the Places they find mention'd in
antient Writers. The Exercises of good Reading and proper Speaking
still continued at suitable Times.
_Fifth_ CLASS.
To improve the Youth in _Composition_, they may now, besides
continuing to write Letters, begin to write little Essays in Prose;
and sometimes in Verse, not to make them Poets, but for this Reason,
that nothing acquaints a Lad so speedily with Variety of Expression,
as the Necessity of finding such Words and Phrases as will suit with
the Measure, Sound and Rhime of Verse, and at the same Time well
express the Sentiment. These Essays should all pass under the
Master's Eye, who will point out their Faults, and put the Writer on
correcting them. Where the Judgment is not ripe enough for forming
new Essays, let the Sentiments of a _Spectator_ be given, and
requir'd to be cloath'd in a Scholar's own Words; or the
Circumstances of some good Story, the Scholar to find Expression.
Let them be put sometimes on abridging a Paragraph of a diffuse
Author, sometimes on dilating or amplifying what is wrote more
closely. And now let Dr. _Johnson_'s _Noetica_, or first Principles
of human Knowledge, containing a Logic, or Art of Reasoning, _&c_. be
read by the Youth, and the Difficulties that may occur to them be
explained by the Master. The Reading of History, and the Exercises
of good Reading and just Speaking still continued.
_Sixth_ CLASS.
In this Class, besides continuing the Studies of the preceding,
in History, Rhetoric, Logic, Moral and Natural Philosophy, the best
_English_ Authors may be read and explain'd; as _Tillotson_,
_Milton_, _Locke_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Swift_, the higher Papers in
the _Spectator_ and _Guardian_, the best Translations of _Homer_,
_Virgil_ and _Horace_, of _Telemachus_, _Travels of Cyrus_, &c.
Once a Year, let there be publick Exercises in the Hall, the
Trustees and Citizens present. Then let fine gilt Books be given as
Prizes to such Boys as distinguish themselves, and excel the others
in any Branch of Learning; making three Degrees of Comparison; giving
the best Prize to him that performs best; a less valuable One to him
that comes up next to the best; and another to the third.
Commendations, Encouragement and Advice to the rest; keeping up their
Hopes that by Industry they may excel another Time. The Names of
those that obtain the Prizes, to be yearly printed in a List.
The Hours of each Day are to be divided and dispos'd in such a
Manner, as that some Classes may be with the Writing-Master,
improving their Hands, others with the Mathematical Master, learning
Arithmetick, Accompts, Geography, Use of the Globes, Drawing,
Mechanicks, _&c_. while the rest are in the _English_ School, under
the _English_ Master's Care.
Thus instructed, Youth will come out of this School fitted for
learning any Business, Calling or Profession, except such wherein
Languages are required; and tho' unaquainted with any antient or
foreign Tongue, they will be Masters of their own, which is of more
immediate and general Use; and withal will have attain'd many other
valuable Accomplishments; the Time usually spent in acquiring those
Languages, often without Success, being here employ'd in laying such
a Foundation of Knowledge and Ability, as, properly improv'd, may
qualify them to pass thro' and execute the several Offices of civil
Life, with Advantage and Reputation to themselves and Country.
Philadelphia, B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the Post-Office, 1751
_Course of Experiments_
Philadelphia, April 11, 1751.
Notice is hereby given to the CURIOUS, That on _Wednesday_
next, Mr. _Kinnersley_ proposes to begin a Course of Experiments on
the newly-discovered ELECTRICAL FIRE, containing not only the most
curious of those that have been made and published in _Europe_, but a
considerable Number of new Ones lately made in this City; to be
accompanied with methodical LECTURES on the Nature and Properties of
that wonderful Element, _viz_.
LECTURE I.
I. Of Electricity in General, giving some Account of the
Discovery of it.
II. That the Electric Fire is a real Element, and different
from those heretofore known and named, and _collected_ out of other
Matter (not created) by the Friction of Glass, _&c_.
III. That it is an extreamly subtile Fluid.
IV. That it doth not take up any perceptible Time in passing
thro' large Portions of Space.
V. That it is intimately mixed with the Substance of all the
other Fluids and Solids of our Globe.
VI. That our Bodies at all Times contain enough of it to set a
House on Fire.
VII. That tho' it will fire inflammable Matters, itself has no
sensible Heat.
VIII. That it differs from common Matter in this; Its Parts do
not mutually attract, but mutually repel each other.
IX. That it is strongly attracted by all other Matter.
X. An artificial Spider, animated by the Electric Fire, so as
to act like a live One.
XI. A perpetual Shower of Sand, which rises again as fast as it
falls.
XII. That common Matter in the form of Points attracts this
Fire more strongly than in any other Form.
XIII. A Leaf of the most weighty of Metals suspended in the
Air, as is said of _Mahomet_'s Tomb.
XIV. An Appearance like Fishes swimming in the Air.
XV. That this Fire will live in Water, a River not being
sufficient to quench the smallest Spark of it.
XVI. A Representation of the Sensitive Plant.
XVII. A Representation of the seven Planets, shewing a probable
Cause of their keeping their due Distances from each other, and from
the Sun in the Center.
XVIII. The Salute repulsed by the Ladies Fire; or Fire darting
from a Lady's Lips, so that she may defy any Person to salute her.
XIX. Eight musical Bells rung by an electrified Phial of Water.
XX. A Battery of eleven Guns discharged by Fire issuing out of
a Person's Finger.
LECTURE II.
I. A Description and Explanation of Mr. _Muschenbroek_'s
wonderful Bottle.
II. The amazing Force of the Electric Fire in passing thro' a
Number of Bodies at the same Instant.
III. An Electric Mine sprung.
IV. Electrified Money, which scarce any Body will take when
offer'd to them.
V. A Piece of Money drawn out of a Persons Mouth in spite of
his Teeth; yet without touching it, or offering him the least
Violence.
VI. Spirits kindled by Fire darting from a Lady's Eyes (without
a Metaphor.)
VII. Various Representations of Lightning, the Cause and
Effects of which will be explained by a more probable Hypothesis than
has hitherto appeared, and some useful Instructions given how to
avoid the Danger of it: How to secure Houses, Ships, _&c_. from being
hurt by its destructive Violence.
VIII. The Force of the Electric Spark making a fair Hole thro'
a Quire of Paper.
IX. Metal melted by it (tho' without any Heat) in less than the
thousandth Part of a Minute.
X. Animals killed by it instantaneously (if any of the Company
desire it, and will be pleased to send some for that Purpose.)
XI. Air issuing out of a Bladder set on Fire by a Spark from a
Person's Finger, and burning like a Volcano.
XII. A few Drops of electrified cold Water let fall on a
Person's Hand, supplying him with Fire sufficient to kindle a burning
Flame with one of the Fingers of his other Hand.
XIII. A Sulphureous Vapour kindled into Flame by Fire issuing
out of a cold Apple.
XIV. A curious Machine acting by means of the Electric Fire,
and playing Variety of Tunes on eight musical Bells.
XV. A Battery of eleven Guns discharged by a Spark, after it
has passed thro' ten Foot of Water.
As the Knowledge of Nature tends to enlarge the human Mind, and
give us more noble, more grand and exalted Ideas of the AUTHOR of
Nature, and if well pursu'd seldom fails producing something _useful_
to Man, 'tis hoped these Lectures may be thought worthy of Regard and
Encouragement.
_Tickets_ to be had at Mr. _Kinnersley_'s House in
_Arch-street_, Price _Seven Shillings_ and _Six-pence_ for each
Person to go thro' the Course. The Lectures to begin precisely at 4
in the Afternoon of each Day, in the same Room Mr. _Dove_ lately used
for his Course of Natural Philosophy.
_Note_, the Experiments succeed best when the Air is dry.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 11, 1751
_On Transported Felons_
From _Virginia_ we hear, that six Convicts, who were
transported for fourteen Years, and shipp'd at _Liverpool_, rose at
Sea, shot the Captain, overcame and confin'd the Seamen, and kept
Possession of the Vessel 19 Days; that coming in Sight of _Cape
Hatteras_, they hoisted out the Boat to go on shore; when a Vessel
passing by, a Boy they had not confin'd, hail'd her, and attempted to
tell their Condition, but was prevented; and then the Villains drove
a Spike up thro' his under and upper Jaws, and wound Spunyarn round
the End that came out near his Nose, to prevent his getting it out:
They then cut away the Sails from the Yards, left the Ship, and went
ashore. But a _New-England_ Sloop coming by soon after, and seeing a
Ship driving in the Sea in that Manner, boarded her, found Things as
above mentioned, and carried her into _North-Carolina_; from whence a
Hue and Cry went after the Villains, who had stroll'd along to
_Virginia_; they were taken at _Norfolk_, and one of them confess'd
the Fact; upon which they were order'd up, about two Weeks since, to
_Williamsburgh_, for Trial as Pyrates.
From _Maryland_ we hear, that a Convict Servant, about three
Weeks since, went into his Master's House, with an Ax in his Hand,
determin'd to kill his Mistress; but changing his Purpose on seeing,
as he expressed it, _how d ------ d innocent she look'd_, he laid his
Left-hand on a Block, cut it off, and threw it at her, saying, _Now
make me work, if you can_.
N. B. _'Tis said this desperate Villain is now begging in_
Pennsylvania, _and 'tis thought has been seen in this City; he
pretends to have lost his Hand by an Accident: The Publick are
therefore caution'd to beware of him_.
From _Bucks_ County we hear, that a Convict Servant, one _John
McCaulefd_, imported here last Fall, has broke open and robb'd
several Houses, of Goods to a considerable Value; but being
apprehended at a Ferry, is committed to Prison.
Yesterday the Trial of _Samuel Saunders_, for the Murder of
_Simon Girtie_, came on at the Supream Court, when the Jury return'd
their Verdict _Manslaughter_.
"When we see our Papers fill'd continually with Accounts of the
most audacious Robberies, the most cruel Murders, and infinite other
Villainies perpetrated by Convicts transported from _Europe_, what
melancholly, what terrible Reflections must it occasion! What will
become of our Posterity! -- These are some of thy Favours, BRITAIN!
Thou art called our MOTHER COUNTRY; but what good _Mother_ ever sent
_Thieves_ and _Villains_ to accompany her _Children_; to corrupt some
with their infectious Vices, and murder the rest? What _Father_ ever
endeavour'd to spread the _Plague_ in his Family! -- We do not ask
Fish, but thou givest us _Serpents_, and worse than Serpents! -- In
what can _Britain_ show a more Sovereign Contempt for us, than by
emptying their _Jails_ into our Settlements; unless they would
likewise empty their _Jakes_ on our Tables? -- What must we think of
that B ----- d, which has advis'd the Repeal of every Law we have
hitherto made to prevent this Deluge of Wickedness overwhelming us;
and with this _cruel_ Sarcasm, _That these Laws were against the_
Publick Utility, _for they tended to prevent the_ IMPROVEMENT _and_
WELL-PEOPLING _of the Colonies!_ -- And what must we think of those
Merchants, who for the sake of a little paltry Gain, will be
concern'd in importing and disposing of these abominable Cargoes?"
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 11, 1751
_Rattle-Snakes for Felons_
_To the Printers of the Gazette._
By a Passage in one of your late Papers, I understand that
the Government at home will not suffer our mistaken Assemblies to
make any Law for preventing or discouraging the Importation of
Convicts from Great Britain, for this kind Reason, _`That such Laws
are against the Publick Utility, as they tend to prevent the_
IMPROVEMENT _and_ WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies.'
Such a tender _parental_ Concern in our _Mother Country_ for
the _Welfare_ of her Children, calls aloud for the highest _Returns_
of Gratitude and Duty. This every one must be sensible of: But 'tis
said, that in our present Circumstances it is absolutely impossible
for us to make _such_ as are adequate to the Favour. I own it; but
nevertheless let us do our Endeavour. 'Tis something to show a
grateful Disposition.
In some of the uninhabited Parts of these Provinces, there are
Numbers of these venomous Reptiles we call RATTLE-SNAKES;
Felons-convict from the Beginning of the World: These, whenever we
meet with them, we put to Death, by Virtue of an old Law, _Thou shalt
bruise his Head._ But as this is a sanguinary Law, and may seem too
cruel; and as however mischievous those Creatures are with us, they
may possibly change their Natures, if they were to change the
Climate; I would humbly propose, that this general Sentence of
_Death_ be changed for _Transportation._
In the Spring of the Year, when they first creep out of their
Holes, they are feeble, heavy, slow, and easily taken; and if a small
Bounty were allow'd _per_ Head, some Thousands might be collected
annually, and _transported_ to Britain. There I would propose to
have them carefully distributed in _St. James_'s _Park_, in the
_Spring-Gardens_ and other Places of Pleasure about _London_; in the
Gardens of all the Nobility and Gentry throughout the Nation; but
particularly in the Gardens of the _Prime Ministers_, the _Lords of
Trade_ and _Members of Parliament_; for to them we are _most
particularly_ obliged.
There is no human Scheme so perfect, but some Inconveniencies
may be objected to it: Yet when the Conveniencies far exceed, the
Scheme is judg'd rational, and fit to be executed. Thus
Inconveniencies have been objected to that _good_ and _wise_ Act of
Parliament, by virtue of which all the _Newgates_ and _Dungeons_ in
_Britain_ are emptied into the Colonies. It has been said, that
these Thieves and Villains introduc'd among us, spoil the Morals of
Youth in the Neighbourhoods that entertain them, and perpetrate many
horrid Crimes: But let not _private Interests_ obstruct _publick
Utility._ Our _Mother_ knows what is best for us. What is a little
_Housebreaking_, _Shoplifting_, or _Highway Robbing_; what is a _Son_
now and then _corrupted_ and _hang'd_, a Daughter _debauch'd_ and
_pox'd_, a Wife _stabb'd_, a Husband's _Throat cut_, or a Child's
_Brains beat out_ with an Axe, compar'd with this `IMPROVEMENT and
WELL PEOPLING of the Colonies!'
Thus it may perhaps be objected to my Scheme, that the
_Rattle-Snake_ is a mischievous Creature, and that his changing his
Nature with the Clime is a mere Supposition, not yet confirm'd by
sufficient Facts. What then? Is not Example more prevalent than
Precept? And may not the honest rough British Gentry, by a
Familiarity with these Reptiles, learn to _creep_, and to
_insinuate_, and to _slaver_, and to _wriggle_ into Place (and
perhaps to _poison_ such as stand in their Way) Qualities of no small
Advantage to Courtiers! In comparison of which _Improvement_ and
_Publick Utility_,' what is a _Child_ now and then kill'd by their
venomous Bite, -- or even a favourite _Lap-Dog_?
I would only add, That this Exporting of Felons to the
Colonies, may be consider'd as a _Trade_, as well as in the Light of
a _Favour_. Now all Commerce implies _Returns_: Justice requires
them: There can be no Trade without them. And _Rattle-Snakes_ seem
the most _suitable Returns_ for the _Human Serpents_ sent by our
_Mother_ Country. In this, however, as in every other branch of
trade, she will have the Advantage of us. She will reap _equal_
Benefits without equal Risque of the Inconveniencies and Dangers.
For the _Rattle-Snake_ gives Warning before he attempts his Mischief;
which the Convict does not. I am
_Yours, &c._
AMERICANUS.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette,_ May 9, 1751
_Appeal for the Hospital_
_Post obitum benefacta manent, aeternaque Virtus
Non metuit Stygiis, nec rapiatur Aquis._
_I was sick, and ye visited me._ Matth. xxv.
Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the
Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production,
their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in
Form, that even of the same Kind, it can scarce be said there are two
Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable, there are none
within our Observation, distiinguish'd from the rest by this
Particular, that they are by Nature incapable of_ DISEASES. The old
Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend
so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing;
and therefore, tho' they made their _Achilles_ invulnerable from Head
to Foot, and clad him beside in impenetrable Armour, forg'd by the
Immortals, they were obliged to leave one soft unguarded Place in his
Heel, how small soever, for Destruction to enter at. -- But tho'
every Animal that hath Life is liable to Death, Man, of all other
Creatures, has the greatest Number of _Diseases_ to his Share;
whether they are the Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are
given us, that we may have a greater Opportunity of exercising
towards each other that Virtue, which most of all recommends us to
the Deity, I mean CHARITY.
The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the
constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable,
always shew'd the greatest Compassion and Regard for the SICK; he
disdain'd not to visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest
of the People; and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in
his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing, (in
that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the
_Samaritan_ (who was esteemed no better than a _Heretick_, or an
_Infidel_ by the _Orthodox_ of those Times) is preferred to the
_Priest_ and the _Levite_; because he did not, like them, pass by,
regardless of the Distress of his Brother Mortal; but when he came to
the Place where the half-dead Traveller lay, _he had Compassion on
him, and went to him, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oil and
Wine, and set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and
took Care of him._ -- _Dives_, also, the rich Man, is represented as
being excluded from the Happiness of Heaven, because he fared
sumptuously every Day, and had Plenty of all Things, and yet
neglected to comfort and assist his poor Neighbour, who was helpless
and _full of Sores_, and might perhaps have been revived and restored
with small Care, _by the Crumbs that fell from his Table_, or, as we
say, _with his loose Corns. -- I was Sick, and ye Visited me_, is one
of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the Contrary, a Cause of
Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, _Ye have
visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who
stood in need of it, even tho' they were the least, or meanest of
Mankind._ This Branch of _Charity_ seems essential to the true Spirit
of Christianity; and should be extended to all in general, whether
Deserving or Undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten
Lepers who were cleansed, _nine_ seem to have been much more unworthy
than the _tenth_, yet in respect to the Cure of their Disease, they
equally shared the Goodness of God. And the great Physician in
sending forth his Disciples, always gave them a particular Charge,
_that into whatsoever City they entered, they should heal_ ALL _the
Sick_, without Distinction.
When the good _Samaritan_ left his Patient at the Inn, _he gave
Money to the Host, and said,_ TAKE CARE OF HIM, _and_ _what thou
spendest more, I will repay thee._ We are in this World mutual Hosts
to each other; the Circumstances and Fortunes of Men and Families are
continually changing; in the Course of a few Years we have seen the
Rich become Poor, and the Poor Rich; the Children of the Wealthy
languishing in Want and Misery, and those of their Servants lifted
into Estates, and abounding in the good Things of this Life. Since
then, our present State, how prosperous soever, hath no Stability,
but what depends on the good Providence of God, how careful should we
be not to _harden our Hearts_ against the Distresses of our Fellow
Creatures, lest He who owns and governs all, should punish our
Inhumanity, deprive us of a Stewardship in which we have so
unworthily behaved, _laugh at our Calamity, and mock when our Fear
cometh._ Methinks when Objects of Charity, and Opportunities of
relieving them, present themselves, we should hear the Voice of this
_Samaritan_, as if it were the Voice of God sounding in our Ears,
TAKE CARE OF THEM, _and whatsoever thou spendest, I will repay thee._
But the Good particular Men may do separately, in relieving the
Sick, is small, compared with what they may do collectively, or by a
joint Endeavour and Interest. Hence the Erecting of Hospitals or
Infirmaries by Subscription, for the Reception, Entertainment, and
Cure of the Sick Poor, has been found by Experience exceedingly
beneficial, as they turn out annually great Numbers of Patients
perfectly cured, who might otherwise have been lost to their
Families, and to Society. Hence Infirmaries spread more and more in
Europe, new Ones being continually erected in large Cities and
populous Towns, where generally the most skilful Physicians and
Surgeons inhabit. And the Subscribers have had the Satisfaction in a
few Years of seeing the Good they proposed to do, become much more
extensive than was at first expected; for the Multitude and Variety
of Cases continually treated in those Infirmaries, not only render
the Physicians and Surgeons who attend them, still more expert and
skilful, for the Benefit of others, but afford such speedy and
effectual Instruction to the young Students of both Professions, who
come from different and remote Parts of the Country for Improvement,
that they return with a more ample Stock of Knowledge in their Art,
and become Blessings to the Neighbourhoods in which they fix their
Residence.
It is therefore a great Pleasure to all the Benevolent and
Charitable, who have been acquainted with these Things in other
Countries, to observe, that an Institution of the same Kind has met
with such Encouragement in _Pensilvania_, and is in such Forwardness,
that there is reason to expect it may be carried into Execution the
ensuing Year. May the Father of Mercies grant it his Blessing, and
Thousands of our unhappy Fellow Creatures, yet unborn, will have
Cause to bless him, for putting it into the Hearts of the generous
Contributors, and enabling them thus to provide for their Relief.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 8, 1751
_Homines ad Deos, nulla re propius accedunt, quam Salutem
Hominibus dando._ CICER. ORAT.
This Motto, taken from a _Pagan_ Author, expresses the general
Sense of Mankind, even in the earliest Ages, concerning that great
Duty and extensive Charity, the _administring Comfort and Relief to
the Sick._ If Men without any other Assistance than the Dictates of
natural Reason, had so high an Opinion of it, what may be expected
from Christians, to whom it has been so warmly recommended by the
best Example of human Conduct. To visit the Sick, to feed the
Hungry, to clothe the Naked, and comfort the Afflicted, are the
inseparable Duties of a christian Life.
Accordingly 'tis observable, that the Christian Doctrine hath
had a real Effect on the Conduct of Mankind, which the mere Knowledge
of Duty without the Sanctions Revelation affords, never produc'd
among the _Heathens_: For History shows, that from the earliest Times
of Christianity, in all well-regulated States where Christians
obtain'd sufficient Influence, publick Funds and private Charities
have been appropriated to the building of Hospitals, for receiving,
supporting and curing those unhappy Creatures, whose Poverty is
aggravated by the additional Load of bodily Pain. But of these Kind
of Institutions among the _Pagans_, there is no Trace in the History
of their Times.
That good Prince _Edward_ VI. was so affected at the Miseries
of his poor diseas'd Subjects, represented in a charity Sermon
preach'd to him on the Occasion, that he soon after laid the
Foundation of four of the largest Hospitals now in _London_, which
the Citizens finished, and have ever since maintain'd.
In _Hidepark_, at _Bath_, in _Edinburgh_, _Liverpool_,
_Winchester_, and in the County of _Devon_, and sundry other Places
in _Great-Britain_, large and commodious Infirmaries have been lately
erected, from trifling Beginnings of private Charities: And so
wonderfully does Providence favour these pious Institutions, that
there is not an Instance of any One's failing for want of necessary
charitable Contributions. (*)
(*) _Extract from the Tour thro'_ Great Britain, Vol. III. Pag.
293.
The Increase of poor diseas'd Foreigners and others, settled in
the distant Parts of this Province, where regular Advice and
Assistance cannot be procured, but at an Expence that neither they
nor their Townships can afford, has awaken'd the Attention of sundry
humane and well dispos'd Minds, to procure some more certain,
effectual and easy Methods for their Relief than have hitherto been
provided, and having represented the Affair to the Assembly, a Law
was pass'd, without one dissenting Voice, giving _Two Thousand
Pounds_ for building and furnishing a Provincial Hospital, on
Condition that _Two Thousand Pounds_ more should be rais'd by private
Donations, to be put out to Interest as Part of a perpetual Fund for
supporting it; and the Contributors were made a Body Corporate, with
all the Powers necessary on the Occasion. Since which, People of all
Ranks in this City have united zealously and heartily in promoting
this pious and excellent Design, and more than the Sum stipulated was
subscribed in a few Days only, and a much larger Sum will probably be
rais'd here if the Country chearfully contributes to the capital
Stock, which 'tis not to be doubted they will do, when they consider
how much they are interested in it.
The Difference between nursing and curing the Sick in an
Hospital, and separately in private Lodgings, with Regard to the
Expence, is at least as ten to one. For Instance, suppose a Person
under the Necessity of having a Limb amputated, he must have the
constant Attendance of a Nurse, a Room, Fire, &c. which cannot for
the first three or four Weeks be procured at less Expence than
_Fifteen Shillings_ a Week, and never after at less than _Ten._ If he
continues two Months his Nursing will be _Five Pounds_, his Surgeons
Fee, and other accidental Charges, commonly amounts to _Three
Pounds_, in the whole near _Ten Pounds_; whereas in an Hospital, one
Nurse, one Fire, &c. will be sufficient for ten Patients, the extra
Expences will be inconsiderable, and the Surgeon's Fees taken off,
which will bring the above Calculation within the Limits of Truth.
But the Difference with Regard to the unhappy Sufferer is still
greater. In an Hospital his Case will be treated according to the
best Rules of Art, by Men of Experience and known Abilities in their
Profession. His Lodgings will be commodious, clean and neat, in an
healthy and open Situation, his Diet will be well chosen, and
properly administred: He will have many other necessary Conveniencies
for his Relief, such as hot and cold Baths, sweating Rooms, chirurgic
Machines, Bandage, &c. which can rarely be procured in the best
private Lodgings, much less in those miserable loathsome Holes, which
are the common Receptacles of the diseas'd Poor that are brought to
this City. -- In short a Beggar in a well regulated Hospital, stands
an equal Chance with a Prince in his Palace, for a comfortable
Subsistence, and an expeditious and effectual Cure of his Diseases.
It is hoped therefore, that whoever will maturely consider the
inestimable Blessings that are connected to a proper Execution of the
present Hospital Scheme in this City, can never be so void of
Humanity and the essential Duties of Religion, as to turn a deaf Ear
to the numberless Cries of the Poor and Needy, and refuse for their
Assistance, a little of that Superfluity, which a bountiful
Providence has so liberally bestowed on them.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 15, 1751
_In the Year_ 1740, _on the Promotion of Dr._ Gilbert, _Dean of
this Church, to the Bishoprick of_ Landaff, _his Majesty was pleas'd
to confer the Deanery on Dr._ Alured Clarke, _who was installed in
the Month of_ January, _in that Year; and if we may be allowed to
judge from the pious Acts be began with in that Station, a more
worthy Man could not have been preferr'd thereto.
The House, an antient Building, belonging to that Dignity, had,
thro' the Remissness of its former Possessors, been too long
neglected; _wherefore his First Work was to set about altering and
repairing that, _which he did within Nine Months of his Instalment,
at an Expence of about_ 800_l_.
_Before this was perfected,_ viz. _in the Spring_ 1741, _he
drew up and published Proposals for founding an Hospital in this
City, for Lodging, Dieting, and Curing the Sick and Lame Poor
thereof, and of the County of_ Devon, _on the like Plan of that which
he had before founded at_ Winchester, _for the Benefit of that City,
and County of_ Hants. _A Design so good, recommended by the pious
Eloquence of a Divine so learned and judicious, on Views so visibly
disinterested, and so clearly abstracted from all Party Schemes or
Intentions, met with the general Applause and Assistance of the
Gentry and Clergy of all Parties, Sects and Denominations; who,
however different in Religion and Politicks, unanimously join'd in
this pious Undertaking: And a Subscription being opened in_ March,
_hath already_ (November 1741) _brought in about_ 2000 _l. of which
near_ 1500 _l. are annual Engagements, which, 'tis highly probable,
will be not only continued, but much augmented, so that 'tis hoped,
that_ 200 _Patients at a Time may be provided for._ John Tuckfield,
_of_ Raddon, _Esq; was pleased to accommodate the Governors with a
Plot of Ground near_ Southernhay, _without the City-walls, at a very
moderate Price, and to give_ 100 _l. towards carrying on the Building
for the intended Hospital, the Plan of which was commodiously
designed by the Direction of the Dean, and the first Stone thereof
laid by him, assisted by the Bishop of_ Exon, _Sir_ William
Courtenay, _Knight of the Shire, Sir_ Henry Northcote _and_ Humphry
Sydenham_, Esquires, the Citizens in Parliament, the Honourable_
Henry Rolle, _and_ John Tuckfield _Esq; attended by a great Number of
Clergy and Gentry, that are Subscribers, and Thousands of joyful
Spectators, on the_ 27_th of_ August 1741. _The Building contains
upwards of_ 300 _Feet in Length, and is already in a good
Forwardness.
_Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of
Countries, &c._
1. Tables of the Proportion of Marriages to Births, of Deaths
to Births, of Marriages to the Numbers of Inhabitants, &c. form'd on
Observations made upon the Bills of Mortality, Christnings, &c. of
populous Cities, will not suit Countries; nor will Tables form'd on
Observations made on full settled old Countries, as _Europe_, suit
new Countries, as _America_.
2. For People increase in Proportion to the Number of
Marriages, and that is greater in Proportion to the Ease and
Convenience of supporting a Family. When Families can be easily
supported, more Persons marry, and earlier in Life.
3. In Cities, where all Trades, Occupations and Offices
arefull, many delay marrying, till they can see how to bear
theCharges of a Family; which Charges are greater in Cities, asLuxury
is more common: many live single during Life, and continue Servants
to Families, Journeymen to Trades, &c. hence Cities do not by natural
Generation supply themselves with Inhabitants; the Deaths are more
than the Births.
4. In Countries full settled, the Case must be nearly the same;
all Lands being occupied and improved to the Heighth; those who
cannot get Land, must Labour for others that have it; when Labourers
are plenty, their Wages will be low; by low Wages a Family is
supported with Difficulty; this Difficulty deters many from Marriage,
who therefore long continue Servants and single. -- Only as the
Cities take Supplies of People from the Country, and thereby make a
little more Room in the Country; Marriage is a little more incourag'd
there, and the Births exceed the Deaths.
5. _Europe_ is generally full settled with Husbandmen,
Manufacturers, &c. and therefore cannot now much increase in People:
_America_ is chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly by
Hunting. -- But as the Hunter, of all Men, requires the greatest
Quantity of Land from whence to draw his Subsistence, (the Husbandman
subsisting on much less, the Gardner on still less, and the
Manufacturer requiring least of all), The _Europeans_ found _America_
as fully settled as it well could be by Hunters; yet these having
large Tracks, were easily prevail'd on to part with Portions of
Territory to the new Comers, who did not much interfere with the
Natives in Hunting, and furnish'd them with many Things they wanted.
6. Land being thus plenty in _America_, and so cheap as that a
labouring Man, that understands Husbandry, can in a short Time save
Money enough to purchase a Piece of new Land sufficient for a
Plantation, whereon he may subsist a Family; such are not afraid to
marry; for if they even look far enough forward to consider how their
Children when grown up are to be provided for, they see that more
Land is to be had at Rates equally easy, all Circumstances
considered.
7. Hence Marriages in _America_ are more general, and more
generally early, than in _Europe_. And if it is reckoned there, that
there is but one Marriage per Annum among 100 Persons, perhaps we may
here reckon two; and if in _Europe_ they have but 4 Births to a
Marriage (many of their Marriages being late) we may here reckon 8,
of which if one half grow up, and our Marriages are made, reckoning
one with another at _20_ Years of Age, our People must at least be
doubled every 20 Years.
8. But notwithstanding this Increase, so vast is the Territory
of _North-America_, that it will require many Ages to settle it
fully; and till it is fully settled, Labour will never be cheap here,
where no Man continues long a Labourer for others, but gets a
Plantation of his own, no Man continues long a Journeyman to a Trade,
but goes among those new Settlers, and sets up for himself, &c.
Hence Labour is no cheaper now, in _Pennsylvania_, than it was 30
Years ago, tho' so many Thousand labouring People have been imported.
9. The Danger therefore of these Colonies interfering with
their Mother Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manufactures,
&c. is too remote to require the Attention of _Great-Britain_.
10. But in Proportion to the Increase of the Colonies, a vast
Demand is growing for British Manufactures, a glorious Market wholly
in the Power of _Britain_, in which Foreigners cannot interfere,
which will increase in a short Time even beyond her Power of
supplying, tho' her whole Trade should be to her Colonies: Therefore
_Britain_ should not too much restrain Manufactures in her Colonies.
A wise and good Mother will not do it. To distress, is to weaken,
and weakening the Children, weakens the whole Family.
11. Besides if the Manufactures of _Britain_ (by Reason of the
_American_ Demands) should rise too high in Price, Foreigners who can
sell cheaper will drive her Merchants out of Foreign Markets; Foreign
Manufactures will thereby be encouraged and increased, and
consequently foreign Nations, perhaps her Rivals in Power, grow more
populous and more powerful; while her own Colonies, kept too low, are
unable to assist her, or add to her Strength.
12. 'Tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of Slaves,
_America_ may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with
_Britain_. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the
Labour of working Men is in _Britain_. Any one may compute it.
Interest of Money is in the Colonies from 6 to 10 per Cent. Slaves
one with another cost 30 pounds Sterling per Head. Reckon then the
Interest of the first Purchase of a Slave, the Insurance or Risque on
his Life, his Cloathing and Diet, Expences in his Sickness and Loss
of Time, Loss by his Neglect of Business (Neglect is natural to the
Man who is not to be benefited by his own Care or Diligence), Expence
of a Driver to keep him at Work, and his Pilfering from Time to Time,
almost every Slave being _by Nature_ a Thief, and compare the whole
Amount with the Wages of a Manufacturer of Iron or Wool in _England_,
you will see that Labour is much cheaper there than it ever can be by
Negroes here. Why then will _Americans_ purchase Slaves? Because
Slaves may be kept as long as a Man pleases, or has Occasion for
their Labour; while hired Men are continually leaving their Master
(often in the midst of his Business,) and setting up for themselves.
(Symbol omitted). 8.
13. As the Increase of People depends on the Encouragement of
Marriages, the following Things must diminish a Nation, _viz._ 1. The
being conquered; for the Conquerors will engross as many Offices, and
exact as much Tribute or Profit on the Labour of the conquered, as
will maintain them in their new Establishment, and this diminishing
the Subsistence of the Natives discourages their Marriages, & so
gradually diminishes them, while the Foreigners increase. 2. Loss of
Territory. Thus the _Britons_ being driven into _Wales_, and crowded
together in a barren Country insufficient to support such great
Numbers, diminished 'till the People bore a Proportion to the
Produce, while the _Saxons_ increas'd on their abandoned Lands; 'till
the Island became full of _English_. And were the _English_ now
driven into _Wales_ by some foreign Nation, there would in a few
Years be no more Englishmen in _Britain_, than there are now People
in _Wales_. 3. Loss of Trade. Manufactures exported, draw
Subsistence from Foreign Countries for Numbers; who are thereby
enabled to marry and raise Families. If the Nation be deprived of
any Branch of Trade, and no new Employment is found for the People
occupy'd in that Branch, it will also be soon deprived of so many
People. 4. Loss of Food. Suppose a Nation has a Fishery, which not
only employs great Numbers, but makes the Food and Subsistence of the
People cheaper: If another Nation becomes Master of the Seas, and
prevents the Fishery, the People will diminish in Proportion as the
Loss of Employ, and Dearness of Provision, makes it more difficult to
subsist a Family. 5. Bad Government and insecure Property. People
not only leave such a Country, and settling Abroad incorporate with
other Nations, lose their native Language, and become Foreigners; but
the Industry of those that remain being discourag'd, the Quantity of
Subsistence in the Country is lessen'd, and the Support of a Family
becomes more difficult. So heavy Taxes tend to diminish a People.
6. The Introduction of Slaves. The Negroes brought into the
_English_ Sugar _Islands_, have greatly diminish'd the Whites there;
the Poor are by this Means depriv'd of Employment, while a few
Families acquire vast Estates; which they spend on Foreign Luxuries,
and educating their Children in the Habit of those Luxuries; the same
Income is needed for the Support of one that might have maintain'd
100. The Whites who have Slaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and
therefore not so generally prolific; the Slaves being work'd too
hard, and ill fed, their Constitutions are broken, and the Deaths
among them are more than the Births; so that a continual Supply is
needed from _Africa_. The Northern Colonies having few Slaves
increase in Whites. Slaves also pejorate the Families that use them;
the white Children become proud, disgusted with Labour, and being
educated in Idleness, are rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry.
14. Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds
it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the
Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade,
increasing Employment, improving Land by more or better Tillage;
providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, &c. and the Man
that invents new Trades, Arts or Manufactures, or new Improvements in
Husbandry, may be properly called _Fathers_ of their Nation, as they
are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement
they afford to Marriage.
15. As to Privileges granted to the married, (such as the _Jus
trium Liberorum_ among the _Romans_), they may hasten the filling of
a Country that has been thinned by War or Pestilence, or that has
otherwise vacant Territory; but cannot increase a People beyond the
Means provided for their Subsistence.
16. Foreign Luxuries & needless Manufactures imported and used
in a Nation, do, by the same Reasoning, increase the People of the
Nation that furnishes them, and diminish the People of the Nation
that uses them. -- Laws therefore that prevent such Importations, and
on the contrary promote the Exportation of Manufactures to be
consumed in Foreign Countries, may be called (with Respect to the
People that make them) _generative Laws_, as by increasing
Subsistence they encourage Marriage. Such Laws likewise strengthen a
Country, doubly, by increasing its own People and diminishing its
Neighbours.
17. Some _European_ Nations prudently refuse to consume the
Manufactures of _East-India_: -- They should likewise forbid them to
their Colonies; for the Gain to the Merchant, is not to be compar'd
with the Loss by this Means of People to the Nation.
18. Home Luxury in the Great, increases the Nation's
Manufacturers employ'd by it, who are many, and only tends to
diminish the Families that indulge in it, who are few. The greater
the common fashionable Expence of any Rank of People, the more
cautious they are of Marriage. Therefore Luxury should never be
suffer'd to become common.
19. The great Increase of Offspring in particular Families, is
not always owing to greater Fecundity of Nature, but sometimes to
Examples of Industry in the Heads, and industrious Education; by
which the Children are enabled to provide better for themselves, and
their marrying early, is encouraged from the Prospect of good
Subsistence.
20. If there be a Sect therefore, in our Nation, that regard
Frugality and Industry as religious Duties, and educate their
Children therein, more than others commonly do; such Sect must
consequently increase more by natural Generation, than any other Sect
in _Britain_. --
21. The Importation of Foreigners into a Country that has as
many Inhabitants as the present Employments and Provisions for
Subsistence will bear; will be in the End no Increase of People;
unless the New Comers have more Industry and Frugality than the
Natives, and then they will provide more Subsistence, and increase in
the Country; but they will gradually eat the Natives out. -- Nor is
it necessary to bring in Foreigners to fill up any occasional Vacancy
in a Country; for such Vacancy (if the Laws are good, (Symbol
omitted) 14,16) will soon be filled by natural Generation. Who can
now find the Vacancy made in _Sweden_, _France_ or other Warlike
Nations, by the Plague of Heroism 40 Years ago; in _France_, by the
Expulsion of the Protestants; in _England_, by the Settlement of her
Colonies; or in _Guinea_, by 100 Years Exportation of Slaves, that
has blacken'd half _America_? -- The thinness of Inhabitants in
_Spain_, is owing to National Pride and Idleness, and other Causes,
rather than to the Expulsion of the _Moors_, or to the making of new
Settlements.
22. There is in short, no Bound to the prolific Nature of
Plants or Animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering
with each others Means of Subsistence. Was the Face of the Earth
vacant of other Plants, it might be gradually sowed and overspread
with one Kind only; as, for Instance, with Fennel; and were it empty
of other Inhabitants, it might in a few Ages be replenish'd from one
Nation only; as, for Instance, with _Englishmen_. Thus there are
suppos'd to be now upwards of One Million _English_ Souls in
_North-America_, (tho' 'tis thought scarce 80,000 have been brought
over Sea) and yet perhaps there is not one the fewer in _Britain_,
but rather many more, on Account of the Employment the Colonies
afford to Manufacturers at Home. This Million doubling, suppose but
once in 25 Years, will in another Century be more than the People of
_England_, and the greatest Number of _Englishmen_ will be on this
Side the Water. What an Accession of Power to the _British_ Empire
by Sea as well as Land! What Increase of Trade and Navigation! What
Numbers of Ships and Seamen! We have been here but little more than
100 Years, and yet the Force of our Privateers in the late War,
united, was greater, both in Men and Guns, than that of the whole
_British_ Navy in Queen _Elizabeth_'s Time. -- How important an
Affair then to _Britain_, is the present Treaty for settling the
Bounds between her Colonies and the _French_, and how careful should
she be to secure Room enough, since on the Room depends so much the
Increase of her People?
23. In fine, A Nation well regulated is like a Polypus; take
away a Limb, its Place is soon supply'd; cut it in two, and each
deficient Part shall speedily grow out of the Part remaining. Thus
if you have Room and Subsistence enough, as you may by dividing, make
ten Polypes out of one, you may of one make ten Nations, equally
populous and powerful; or rather, increase a Nation ten fold in
Numbers and Strength.
And since Detachments of _English_ from _Britain_ sent to
_America_, will have their Places at Home so soon supply'd and
increase so largely here; why should the _Palatine Boors_ be suffered
to swarm into our Settlements, and by herding together establish
their Language and Manners to the Exclusion of ours? Why should
_Pennsylvania_, founded by the _English_, become a Colony of
_Aliens_, who will shortly be so numerous as to Germanize us instead
of our Anglifying them, and will never adopt our Language or Customs,
any more than they can acquire our Complexion.
24. Which leads me to add one Remark: That the Number of purely
white People in the World is proportionably very small. All _Africa_
is black or tawny. _Asia_ chiefly tawny. _America_ (exclusive of
the new Comers) wholly so. And in _Europe_, the _Spaniards_,
_Italians_, _French_, _Russians_ and _Swedes_, are generally of what
we call a swarthy Complexion; as are the _Germans_ also, the _Saxons_
only excepted, who with the _English_, make the principal Body of
White People on the Face of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers
were increased. And while we are, as I may call it, _Scouring_ our
Planet, by clearing _America_ of Woods, and so making this Side of
our Globe reflect a brighter Light to the Eyes of Inhabitants in
_Mars_ or _Venus_, why should we in the Sight of Superior Beings,
darken its People? why increase the Sons of _Africa_, by Planting
them in _America_, where we have so fair an Opportunity, by excluding
all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and Red? But
perhaps I am partial to the Complexion of my Country, for such Kind
of Partiality is natural to Mankind.
1751
_The Kite Experiment_
As frequent Mention is made in the News Papers from _Europe_,
of the Success of the _Philadelphia_ Experiment for drawing the
Electric Fire from Clouds by Means of pointed Rods of Iron erected on
high Buildings, _&c._ it may be agreeable to the Curious to be
inform'd, that the same Experiment has succeeded in _Philadelphia_,
tho' made in a different and more easy Manner, which any one may try,
as follows.
Make a small Cross of two light Strips of Cedar, the Arms so
long as to reach to the four Corners of a large thin Silk
Handkerchief when extended; tie the Corners of the Handkerchief to
the Extremities of the Cross, so you have the Body of a Kite; which
being properly accommodated with a Tail, Loop and String, will rise
in the Air, like those made of Paper; but this being of Silk is
fitter to bear the Wet and Wind of a Thunder Gust without tearing.
To the Top of the upright Stick of the Cross is to be fixed a very
sharp pointed Wire, rising a Foot or more above the Wood. To the End
of the Twine, next the Hand, is to be tied a silk Ribbon, and where
the Twine and the silk join, a Key may be fastened. This Kite is to
be raised when a Thunder Gust appears to be coming on, and the Person
who holds the String must stand within a Door, or Window, or under
some Cover, so that the Silk Ribbon may not be wet; and Care must be
taken that the Twine does not touch the Frame of the Door or Window.
As soon as any of the Thunder Clouds come over the Kite, the pointed
Wire will draw the Electric Fire from them, and the Kite, with all
the Twine, will be electrified, and the loose Filaments of the Twine
will stand out every Way, and be attracted by an approaching Finger.
And when the Rain has wet the Kite and Twine, so that it can conduct
the Electric Fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully
from the Key on the Approach of your Knuckle. At this Key the Phial
may be charg'd; and from Electric Fire thus obtain'd, Spirits may be
kindled, and all the other Electric Experiments be perform'd, which
are usually done by the Help of a rubbed Glass Globe or Tube; and
thereby the _Sameness_ of the Electric Matter with that of Lightning
compleatly demonstrated.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 19, 1752
_Join or Die_
Friday last an Express arrived here from Major Washington, with
Advice, that Mr. Ward, Ensign of Capt. Trent's Company, was compelled to
surrender his small Fort in the Forks of Monongahela to the French, on the
17th past; who fell down from Venango with a Fleet of 360 Battoes and Canoes,
upwards of 1000 Men, and 18 Pieces of Artillery, which they planted against
the Fort; and Mr. Ward having but 44 Men, and no Cannon to make a proper
Defence, was obliged to surrender on Summons, capitulating to march out with
their Arms, &c. and they had accordingly joined Major Washington, who was
advanced with three Companies of the Virginia Forces, as far as the New Store
near the Allegheny Mountains, where the Men were employed in clearing a Road
for the Cannon, which were every Day expected with Col. Fry, and the
Remainder of the Regiment. -- We hear farther, that some few of the English
Traders on the Ohio escaped, but 'tis supposed the greatest Part are taken,
with all their Goods, and Skins, to the Amount of near 20,000 pounds. The
Indian Chiefs, however, have dispatch'd Messages to Pennsylvania, and
Virginia, desiring that the English would not be discouraged, but send out
their Warriors to join them, and drive the French out of the Country before
they fortify; otherwise the Trade will be lost, and, to their great Grief, an
eternal Separation made between the Indians and their Brethren the English.
'Tis farther said, that besides the French that came down from Venango,
another Body of near 400, is coming up the Ohio; and that 600 French Indians,
of the Chippaways and Ottaways, are coming down Siota River, from the Lake,
to join them; and many more French are expected from Canada; the Design being
to establish themselves, settle their Indians, and build Forts just on the
Back of our Settlements in all our Colonies; from which Forts, as they did
from Crown-Point, they may send out their Parties to kill and scalp the
Inhabitants, and ruin the Frontier Counties. Accordingly we hear, that the
Back Settlers in Virginia, are so terrify'd by the Murdering and Scalping of
the Family last Winter, and the Taking of this Fort, that they begin already
to abandon their Plantations, and remove to Places of more Safety. -- The
Confidence of the French in this Undertaking seems well-grounded on the
present disunited State of the British Colonies, and the extreme Difficulty
of bringing so many different Governments and Assemblies to agree in any
speedy and effectual Measures for our common Defence and Security; while our
Enemies have the very great Advantage of being under one Direction, with one
Council, and one Purse. Hence, and from the great Distance of Britain, they
presume that they may with Impunity violate the most solemn Treaties
subsisting between the two Crowns, kill, seize and imprison our Traders, and
confiscate their Effects at Pleasure (as they have done for several Years
past) murder and scalp our Farmers, with their Wives and Children, and take
an easy Possession of such Parts of the British Territory as they find most
convenient for them; which if they are permitted to do, must end in the
Destruction of the British Interest, Trade and Plantations in America.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 9, 1754
_The Albany Plan of Union_
Plan of a Proposed Union of the Several Colonies of
Masachusets-bay, New Hampshire, Coneticut, Rhode Island, New York,
New Jerseys, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and
South Carolina, For their Mutual Defence and Security, and for
Extending the British Settlements in North America.
That humble Application be made for an Act of the Parliament of
Great Britain, by Virtue of which, one General Government may be
formed in America, including all the said Colonies, within and under
which Government, each Colony may retain its present Constitution,
except in the Particulars wherein a Change may be directed by the
said Act, as hereafter follows.
President General
Grand Council.
That the said General Government be administred by a President
General, To be appointed and Supported by the Crown, and a Grand
Council to be Chosen by the Representatives of the People of the
Several Colonies, met in their respective Assemblies.
Election of Members.
That within Months after the passing of such Act, The House of
Representatives in the Several Assemblies, that Happen to be Sitting
within that time or that shall be Specially for that purpose
Convened, may and Shall Choose Members for the Grand Council in the
following Proportions, that is to say.
Masachusets-Bay . . . . . 7.
New Hampshire . . . . . . 2.
Conecticut . . . . . . . 5.
Rhode-Island . . . . . . 2.
New-York . . . . . . . . 4.
New-Jerseys . . . . . . . 3.
Pensilvania . . . . . . . 6.
Maryland . . . . . . . . 4.
Virginia . . . . . . . . 7.
North-Carolina . . . . . 4.
South-Carolina . . . . . 4
____
48
Place of first meeting.
Who shall meet for the first time at the City of Philadelphia,
in Pensilvania, being called by the President General as soon as
conveniently may be, after his Appointment.
New Election.
That there shall be a New Election of Members for the Grand
Council every three years; And on the Death or Resignation of any
Member his Place shall be Supplyed by a New Choice at the next
Sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.
Proportion of Members after first 3 years.
That after the first three years, when the Proportion of Money
arising out of each Colony to the General Treasury can be known, The
Number of Members to be Chosen, for each Colony shall from time to
time in all ensuing Elections be regulated by that proportion (yet so
as that the Number to be Chosen by any one Province be not more than
Seven nor less than Two).
Meetings of Grand Council.
Call.
That the Grand Council shall meet once in every Year, and
oftner if Occasion require, at such Time and place as they shall
adjourn to at the last preceeding meeting, or as they shall be called
to meet at by the President General, on any Emergency, he having
first obtained in Writing the Consent of seven of the Members to such
call, and sent due and timely Notice to the whole.
Speaker.
Continuance.
That the Grand Council have Power to Chuse their Speaker, and
shall neither be Dissolved, prorogued nor Continue Sitting longer
than Six Weeks at one Time without their own Consent, or the Special
Command of the Crown.
Member's Allowance
That the Members of the Grand Council shall be Allowed for
their Service ten shillings Sterling per Diem, during their Sessions
or Journey to and from the Place of Meeting; Twenty miles to be
reckoned a days Journey.
Assent of President General.
His Duty.
That the Assent of the President General be requisite, to all
Acts of the Grand Council, and that it be His Office, and Duty to
cause them to be carried into Execution.
Power of President and Grand Council.
Peace and War.
Indian Purchases.
New Settlements.
Laws to Govern them.
That the President General with the Advice of the Grand
Council, hold or Direct all Indian Treaties in which the General
Interest or Welfare of the Colony's may be Concerned; And make Peace
or Declare War with the Indian Nations. That they make such Laws as
they Judge Necessary for regulating all Indian Trade. That they make
all Purchases from Indians for the Crown, of Lands not within the
Bounds of Particular Colonies, or that shall not be within their
Bounds when some of them are reduced to more Convenient Dimensions.
That they make New Settlements on such Purchases, by Granting Lands
in the Kings Name, reserving a Quit Rent to the Crown, for the use of
the General Treasury. That they make Laws for regulating and
Governing such new Settlements, till the Crown shall think fit to
form them into Particular Governments.
Raise Soldiers &c.
Lakes.
Not to Impress
Power to make Laws Duties &c.
That they raise and pay Soldiers, and build Forts for the
Defence of any of the Colonies, and equip Vessels of Force to Guard
the Coasts and Protect the Trade on the Ocean, Lakes, or Great
Rivers; But they shall not Impress Men in any Colonies, without the
Consent of its Legislature. That for these purposes they have Power
to make Laws And lay and Levy such General Duties, Imposts, or Taxes,
as to them shall appear most equal and Just, Considering the Ability
and other Circumstances of the Inhabitants in the Several Colonies,
and such as may be Collected with the least Inconvenience to the
People, rather discouraging Luxury, than
Treasurer.
Money how to Issue.
Loading Industry with unnecessary Burthens.
That they may Appoint a General Treasurer and a Particular
Treasurer in each Government, when Necessary, And from Time to Time
may Order the Sums in the Treasuries of each Government, into the
General Treasury, or draw on them for Special payments as they find
most Convenient; Yet no money to Issue, but by joint Orders of the
President General and Grand Council Except where Sums have been
Appropriated to particular Purposes, And the President General is
previously impowered By an Act to draw for such Sums.
Accounts.
That the General Accounts shall be yearly Settled and Reported
to the Several Assembly's.
Quorum.
Laws to be Transmitted.
That a Quorum of the Grand Council impower'd to Act with the
President General, do consist of Twenty-five Members, among whom
there shall be one, or more from a Majority of the Colonies. That
the Laws made by them for the Purposes aforesaid, shall not be
repugnant but as near as may be agreeable to the Laws of England, and
Shall be transmitted to the King in Council for Approbation, as Soon
as may be after their Passing and if not disapproved within Three
years after Presentation to remain in Force.
Death of President General.
That in case of the Death of the President General The Speaker
of the Grand Council for the Time Being shall Succeed, and be Vested
with the Same Powers, and Authority, to Continue until the King's
Pleasure be known.
Officers how Appointed.
That all Military Commission Officers Whether for Land or Sea
Service, to Act under this General Constitution, shall be Nominated
by the President General But the Approbation of the Grand Council, is
to be
Vacancies how Supplied.
Each Colony may defend itself on Emergency.
Obtained before they receive their Commissions, And all Civil
Officers are to be Nominated, by the Grand Council, and to receive
the President General's Approbation, before they Officiate; But in
Case of Vacancy by Death or removal of any Officer Civil or Military
under this Constitution, The Governor of the Province, in which such
Vacancy happens, may Appoint till the Pleasure of the President
General and Grand Council can be known. That the Particular Military
as well as Civil Establishments in each Colony remain in their
present State, this General Constitution Notwithstanding. And that
on Sudden Emergencies any Colony may Defend itself, and lay the
Accounts of Expence thence Arisen, before the President General and
Grand Council, who may allow and order payment of the same As far as
they Judge such Accounts Just and reasonable.
July 10, 1754
_Reasons and Motives for the Albany Plan of Union_
I. _Reasons and Motives on which the Plan of Union was formed._
The Commissioners from a number of the northern colonies being
met at _Albany_, and considering the difficulties that have always
attended the most necessary general measures for the common defence,
or for the annoyance of the enemy, when they were to be carried
through the several particular assemblies of all the colonies; some
assemblies being before at variance with their governors or councils,
and the several branches of the government not on terms of doing
business with each other; others taking the opportunity, when their
concurrence is wanted, to push for favourite laws, powers, or points
that they think could not at other times be obtained, and so
_creating_ disputes and quarrels; one assembly waiting to see what
another will do, being afraid of doing more than its share, or
desirous of doing less; or refusing to do any thing, because its
country is not at present so much exposed as others, or because
another will reap more immediate advantage; from one or other of
which causes, the assemblies of six (out of seven) colonies applied
to, had granted no assistance to _Virginia_, when lately invaded by
the _French_, though purposely convened, and the importance of the
occasion earnestly urged upon them: Considering moreover, that one
principal encouragement to the French, in invading and insulting the
British American dominions, was their knowledge of our disunited
state, and of our weakness arising from such want of union; and that
from hence different colonies were, at different times, extremely
harassed, and put to great expence both of blood and treasure, who
would have remained in peace, if the enemy had had cause to fear the
drawing on themselves the resentment and power of the whole; the said
Commissioners, considering also the present incroachments of the
French, and the mischievous consequences that may be expected from
them, if not opposed with our force, came to an unanimous resolution,
-- _That an union of the colonies is absolutely necessary for their
preservation._
The _manner_ of forming and establishing this union was the
next point. When it was considered that the colonies were seldom all
in equal danger at the same time, or equally near the danger, or
equally sensible of it; that some of them had particular interests to
manage, with which an union might interfere; and that they were
extremely jealous of each other; -- it was thought impracticable to
obtain a joint agreement of all the colonies to an union, in which
the expence and burthen of defending any of them should be divided
among them all; and if ever acts of assembly in all the colonies
could be obtained for that purpose, yet as any colony, on the least
dissatisfaction, might repeal its own act and thereby withdraw itself
from the union, it would not be a stable one, or such as could be
depended on: for if only one colony should, on any disgust withdraw
itself, others might think it unjust and unequal that they, by
continuing in the union, should be at the expence of defending a
colony which refused to bear its proportionable part, and would
therefore one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled into
its original parts. -- Therefore the commissioners came to another
previous resolution, viz. _That it was necessary the union should be
established by act of parliament._
They then proceeded to sketch out a _plan of union_, which they
did in a plain and concise manner, just sufficient to shew their
sentiments of the kind of union that would best suit the
circumstances of the colonies, be most agreeable to the people, and
most effectually promote his Majesty's service and the general
interest of the British empire. -- This was respectfully sent to the
assemblies of the several colonies for their consideration, and to
receive such alterations and improvements as they should think fit
and necessary; after which it was proposed to be transmitted to
_England_ to be perfected, and the establishment of it there humbly
solicited.
This was as much as the commissioners could do. [ ]
II. _Reasons against partial Unions_.
It was proposed by some of the Commissioners to form the
colonies into two or three distinct unions; but for these reasons
that proposal was dropped even by those that made it; _viz_.
1. In all cases where the strength of the whole was necessary
to be used against the enemy, there would be the same difficulty in
degree, to bring the several unions to unite together, as now the
several colonies; and consequently the same delays on our part and
advantage to the enemy.
2. Each union would separately be weaker than when joined by
the whole, obliged to exert more force, be more oppressed by the
expence, and the enemy less deterred from attacking it.
3. Where particular colonies have _selfish views_, as New York
with regard to Indian trade and lands; or are _less exposed_, being
covered by others, as New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
Maryland; or have _particular whims and prejudices_ against warlike
measures in general, as Pensylvania, where the Quakers predominate;
such colonies would have more weight in a partial union, and be
better able to oppose and obstruct the measures necessary for the
general good, than where they are swallowed up in the general union.
4. The _Indian_ trade would be better regulated by the union of
the whole than by partial unions. And as _Canada_ is chiefly
supported by that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands of the
_English_, (as it might be if the Indians were supplied on moderate
terms, and by honest traders appointed by and acting for the public)
that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies.
5. The establishing of new colonies westward on the _Ohio_ and
the lakes, (a matter of considerable importance to the increase of
_British_ trade and power, to the breaking that of the _French_, and
to the protection and security of our present colonies,) would best
be carried on by a joint union.
6. It was also thought, that by the frequent meetings-together
of commissioners or representatives from all the colonies, the
circumstances of the whole would be better known, and the good of the
whole better provided for; and that the colonies would by this
connection learn to consider themselves, not as so many independent
states, but as members of the same body; and thence be more ready to
afford assistance and support to each other, and to make diversions
in favour even of the most distant, and to join cordially in any
expedition for the benefit of all against the common enemy.
These were the principal reasons and motives for forming the
plan of union as it stands. To which may be added this, that as the
union of the [ ]
III. _Plan of a proposed Union of the several Colonies of_
Massachusett's Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New
York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
_and_ South Carolina _for their mutual Defence and Security, and for
extending the_ British _Settlements in_ North America, _with the
Reasons and Motives for each Article of the Plan as far as could be
remembered.
It is proposed. -- That humble application be made for an act
of parliament of _Great Britain_, by virtue of which one general
government may be formed in _America_ including all the said
colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain
its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change
may be directed by the said act as hereafter follows.
_President General, and Grand Council._
That the said general government be administered by a President
General to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand
Council to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the
several colonies met in their respective assemblies.
It was thought that it would be best the President General
should be supported as well as appointed by the crown; that so all
disputes between him and the Grand Council concerning his salary
might be prevented; as such disputes have been frequently of
mischievous consequence in particular colonies, especially in time of
public danger. The quit-rents of crown-lands in America, might in a
short time be sufficient for this purpose. -- The choice of members
for the grand council is placed in the house of representatives of
each government, in order to give the people a share in this new
general government, as the crown has its share by the appointment of
the President General.
But it being proposed by the gentlemen of the council of _New
York_, and some other counsellors among the commissioners, to alter
the plan in this particular, and to give the governors and council of
the several provinces a share in the choice of the grand council, or
at least a power of approving and confirming or of disallowing the
choice made by the house of representatives, it was said:
"That the government or constitution proposed to be formed by
the plan, consists of two branches; a President General appointed by
the crown, and a council chosen by the people, or by the people's
representatives, which is the same thing.
"That by a subsequent article, the council chosen by the people
can effect nothing without the consent of the President General
appointed by the crown; the crown possesses therefore full one half
of the power of this constitution.
"That in the British constitution, the crown is supposed to
possess but one third, the Lords having their share.
"That this constitution seemed rather more favourable for the
crown.
"That it is essential to English liberty, that the subject
should not be taxed but by his own consent or the consent of his
elected representatives.
"That taxes to be laid and levied by this proposed constitution
will be proposed and agreed to by the representatives of the people,
if the plan in this particular be preserved:
"But if the proposed alteration should take place, it seemed as
if matters may be so managed as that the crown shall finally have the
appointment not only of the President General, but of a majority of
the grand council; for, seven out of eleven governors and councils
are appointed by the crown:
"And so the people in all the colonies would in effect be taxed
by their governors.
"It was therefore apprehended that such alterations of the plan
would give great dissatisfaction, and that the colonies could not be
easy under such a power in governors, and such an infringement of
what they take to be _English_ liberty.
"Besides, the giving a share in the choice of the grand council
would not be equal with respect to all the colonies, as their
constitutions differ. In some, both governor and council are
appointed by the crown. In others, they are both appointed by the
proprietors. In some, the people have a share in the choice of the
council; in others, both government and council are wholly chosen by
the people. But the house of representatives is every where chosen
by the people; and therefore placing the right of choosing the grand
council in the representatives, is equal with respect to all.
"That the grand council is intended to represent all the
several houses of representatives of the colonies, as a house of
representatives doth the several towns or counties of a colony.
Could all the people of a colony be consulted and unite in public
measures, a house of representatives would be needless: and could all
the assemblies conveniently consult and unite in general measures,
the grand council would be unnecessary.
"That a house of commons or the house of representatives, and
the grand council, are thus alike in their nature and intention. And
as it would seem improper that the King or house of Lords should have
a power of disallowing or appointing members of the house of commons;
-- so likewise that a governor and council appointed by the crown
should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the grand
council, (who, in this constitution, are to be the representatives of
the people.)
"If the governors and councils therefore were to have a share
in the choice of any that are to conduct this general government, it
should seem more proper that they chose the President General. But
this being an office of great trust and importance to the nation, it
was thought better to be filled by the immediate appointment of the
crown.
"The power proposed to be given by the plan to the grand
council is only a concentration of the powers of the several
assemblies in certain points for the general welfare; as the power of
the President General is of the powers of the several governors in
the same points.
"And as the choice therefore of the grand council by the
representatives of the people, neither gives the people any new
powers, nor diminishes the power of the crown, it was thought and
hoped the crown would not disapprove of it."
Upon the whole, the commissioners were of opinion, that the
choice was most properly placed in the representatives of the people.
_Election of Members._
That within months after the passing such act, the house of
representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that
shall be especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose
members for the grand council, in the following proportion, that is
to say,
It was thought that if the least colony was allowed two, and
the others in proportion, the number would be very great and the
expence heavy; and that less than two would not be convenient, as a
single person, being by any accident prevented appearing at the
meeting, the colony he ought to appear for would not be represented.
That as the choice was not immediately popular, they would be
generally men of good abilities for business, and men of reputation
for integrity; and that forty-eight such men might be a number
sufficient. But, though it was thought reasonable that each colony
should have a share in the representative body in some degree,
according to the proportion it contributed to the general treasury;
yet the proportion of wealth or power of the colonies is not to be
judged by the proportion here fixed; because it was at first agreed
that the greatest colony should not have more than seven members, nor
the least less than two: and the settling these proportions between
these two extremes was not nicely attended to, as it would find
itself, after the first election from the sums brought into the
treasury, as by a subsequent article.
_Place of first Meeting._
-- who shall meet for the first time at the city of
_Philadelphia_ in Pensylvania, being called by the President General
as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment.
_Philadelphia_ was named as being near the center of the
colonies and where the Commissioners would be well and cheaply
accommodated. The high-roads through the whole extent, are for the
most part very good, in which forty or fifty miles a day may very
well be and frequently are travelled. Great part of the way may
likewise be gone by water. -- In summer-time the passages are
frequently performed in a week from _Charles Town_ to Philadelphia
and New York; and from _Rhode Island_ to New York through the Sound
in two or three days; and from _New York_ to Philadelphia by water
and land in two days, by stage-boats and wheel-carriages that set out
every other day. The journey from _Charles Town_ to Philadelphia may
likewise be facilitated by boats running up Chesapeak Bay three
hundred miles. -- But if the whole journey be performed on horseback,
the most distant members, (_viz_. the two from _New Hampshire_ and
from _South Carolina_) may probably render themselves at Philadelphia
in fifteen or twenty-days; -- the majority may be there in much less
time.
_New Election._
That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand
Council every three years; and on the death or resignation of any
member, his place shall be supplied by a new choice at the next
sitting of the assembly of the colony he represented.
Some colonies have annual assemblies, some continue during a
governor's pleasure; three years was thought a reasonable medium, as
affording a new member time to improve himself in the business, and
to act after such improvement; and yet giving opportunities, frequent
enough, to change him if he has misbehaved.
_Proportion of Members after the first three Years._
That after the first three years, when the proportion of money
arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known, the
number of members to be chosen for each colony shall from time to
time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion (yet
so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more
than seven, nor less than two).
By a subsequent article it is proposed, that the general
council shall lay and levy such general duties as to them may appear
most equal and least burthensome, &c. Suppose, for instance, they
lay a small duty or excise on some commodity imported into or made in
the colonies, and pretty generally and equally used in all of them;
as rum perhaps, or wine: the yearly produce of this duty or excise,
if fairly collected, would be in some colonies greater, in others
less, as the colonies are greater or smaller. When the collectors
accounts are brought in, the proportions will appear; and from them
it is proposed to regulate the proportion of representatives to be
chosen at the next general election, within the limits however of
seven and two. These numbers may therefore vary in course of years,
as the colonies may in the growth and increase of people. And thus
the quota of tax from each colony would naturally vary with its
circumstances; thereby preventing all disputes and dissatisfactions
about the just proportions due from each; which might otherwise
produce pernicious consequences, and destroy the harmony and good
agreement that ought to subsist between the several parts of the
union.
_Meetings of the Grand Council, and Call._
That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year and
oftener if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall
adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called
to meet at by the President General on any emergency; he having first
obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call,
and sent due and timely notice to the whole.
It was thought, in establishing and governing new colonies or
settlements, regulating _Indian_ trade, _Indian_ treaties, &c. there
would be every year sufficient business arise to require at least one
meeting, and at such meeting many things might be suggested for the
benefit of all the colonies. This annual meeting may either be at a
time or place certain, to be fixed by the President General and grand
council at their first meeting; or left at liberty, to be at such
time and place as they shall adjourn to, or be called to meet at by
the President General.
In _time of war_ it seems convenient, that the meeting should
be in that colony, which is nearest the seat of action.
The power of calling them on any emergency seemed necessary to
be vested in the President General; but that such power might not be
wantonly used to harass the members, and oblige them to make frequent
long journies to little purpose, the consent of seven at least to
such call was supposed a convenient guard.
_Continuance._
That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and
shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer
than six weeks at one time; without their own consent or the special
command of the crown.
The speaker should be presented for approbation; it being
convenient, to prevent misunderstandings and disgusts, that the mouth
of the council should be a person agreeable, if possible, both to the
council and the President General.
Governors have sometimes wantonly exercised the power of
proroguing or continuing the sessions of assemblies, merely to harass
the members and compel a compliance; and sometimes dissolve them on
slight disgusts. This it was feared might be done by the President
General, if not provided against: and the inconvenience and hardship
would be greater in the general government than in particular
colonies, in proportion to the distance the members must be from
home, during sittings, and the long journies some of them must
necessarily take.
_Members' Allowance._
That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for
their service ten shillings sterling _per diem_, during their session
and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be
reckoned a day's journey.
It was thought proper to allow _some_ wages, lest the expence
might deter some suitable persons from the service; -- and not to
allow _too great_ wages, lest unsuitable persons should be tempted to
cabal for the employment for the sake of gain. -- Twenty miles was
set down as a day's journey to allow for accidental hinderances on
the road, and the greater expences of travelling than residing at the
place of meeting.
_Assent of President General and his Duty._
That the assent of the President General be requisite to all
acts of the Grand Council; and that it be his office and duty to
cause them to be carried into execution.
The assent of the President General to all acts of the grand
council was made necessary, in order to give the crown its due share
of influence in this government, and connect it with that of _Great
Britain_. The President General, besides one half of the legislative
power, hath in his hands the whole executive power.
_Power of President General and Grand Council.
Treaties of Peace and War._
That the President General, with the advice of the Grand
Council, hold or direct all _Indian_ treaties in which the general
interest of the colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare
war with Indian nations.
The power of making peace or war with _Indian_ nations is at
present supposed to be in every colony, and is expressly granted to
some by charter, so that no new power is hereby intended to be
granted to the colonies. -- But as, in consequence of this power, one
colony might make peace with a nation that another was justly engaged
in war with; or make war on slight occasions without the concurrence
or approbation of neighbouring colonies, greatly endangered by it; or
make particular treaties of neutrality in case of a general war, to
their own private advantage in trade, by supplying the common enemy;
of all which there have been instances -- it was thought better to
have all treaties of a general nature under a general direction; that
so the good of the whole may be consulted and provided for.
_Indian Trade._
That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating
all Indian trade.
Many quarrels and wars have arisen between the colonies and
Indian nations, through the bad conduct of traders; who cheat the
Indians after making them drunk, &c. to the great expence of the
colonies both in blood and treasure. Particular colonies are so
interested in the trade as not to be willing to admit such a
regulation as might be best for the whole; and therefore it was
thought best under a general direction.
_Indian Purchases._
That they make all purchases from Indians for the crown, of
lands not now within the bounds of particular colonies or that shall
not be within their bounds when some of them are reduced to more
convenient dimensions.
Purchases from the Indians made by private persons, have been
attended with many inconveniences. They have frequently interfered,
and occasioned uncertainty of titles, many disputes and expensive
law-suits, and hindered the settlement of the land so disputed. Then
the Indians have been cheated by such private purchases, and
discontent and wars have been the consequence. These would be
prevented by public fair purchases.
Several of the colony charters in America extend their bounds
to the _South Sea_, which may be perhaps three or four thousand miles
in length to one or two hundred miles in breadth. It is supposed
they must in time be reduced to dimensions more convenient for the
common purposes of government.
Very little of the land in those grants is yet purchased of the
Indians.
It is much cheaper to purchase of them, than to take and
maintain the possession by force: for they are generally very
reasonable in their demands for land; and the expence of guarding a
large frontier against their incursions is vastly great; because all
must be guarded and always guarded, as we know not where or when _to
expect them_.
_New Settlements._
That they make new settlements on such purchases by granting
lands in the King's name, reserving a quit-rent to the crown for the
use of the general treasury.
It is supposed better that there should be one purchaser than
many; and that the crown should be that purchaser, or the union in
the name of the crown. By this means the bargains may be more easily
made, the price not inhanced by numerous bidders, future disputes
about private Indian purchases, and monopolies of vast tracts to
particular persons (which are prejudicial to the settlement and
peopling of a country) prevented; and the land being again granted in
small tracts to the settlers, the quit-rents reserved may in time
become a fund for support of government, for defence of the country,
ease of taxes, &c.
Strong forts on the lakes, the Ohio, &c. may at the same time
they secure our present frontiers, serve to defend new colonies
settled under their protection; and such colonies would also mutually
defend and support such forts, and better secure the friendship of
the far Indians.
A particular colony has scarce strength enough to extend itself
by new settlements, at so great a distance from the old: but the
joint force of the union might suddenly establish a new colony or two
in those parts, or extend an old colony to particular passes, greatly
to the security of our present frontiers, increase of trade and
people, breaking off the French communication between _Canada_ and
_Louisiana_, and speedy settlement of the intermediate lands.
The power of settling new colonies is therefore thought a
valuable part of the plan; and what cannot so well be executed by two
unions as by one.
_Laws to govern them._
That they make laws for regulating and governing such new
settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into
particular governments.
The making of laws suitable for the new colonies, it was
thought would be properly vested in the President General and grand
council; under whose protection they will at first necessarily be,
and who would be well acquainted with their circumstances, as having
settled them. When they are become sufficiently populous, they may
by the crown, be formed into compleat and distinct governments.
The appointment of a Sub-president by the crown, to take place
in case of the death or absence of the President General, would
perhaps be an improvement of the plan; and if all the governors of
particular provinces were to be formed into a standing council of
state, for the advice and assistance of the President General, it
might be another considerable improvement.
_Raise Soldiers and equip Vessels,_ &c.
That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the
defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard
the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great
rivers; but they shall not impress men in any colony without the
consent of the legislature.
It was thought, that quotas of men to be raised and paid by the
several colonies, and joined for any public service, could not always
be got together with the necessary expedition. For instance, suppose
one thousand men should be wanted in _New Hampshire_ on any
emergency; to fetch them by fifties and hundreds out of every colony
as far as _South Carolina_, would be inconvenient, the transportation
chargeable, and the occasion perhaps passed before they could be
assembled; and therefore that it would be best to raise them (by
offering bounty-money and pay) near the place where they would be
wanted, to be discharged again when the service should be over.
Particular colonies are at present backward to build forts at
their own expence, which they say will be equally useful to their
neighbouring colonies; who refuse to join, on a presumption that such
forts _will_ be built and kept up, though they contribute nothing.
This unjust conduct weakens the whole; but the forts being for the
good of the whole, it was thought best they should be built and
maintained by the whole, out of the common treasury.
In the time of war, small vessels of force are sometimes
necessary in the colonies to scour the coast of small privateers.
These being provided by the Union, will be an advantage in turn to
the colonies which are situated on the sea, and whose frontiers on
the land-side, being covered by other colonies, reap but little
immediate benefit from the advanced forts.
_Power to make Laws, lay Duties,_ &c.
That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay
and levy such general duties, imports, or taxes, as to them shall
appear most equal and just, (considering the ability and other
circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies,) and such
as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people;
rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary
burthens.
The laws which the President General and grand council are
impowered to make, _are such only_ as shall be necessary for the
government of the settlements; the raising, regulating and paying
soldiers for the general service; the regulating of Indian trade; and
laying and collecting the general duties and taxes. (They should
also have a power to restrain the exportation of provisions to the
enemy from any of the colonies, on particular occasions, in time of
war.) But it is not intended that they may interfere with the
constitution and government of the particular colonies; who are to be
left to their own laws, and to lay, levy, and apply their own taxes
as before.
_General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer._
That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular
Treasurer in each government when necessary; and from time to time
may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the
general treasury; or draw on them for special payments, as they find
most convenient.
The treasurers here meant are only for the general funds; and
not for the particular funds of each colony, which remain in the
hands of their own treasurers at their own disposal.
_Money how to issue._
Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President
General and Grand Council; except where sums have been appropriated
to particular purposes, and the President General is previously
impowered by an act to draw for such sums.
To prevent misapplication of the money, or even application
that might be dissatisfactory to the crown or the people, it was
thought necessary to join the President General and grand council in
all issues of money.
_Accounts._
That the general Accounts shall be yearly settled and reported
to the several assemblies.
By communicating the accounts yearly to each assembly, they
will be satisfied of the prudent and honest conduct of their
representatives in the grand council.
_Quorum._
That a quorum of the Grand Council impowered to act with the
President General, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom
there shall be one or more from a majority of the colonies.
The quorum seems large, but it was thought it would not be
satisfactory to the colonies in general, to have matters of
importance to the whole transacted by a smaller number, or even by
this number of twenty-five, unless there were among them one at least
from a majority of the colonies; because otherwise the whole quorum
being made up of members from three or four colonies at one end of
the union, something might be done that would not be equal with
respect to the rest, and thence dissatisfactions and discords might
rise to the prejudice of the whole.
_Laws to be transmitted._
That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not
be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of
_England_, and shall be transmitted to the King in council for
approbation as soon as may be after their passing; and if not
disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in
force.
This was thought necessary for the satisfaction of the crown,
to preserve the connection of the parts of the _British_ empire with
the whole, of the members with the head, and to induce greater care
and circumspection in making of the laws, that they be good in
themselves and for the general benefit.
_Death of the President General._
That in case of the death of the President General, the speaker
of the Grand Council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested
with the same powers and authorities, to continue till the King's
pleasure be known.
It might be better, perhaps, as was said before, if the crown
appointed a Vice President, to take place on the death or absence of
the President General; for so we should be more sure of a suitable
person at the head of the colonies. On the death or absence of both,
the speaker to take place (or rather the eldest King's-governor) till
his Majesty's pleasure be known.
_Officers how appointed._
That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea
service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated
by the President General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is
to be obtained, before they receive their commissions. And all civil
officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive the
President General's approbation before they officiate.
It was thought it might be very prejudicial to the service, to
have officers appointed unknown to the people, or unacceptable; the
generality of Americans serving willingly under officers they know;
and not caring to engage in the service under strangers, or such as
are often appointed by governors through favour or interest. The
service here meant, is not the stated settled service in standing
troops; but any sudden and short service, either for defence of our
own colonies, or invading the enemies country; (such as, the
expedition to _Cape Breton_ in the last war; in which many
substantial farmers and tradesmen engaged as common soldiers under
officers of their own country, for whom they had an esteem and
affection; who would not have engaged in a standing army, or under
officers from England.) -- It was therefore thought best to give the
council the power of approving the officers, which the people will
look upon as a great security of their being good men. And without
some such provision as this, it was thought the expence of engaging
men in the service on any emergency would be much greater, and the
number who could be induced to engage much less; and that therefore
it would be most for the King's service and general benefit of the
nation, that the prerogative should relax a little in this particular
throughout all the colonies in America; as it had already done much
more in the charters of some particular colonies, viz. _Connecticut_
and _Rhode Island_.
The civil officers will be chiefly treasurers and collectors of
taxes; and the suitable persons are most likely to be known by the
council.
_Vacancies how supplied._
But in case of vacancy by death, or removal of any officer
civil or military under this constitution, the governor of the
province in which such vacancy happens, may appoint till the pleasure
of the President General and Grand Council can be known.
The vacancies were thought best supplied by the governors in
each province, till a new appointment can be regularly made;
otherwise the service might suffer before the meeting of the
President General and grand council.
_Each Colony may defend itself on Emergency,_ &c.
That the particular military as well as civil establishments in
each colony remain in their present state, the general constitution
notwithstanding; and that on sudden emergencies any colony may defend
itself and lay the accounts of expence thence arising before the
President General and general council, who may allow and order
payment of the same as far as they judge such accounts just and
reasonable.
Otherwise the Union of the whole would weaken the parts,
contrary to the design of the union. The accounts are to be judged
of by the President General and grand council, and allowed if found
reasonable: this was thought necessary to encourage colonies to
defend themselves, as the expence would be light when borne by the
whole; and also to check imprudent and lavish expence in such
defences.
Remark, Feb. 9. 1789.
On Reflection it now seems probable, that if the foregoing Plan
or some thing like it, had been adopted and carried into Execution,
the subsequent Separation of the Colonies from the Mother Country
might not so soon have happened, nor the Mischiefs suffered on both
sides have occurred, perhaps during another Century. For the
Colonies, if so united, would have really been, as they then thought
themselves, sufficient to their own Defence, and being trusted with
it, as by the Plan, an Army from Britain, for that purpose would have
been unnecessary: The Pretences for framing the Stamp-Act would then
not have existed, nor the other Projects for drawing a Revenue from
America to Britain by Acts of Parliament, which were the Cause of the
Breach, and attended with such terrible Expence of Blood and
Treasure: so that the different Parts of the Empire might still have
remained in Peace and Union. But the Fate of this Plan was singular.
For tho' after many Days thorough Discussion of all its Parts in
Congress it was unanimously agreed to, and Copies ordered to be sent
to the Assembly of each Province for Concurrence, and one to the
Ministry in England for the Approbation of the Crown. The Crown
disapprov'd it, as having plac'd too much Weight in the democratic
Part of the Constitution; and every Assembly as having allow'd too
much to Prerogative. So it was totally rejected.
July, 1754; February 9, 1789
_No Taxation Without Representation:
Three Letters of_ 1754 _to Governor William
Shirley, with a Preface of_ 1766
_To the_ PRINTER _of the_ LONDON CHRONICLE.
SIR,
In July 1754, when from the encroachments of the French in
America on the lands of the crown, and the interruption they gave to
the commerce of this country among the Indians, a war was
apprehended, commissioners from a number of the colonies met at
Albany, to form a PLAN OF UNION for their common defence. The plan
they agreed to was in short this; `That a grand council should be
formed, of members to be chosen by the assemblies and sent from all
the colonies; which council, together with a governor general to be
appointed by the crown, should be empowered to make general laws to
raise money in all the colonies for the defence of the whole.' This
plan was sent to the government here for approbation: had it been
approved and established by authority from hence, English America
thought itself sufficiently able to cope with the French, without
other assistance; several of the colonies having alone in former wars
withstood the whole power of the enemy, unassisted not only by the
mother country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. The plan
however was not approved here: but a new one was formed instead of
it, by which it was proposed, that `the Governors of all the
colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective
councils, should assemble, concert measures for the defence of the
whole, erect forts where they judged proper, and raise what troops
they thought necessary, with power to draw on the treasury here for
the sums that should be wanted; and the treasury to be reimbursed by
a tax laid on the colonies by act of parliament.' This new plan being
communicated by Governor _Shirley_ to a gentleman of Philadelphia,
then in Boston, (who hath very eminently distinguished himself,
before and since that time, in the literary world, and whose
judgment, penetration and candor, as well as his readiness and
ability to suggest, forward, or carry into execution every scheme of
publick utility, hath most deservedly endeared him not only to our
fellow subjects throughout the whole continent of North-America, but
to his numberless friends on this side the Atlantic) occasioned the
following remarks from him, which perhaps may contribute in some
degree to its being laid aside. As they very particularly show the
then sentiments of the Americans on the subject of a parliamentary
tax, _before_ the French power in that country was subdued, and
_before_ the late restraints on their commerce, they satisfy me, and
I hope they will convince your readers, contrary to what has been
advanced by some of your correspondents, that those particulars have
had no share in producing the present opposition to such a tax, nor
in the disturbances occasioned by it; which these papers indeed do
almost prophetically foretell. For this purpose, having accidentally
fallen into my hands, they are communicated to you by one who is, not
_partially_, but in the _most enlarged sense_,
A LOVER OF BRITAIN.
SIR, _Tuesday Morning_.
"I return the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your
Excellency for communicating them.
"I apprehend, that excluding the _People_ of the Colonies from
all share in the choice of the Grand Council, will give extreme
dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by Act of Parliament,
where they have no Representative. It is very possible, that this
general Government might be as well and faithfully administer'd
without the people, as with them; but where heavy burthens are to be
laid on them, it has been found useful to make it, as much as
possible, their own act; for they bear better when they have, or
think they have some share in the direction; and when any public
measures are generally grievous or even distasteful to the people,
the wheels of Government must move more heavily."
December 3, 1754
Sir, Boston. December 4. 1754
I mention'd it Yesterday to your Excellency as my Opinion, that
Excluding the People of the Colonies from all Share in the Choice of
the Grand Council would probably give extreme Dissatisfaction, as
well as the Taxing them by Act of Parliament where they have no
Representative. In Matters of General Concern to the People, and
especially where Burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of Use to
consider as well what they will _be apt_ to think and say, as what
they _ought_ to think: I shall, therefore, as your Excellency
requires it of me, briefly mention what of either Kind occurs at
present, on this Occasion.
First, they will say, and perhaps with Justice, that the Body
of the People in the Colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attach'd to
the present Constitution and reigning Family, as any Subjects in the
King's Dominions; that there is no Reason to doubt the Readiness and
Willingness of their Representatives to grant, from Time to Time,
such Supplies, for the Defence of the Country, as shall be judg'd
necessary, so far as their Abilities will allow: That the People in
the Colonies, who are to feel the immediate Mischiefs of Invasion and
Conquest by an Enemy, in the Loss of their Estates, Lives and
Liberties, are likely to be better Judges of the Quantity of Forces
necessary to be raised and maintain'd, Forts to be built and
supported, and of their own Abilities to bear the Expence, than the
Parliament of England at so great a Distance. That Governors often
come to the Colonies meerly to make Fortunes, with which they intend
to return to Britain, are not always Men of the best Abilities and
Integrity, have no Estates here, nor any natural Connections with us,
that should make them heartily concern'd for our Welfare; and might
possibly be sometimes fond of raising and keeping up more Forces than
necessary, from the Profits accruing to themselves, and to make
Provision for their Friends and Dependents. That the Councellors in
most of the Colonies, being appointed by the Crown, on the
Recommendation of Governors, are often of small Estates, frequently
dependant on the Governors for Offices, and therefore too much under
Influence. That there is therefore great Reason to be jealous of a
Power in such Governors and Councils, to raise such Sums as they
shall judge necessary, by Draft on the Lords of the Treasury, to be
afterwards laid on the Colonies by Act of Parliament, and paid by the
People here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless
Expeditions, harrassing the People, and taking them from their Labour
to execute such Projects, and meerly to create Offices and
Employments, gratify their Dependants and divide Profits. That the
Parliament of England is at a great Distance, subject to be
misinform'd by such Governors and Councils, whose united Interests
might probably secure them against the Effect of any Complaints from
hence. That it is suppos'd an undoubted Right of Englishmen not to
be taxed but by their own Consent given thro' their Representatives.
That the Colonies have no Representatives in Parliament. That to
propose taxing them by Parliament, and refusing them the Liberty of
chusing a Representative Council, to meet in the Colonies, and
consider and judge of the Necessity of any General Tax and the
Quantum, shews a Suspicion of their Loyalty to the Crown, or Regard
for their Country, or of their Common Sense and Understanding, which
they have not deserv'd. That compelling the Colonies to pay Money
without their Consent would be rather like raising Contributions in
an Enemy's Country, than taxing of Englishmen for their own publick
Benefit. That it would be treating them as a conquer'd People, and
not as true British Subjects. That a Tax laid by the Representatives
of the Colonies might easily be lessened as the Occasions should
lessen, but being once laid by Parliament, under the Influence of the
Representations made by Governors, would probably be kept up and
continued, for the Benefit of Governors, to the grievous Burthen and
Discouragement of the Colonies, and preventing their Growth and
Increase. That a Power in Governors to march the Inhabitants from
one End of the British and French Colonies to the other, being a
Country of at least 1500 Miles square, without the Approbation or
Consent of their Representatives first obtain'd to such Expeditions,
might be grievous and ruinous to the People, and would put them on a
Footing with the Subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under
such Oppression from their Governor, who for two Years past has
harrass'd them with long and destructive Marches to the Ohio. That
if the Colonies in a Body may be well governed by Governors and
Councils appointed by the Crown, without Representatives, particular
Colonies may as well or better be so governed; a Tax may be laid on
them all by Act of Parliament, for Support of Government, and their
Assemblies be dismiss'd as a useless Part of their Constitution.
That the Powers propos'd, by the Albany Plan of Union to be vested in
a Grand Council representative of the People, even with Regard to
Military Matters, are not so great as those the Colonies of
Rhode-Island and Connecticut are intrusted with, and have never
abused; for by this Plan the President-General is appointed by the
Crown, and controlls all by his Negative; but in those Governments
the People chuse the Governor, and yet allow him no Negative. That
the British Colonies, bordering on the French, are properly Frontiers
of the British Empire; and that the Frontiers of an Empire are
properly defended at the joint Expence of the Body of People in such
Empire. It would now be thought hard, by Act of Parliament, to
oblige the Cinque Ports or Sea Coasts of Britain to maintain the
whole Navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not
allowing them, at the same Time, a Vote in chusing Members of
Parliament: And if the Frontiers in America must bear the Expence of
their own Defence, it seems hard to allow them no Share in Voting the
Money, judging of the Necessity and Sum, or advising the Measures.
That besides the Taxes necessary for the Defence of the Frontiers,
the Colonies pay yearly great Sums to the Mother Country unnotic'd:
For Taxes, paid in Britain by the Land holder or Artificer, must
enter into and increase the Price of the Produce of Land, and of
Manufactures made of it; and great Part of this is paid by Consumers
in the Colonies, who thereby pay a considerable Part of the British
Taxes. We are restrain'd in our Trade with Foreign Nations, and
where we could be supplied with any Manufactures cheaper from them,
but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the Difference of Price is
a clear Tax to Britain. We are oblig'd to carry great Part of our
Produce directly to Britain, and where the Duties there laid upon it
lessens its Price to the Planter, or it sells for less than it would
in Foreign Markets, the Difference is a Tax paid to Britain. Some
Manufactures we could make, but are forbid, and must take them of
British Merchants; the whole Price of these is a Tax paid to Britain.
By our greatly increasing the _Consumption_ and _Demand_ of British
Manufactures, their Price is considerably rais'd of late Years; the
Advance is clear Profit to Britain, and enables its People better to
pay great Taxes; and much of it being paid by us is clear Tax to
Britain. In short, as we are not suffer'd to regulate our Trade, and
restrain the Importation and Consumption of British Superfluities,
(as Britain can the Consumption of Foreign Superfluities) our whole
Wealth centers finally among the Merchants and Inhabitants of
Britain, and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay
their Taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and
equally beneficial to the Crown. These Kind of Secondary Taxes,
however, we do not complain of, tho' we have no Share in the Laying
or Disposing of them; but to pay immediate heavy Taxes, in the Laying
Appropriation or Disposition of which, we have no Part, and which
perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard
Measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their
Lives and Fortunes in subduing and settling new Countries, extending
the Dominion and encreasing the Commerce of their Mother Nation, they
have forfeited the native Rights of Britons, which they think ought
rather to have been given them, as due to such Merit, if they had
been before in a State of Slavery.
These, and such Kind of Things as these, I apprehend will be
thought and said by the People, if the propos'd Alteration of the
Albany Plan should take Place. Then, the Administration of the Board
of Governors and Council so appointed, not having any Representative
Body of the People to approve and unite in its Measures, and
conciliate the Minds of the People to them, will probably become
suspected and odious. Animosities and dangerous Feuds will arise
between the Governors and Governed, and every Thing go into
confusion. Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this Matter, but having
freely given my Opinion and Reasons, your Excellency can better judge
whether there be any Weight in them. And the Shortness of the Time
allow'd me will I hope, in some Degree, excuse the Imperfections of
this Scrawl.
With the greatest Respect and Fidelity, I am, Your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble Servant.
SIR, _Boston, Dec_. 22, 1754.
"Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honour
me with, on the subject of uniting the Colonies more intimately with
Great Britain, by allowing them Representatives in Parliament, I have
something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that
such an Union would be very acceptable to the Colonies, provided they
had a reasonable number of Representatives allowed them; and that all
the old Acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the
manufactures of the Colonies, be at the same time repealed, and the
British Subjects on this side the water put, in those respects, on
the same footing with those in Great Britain, 'till the new
Parliament, representing the whole, shall think it for the interest
of the whole to reenact some or all of them: It is not that I imagine
so many Representatives will be allowed the Colonies, as to have any
great weight by their numbers; but I think there might be sufficient
to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered,
and perhaps to overcome the private interest of a petty corporation,
or of any particular set of artificers or traders in England, who
heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more regarded than
all the Colonies, or than was consistent with the general interest,
or best national good. I think too, that the government of the
Colonies by a Parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would
be vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately
attempted to be introduced by Royal Instructions, as well as more
agreeable to the nature of an English Constitution, and to English
Liberty; and that such laws as now seem to bear hard on the Colonies,
would (when judged by such a Parliament for the best interest of the
whole) be more chearfully submitted to, and more easily executed.
"I should hope too, that by such an union, the people of Great
Britain and the people of the Colonies would learn to consider
themselves, not as belonging to different Communities with different
Interests, but to one Community with one Interest, which I imagine
would contribute to strengthen the whole, and greatly lessen the
danger of future separations.
"It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any
state, that it's people be numerous and rich; men enow to fight in
its defence, and enow to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge;
for these circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its
protection from foreign power: But it seems not of so much importance
whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by
William or Charles: The iron manufacture employs and enriches British
Subjects, but is it of any importance to the state, whether the
manufacturers live at Birmingham or Sheffield, or both, since they
are still within its bounds, and their wealth and persons at its
command? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land
equal to a large country thereby gain'd to England, and presently
filled with English Inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such
Inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the
right of vending their produce in the same ports, or of making their
own shoes, because a merchant, or a shoemaker, living on the old
land, might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes
for them? Would this be right, even if the land were gained at the
expence of the state? And would it not seem less right, if the
charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had
been borne by the settlers themselves? And would not the hardship
appear yet greater, if the people of the new country should be
allowed no Representatives in the Parliament enacting such
impositions? Now I look on the Colonies as so many Counties gained
to Great Britain, and more advantageous to it than if they had been
gained out of the sea around its coasts, and joined to its land: For
being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce,
and materials for more manufactures; and being separated by the
ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since
they are all included in the British Empire, which has only extended
itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts is
the strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general
state, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in _Old_
or _New_ England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are
wanted for one employed before, why may not the _new_ smith be
allowed to live and thrive in the _new Country_, as well as the _old_
one in the _Old_? In fine, why should the countenance of a state be
_partially_ afforded to its people, unless it be most in favour of
those, who have most merit? and if there be any difference, those,
who have most contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce,
encrease her strength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at
the risque of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange
countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference.
"With the greatest respect and esteem I have the honour to be
Your Excellency's most obedient
and most humble servant."
_The London Chronicle_, February 8, 1766
_A Dialogue Between X, Y, and Z, Concerning the Present State
of Affairs in Pennsylvania_
_X_. Your Servant, Gentlemen; I am glad to see you at my House.
Is there any thing new To-day?
_Y_. We have been talking of the Militia Act; have you seen it?
_X_. Yes; I have read it in the Papers.
_Z_. And what do you think of it?
_X_. The more I consider it, the better I like it. It appears
to me a very good Act, and I am persuaded will be of good Use, if
heartily carried into Execution.
_Z_. Ay, that may be; but who is to carry it into Execution?
It says the People may form themselves into Companies, and chuse
their own Officers; but there is neither Time nor Place appointed for
this Transaction, nor any Person directed or impowered to call them
together.
_X_. 'Tis true; but methinks there are some Words that point
out the Method pretty plain to willing Minds. And it seems to me
that we who joined so sincerely in the Petitions for a Militia Law,
and really thought one so absolutely necessary for the Safety of our
Country, should, now we have obtained the Law, rather endeavour to
_explain_, than _invent_, Difficulties in the Construction of it.
_Y_. What are those Words you mention?
_X_. Here is the Act itself, I'll read that Part of it. ``From
and after the Publication of this Act, it shall and may be lawful for
the Freemen of this Province to form themselves into Companies, _as
heretofore they have used in time of War without Law_, and for each
Company, by Majority of Votes, in the Way of Ballot, to chuse its own
Officers, _&c_." The Words I meant are these, _as heretofore they
have used in Time of War_. Now I suppose we have none of us forgot
the Association in the Time of the last War; 'tis not so long since,
but that we may well enough remember the Method we took to form
ourselves into Companies, chuse our Officers, and present them to the
Governor for Approbation and Commissions; and the Act in question
says plainly, we may now _lawfully do_ in this Affair, what we then
did _without Law_.
_Y_. I did not before take so much Notice of those Words, but
to be sure the Thing is easy enough; for I remember very well how we
managed at that Time; and indeed 'tis easier to effect it now than it
was then: For the Companies and Regiments, and their Districts, _&c_.
were then all to form and settle; but now, why may not the Officers
of the old Companies call the old Associators together, with such
others in the District of each Company as incline to be concerned,
and proceed immediately to a new Choice by Virtue of the Act? Other
new Companies may in other Places be formed as the associated
Companies were.
_Z_. You say right. And if this were all the Objection to the
Act, no Doubt they would do so immediately. But 'tis said there are
other Faults in it.
_X_. What are they?
_Z_. The Act is so loose, that Persons who never intend to
engage in the Militia, even _Quakers_ may meet and vote in the Choice
of the Officers.
_X_. Possibly; -- but was any such thing observed in the
Association Elections?
_Z_. Not that I remember.
_X_. Why should it be more apprehended now, than it was at that
Time? Can they have any Motives to such a Conduct now, which they
had not then?
_Z_. I cannot say.
_X_. Nor can I. If a Militia be necessary for the Safety of
the Province, I hope we shall not boggle at this little Difficulty.
What else is objected?
_Z_. I have heard this objected, That it were better the
Governor should appoint the Officers; for the Choice being in the
People, a Man very unworthy to be an Officer, may happen to be
popular enough to get himself chosen by the undiscerning Mob.
_X_. 'Tis possible. And if all Officers appointed by Governors
were always Men of Merit, and fully qualified for their Posts, it
would be wrong ever to hazard a popular Election. It is reasonable,
I allow, that the Commander in Chief should not have Officers
absolutely forced upon him, in whom, from his Knowledge of their
Incapacity, he can place no Confidence. And, on the other Hand, it
seems likely that the People will engage more readily in the Service,
and face Danger with more Intrepidity, when they are commanded by a
Man they know and esteem, and on whose Prudence and Courage, as well
as Good-will and Integrity, they can have Reliance, than they would
under a Man they either did not know, or did not like. For supposing
Governors ever so judicious and upright in the Distribution of
Offices, they cannot know every Body, in every Part of the Province,
and are liable to be imposed on by partial Recommendations; but the
People generally know their Neighbours. And to me, the Act in
question seems to have hit a proper Medium, between the two Modes of
appointing: The People chuse, and if the Governor approves, he grants
the Commission; if not, they are to chuse a second, and even a third
Time. Out of three Choices, 'tis probable one may be right; and
where an Officer is approved both by Superiors and Inferiors, there
is the greater Prospect of those Advantages that attend a good
Agreement in the Service. This Mode of Choice is moreover agreeable
to the Liberty and Genius of our Constitution. 'Tis similar to the
Manner in which by our Laws Sheriffs and Coroners are chosen and
approved. And yet it has more Regard to the Prerogative than the
Mode of Choice in some Colonies, where the military Officers are
either chosen absolutely by the Companies themselves, or by the House
of Representatives, without any Negative on that Choice, or any
Approbation necessary from the Governor.
_Y_. But is that agreeable to the _English_ Constitution?
_X_. Considered in this Light, I think it is; _British_
Subjects, by removing into _America_, cultivating a Wilderness,
extending the Dominion, and increasing the Wealth, Commerce and Power
of their Mother Country, at the Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes,
ought not, and in Fact do not thereby lose their native Rights.
There is a Power in the Crown to grant a Continuance of those Rights
to such Subjects, in any Part of the World, and to their Posterity
born in such new Country; and for the farther Encouragement and
Reward of such Merit, to grant _additional_ Liberties and Privileges,
not used in _England_, but suited to the different Circumstances of
different Colonies. If then the Grants of those additional Liberties
and Privileges may be regularly made under an _English_ Constitution,
they may be enjoyed agreeable to that Constitution.
_Y_. But the Act is very short, there are numberless
Circumstances and Occasions pertaining to a Body of armed Men, which
are not as they ought to have been expressly provided for in the Act.
_X_. 'Tis true, there are not express Provisions in the Act for
all Circumstances; but there is a Power lodged by the Act in the
Governor and Field Officers of the Regiments, to make all such
Provisions, in the Articles of War, which they may form and
establish.
_Y_. But can it be right in the Legislature by any Act to
delegate their Power of making Laws to others?
_X_. I believe not, generally; but certainly in particular
Cases it may. Legislatures may, and frequently do give to
Corporations, Power to make By-Laws for their own Government. And in
this Case, the Act of Parliament gives the Power of making Articles
of War for the Government of the Army to the King alone, and there is
no Doubt but the Parliament understand the Rights of Government.
_Y_. Are you sure the Act of Parliament gives such Power?
_X_. This is the Act. The Power I mention is here in Section
LV. "Provided always, That it shall and may be lawful to and for his
Majesty, to form, make and establish Articles of War for the better
Government of his Majesty's Forces, and for bringing Offenders
against the same to Justice; and to erect and constitute Courts
Martial, with Power to try, hear, and determine any Crimes or
Offences by such Articles of War, and inflict Penalties by Sentence
or Judgment of the same." And here you see bound up with the Act, the
Articles of War, made by his Majesty in Pursuance of the Act, and
providing for every Circumstance.
_Z_. It is so, sure enough. I had been told that our Act of
Assembly was impertinently singular in this Particular.
_X_. The G ------ r himself, in a Message to the House,
expresly recommended this Act of Parliament for their Imitation, in
forming the Militia Bill.
_Z_. I never heard that before.
_X_. But it is true. -- The Assembly, however (considering that
this Militia would consist chiefly of Freeholders) have varied a
little from that Part of the Act of Parliament, in Favour of Liberty;
they have not given the sole Power of making those Articles of War
_to the Governor_, as that Act does _to the King_; but have joined
with the Governor, for that Purpose, a Number of Officers to be
chosen by the People. The Articles moreover are not to be general
Laws, binding on all the Province, nor on any Man who has not first
approved of them, and voluntarily engaged to observe them.
_Z_. Is there no Danger that the Governor and Officers may make
those Articles too severe?
_X_. Not without you can suppose them Enemies to the Service,
and to their Country: For if they should make such as are unfit for
Freemen and _Englishmen_ to be subjected to, they will get no
Soldiers; no body will engage. In some Cases, however, if you and I
were in actual Service, I believe we should both think it necessary
for our own Safety that the Articles should be pretty severe.
_Z_. What Cases are they?
_X_. Suppose a Centinel should betray his Trust, give
Intelligence to the Enemy, or conduct them into our Quarters.
_Z_. To be sure there should be severe Punishments for such
Crimes, or we might all be ruined.
_X_. Chuse reasonable Men for your Officers, and you need not
fear their making reasonable Laws; and if they make such, I hope
reasonable Men will not refuse to engage under them.
_Y_. But here is a Thing I don't like. By this Act of
Assembly, the _Quakers_ are neither compelled to muster, nor to pay a
Fine if they don't.
_X_. It is true; nor could they be compelled either to muster
or pay a Fine of that Kind by any Militia Law made here. They are
exempted by the Charter and fundamental Laws of the Province.
_Y_. How so?
_X_. See here; it is the first Clause in the Charter. I'll
read it. "Because no People can be truly happy, though under the
greatest Enjoyment of civil Liberties, if abridged of the Freedom of
their Consciences, as to their _Religous Profession_ and Worship: And
Almighty God being the only Lord of Conscience, Father of Lights and
Spirits, and the Author as well as Object of all divine Knowledge,
Faith and Worship, who only doth enlighten the Minds, and persuade
and convince the Understandings of People, I do hereby grant and
declare, That no Person or Persons inhabiting in this Province or
Territories, who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God, the
Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the World; and profess him or
themselves obliged to live quietly under the civil Government, shall
be, IN ANY CASE, MOLESTED or PREJUDICED in his or their PERSON or
ESTATE, because of his or their _conscientious Persuasion_ or
Practice, nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious
Worship, Place or Ministry, contrary to his or their Mind, or to DO
or SUFFER any OTHER ACT or THING, contrary to their religious
Persuasion." And in the eighth Section of the same Charter, you see a
Declaration, that "neither the Proprietor, nor his Heirs or Assigns,
shall procure or do any Thing or Things, whereby the Liberties in
this Charter contained or expressed, nor any Part thereof, shall be
infringed or broken; and if any Thing shall be procured or done by
_any Person or Persons_, contrary to these Presents, it shall be held
of NO FORCE OR EFFECT." This Liberty of Conscience granted by
Charter, is also established by the first Law in our Book, and
confirmed by the Crown. -- And moreover, the Governor has an express
Instruction from the Proprietaries, that in case of making any
Militia Law, he shall take especial Care that the Charter be not
infringed in this Respect. Besides, most of our Petitions for a
Militia from the moderate Part of the People, requested particularly
that due Regard might be had to scrupulous and tender Consciences.
When Taxes are raised however, for the King's Service, the _Quakers_
and _Menonists_ pay their Part of them, and a great Part; for as
their Frugality and Industry makes them generally wealthy, their
Proportion is the greater compared with their Numbers. And out of
these Taxes those Men are paid who go into actual Service. As for
Mustering and Training, no Militia are any where paid for that. It
is by many justly delighted in as a manly Exercise. But those who
are engaged in actual Service for any Time, ought undoubtedly to have
Pay.
_Y_. There is no Provision in this Militia Act to pay them.
_X_. There is a Provision that no Regiment, Company, or Party,
though engaged in the Militia, shall be obliged "to more than three
Days March, _&c_. without an Express Engagement for that Purpose
first voluntarily entred into and subscribed by every Man so to march
or remain in Garrison." And 'tis to be supposed that no Man will
subscribe such particular Engagement without reasonable Pay, or other
Encouragement.
_Y_. But where is that Pay to come from?
_X_. From the Government to be sure; and out of the Money
struck by the Act for granting pounds 60,000.
_Z_. Yes; but those who serve must pay their Share of the Tax,
as well as those who don't.
_X_. Perhaps not. 'Tis to be supposed that those who engage in
the Service for any Time, upon Pay, will be chiefly single Men, and
they are expresly exempted from the Tax by the 60,000 pounds Act.
Consequently those who do not serve, must pay the more; for the Sum
granted must be made up.
_Z_. I never heard before that they were exempted by that Act.
_X_. It is so, I assure you.
_Y_. But there is no Provision in the Militia Act for the
Maimed.
_X_. If they are poor, they are provided for by the Laws of
their Country. There is no other Provision by any Militia Law that I
know of. If they have behaved well, and suffered in their Country's
Cause, they deserve moreover some grateful Notice of their Service,
and some Assistance from the common Treasury; and if any particular
Township should happen to be overburthened, they may, on Application
to the Government, reasonably expect Relief.
_Z_. Though the _Quakers_ and others conscientiously scrupulous
of bearing Arms, are exempted, as you say, by Charter; they might,
being a Majority in the Assembly, have made the Law compulsory on
others. At present, 'tis so loose, that no body is obliged by it,
who does not voluntarily engage.
_X_. They might indeed have made the Law compulsory on all
others. But it seems they thought it more equitable and generous to
leave to all as much Liberty as they enjoy themselves, and not lay
even a seeming Hardship on others, which they themselves declined to
bear. They have however granted all we asked of them. Our Petitions
set forth, that "we were freely willing and ready to defend ourselves
and Country, and all we wanted was legal Authority, Order and
Discipline." These are now afforded by the Law, if we think fit to
make use of them. And indeed I do not see the Advantage of
compelling People of any Sect into martial Service merely for the
Sake of raising Numbers. I have been myself in some Service of
Danger, and I always thought Cowards rather _weakened_, than
_strengthened_, the Party. Fear is contagious, and a Pannick once
begun spreads like Wildfire, and infects the stoutest Heart. All Men
are not by Nature brave: And a few who are so, will do more effectual
Service by themselves, than when accompanied by, and mixed with, a
Multitude of Poltroons, who only create Confusion, and give Advantage
to the Enemy.
_Z_. What signifies what _you thought_ or think? Others think
differently. And all the wise Legislatures in the other Colonies
have thought fit to compel all Sorts of Persons to bear Arms, or
suffer heavy Penalties.
_X_. As you say, what I _thought_ or _think_ is not of much
Consequence. But a wiser Legislator than all those you mention put
together, and who better knew the Nature of Mankind, made his
military Law very different from theirs in that Respect.
_Z_. What Legislator do you mean?
_X_. I mean God himself, who would have no Man led to Battle
that might rather wish to be at home, either from Fear or other
Causes.
_Z_. Where do you find that Law?
_X_. 'Tis in the 20th Chapter of _Deuteronomy_, where are these
Words, _When thou goest out to Battle against thine Enemies,_ -- _the
Officers shall speak unto the People, saying, What Man is there that
hath built a new House, and hath not dedicated it? let him go and
return to his House, lest he die in the Battle, and another Man
dedicate it. And what Man is he that hath planted a Vineyard, and
hath not yet eaten of it? let him also go, and return unto his House,
lest he die in the Battle, and another Man eat of it. And what Man
is there that hath betrothed a Wife, and hath not taken her? let him
go and return unto his House, lest he die in Battle, and another Man
take her_. -- _And_ --
_Z_. These all together could not be many; and this has no
Relation to Cowardice.
_X_. If you had not interrupted me, I was coming to that Part,
Verse 8. _And the Officers shall speak farther unto the People, and
they shall say, What Man is there that is_ FEARFUL _and_
FAINTHEARTED? let him go and return unto his House; lest his
Brethrens Heart faint as well as his Heart;_ that is, lest he
communicate his Fears, and his brave Brethren catch the Contagion, to
the Ruin of the whole Army. Accordingly we find, that under this
military Law, no People in the World fought more gallantly, or
performed greater Actions than the _Hebrew_ Soldiery. -- And if you
would be informed what Proportion of the People would be discharged
by such a Proclamation, you will find that Matter determined by an
actual Experiment made by General _Gideon_, as related in the seventh
Chapter of _Judges_: For he having assembled 32,000 Men against the
_Midianites_, proclaimed, according to Law (Verse the third)
_Whosoever is_ FEARFUL _and_ AFRAID, _let him return and depart early
from_ Mount Gilead.
_Z_. And pray how many departed?
_X_. The Text says, there departed 22,000, and there remained
but 10,000. A very great Sifting! and yet on that particular
Occasion a farther Sifting was required. Now it seems to me, that
this Militia Law of ours, which gives the Brave all the Advantages
they can desire, of Order, Authority, Discipline, and the like, and
compels no Cowards into their Company, is such a Kind of Sieve, as
the _Mosaic_ Proclamation. For with us, not only every Man who has
built a House, or planted a Vineyard, or betrothed a Wife, or is
afraid of his Flesh; but the narrow Bigot, filled with _Sectarian_
Malice (if such there be) who hates _Quakers_ more than he loves his
Country, his Friends, his Wife or Family, may say: _I won't engage,
for I don't like the Act;_ or, _I don't like the Officers that are
chosen;_ or, _I don't like the Articles of War;_ and so we shall not
be troubled with them, but all that engage will be hearty.
_Z_. For my Part, I am no Coward; but hang me if I'll fight to
save the _Quakers_.
_X_. That is to say, you won't pump Ship, because 'twill save
the Rats, -- as well as yourself.
_Y_. You have answered most of the Objections I have heard
against the Act, to my Satisfaction; but there is one remaining. The
Method of carrying it into Execution seems so round about, I am
afraid we cannot have the Benefit of it in any reasonable Time.
_X_. I cannot see much in that Objection. The several
Neighbourhoods out of which Companies are formed may meet and chuse
their Company-Officers in one and the same Day; and the Regiments may
be formed, and the Field Officers chosen in a Week or ten Days after,
who may immediately proceed to consider the several Militia Laws of
_Britain_ and the Colonies, and (with the Governor) form out of them
such Articles, as will appear most suitable for the Freemen of this
Province, who incline to bear Arms voluntarily; and the Whole may be
in Order in a Month from the first Elections, if common Diligence be
used. -- And indeed, as the Colonies are at present the Prize
contended for between _Britain_ and _France_, and the latter, by the
last Advices, seems to be meditating some grand Blow, Part of which
may probably fall on _Pennsylvania_, either by Land or Sea, or both,
it behoves us, I think, to make the best Use we can of this Act, and
carry it immediately into Execution both in Town and Country. If
there are material Defects in it, Experience will best discover them,
and show what is proper or necessary to amend them. -- The
approaching Winter will afford us some Time to arm and prepare, and
more Leisure than other Seasons for Exercising and Improving in good
Discipline.
_Z_. But if this Act should be carried into Execution, prove a
good One, and answer the End; what shall we have to say against the
_Quakers_ at the next Election?
_X_. O my Friends, let us on this Occasion cast from us all
these little Party Views, and consider ourselves as _Englishmen_ and
_Pennsylvanians_. Let us think only of the Service of our King, the
Honour and Safety of our Country, and Vengeance on its Murdering
Enemies. -- If Good be done, what imports it by whom 'tis done? --
The Glory of serving and saving others, is superior to the Advantage
of being served or secured. Let us resolutely and generously unite
in our Country's Cause (in which to die is the sweetest of all
Deaths) and may the God of Armies bless our honest Endeavours.
_The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 18, 1755
_A Parable Against Persecution_
CHAP. XXVII
1. And it came to pass after these Things, that Abraham sat in
the Door of his Tent, about the going down of the Sun.
2. And behold a Man, bowed with Age, came from the Way of the
Wilderness, leaning on a Staff.
3. And Abraham arose and met him, and said unto him, Turn in, I
pray thee, and wash thy Feet, and tarry all Night, and thou shalt
arise early on the Morrow, and go on thy Way.
4. And the Man said, Nay, for I will abide under this Tree.
5. But Abraham pressed him greatly; so he turned, and they went
into the Tent; and Abraham baked unleavend Bread, and they did eat.
6. And when Abraham saw that the Man blessed not God, he said
unto him, Wherefore dost thou not worship the most high God, Creator
of Heaven and Earth?
7. And the Man answered and said, I do not worship the God thou
speakest of; neither do I call upon his Name; for I have made to
myself a God, which abideth alway in mine House, and provideth me
with all Things.
8. And Abraham's Zeal was kindled against the Man; and he
arose, and fell upon him, and drove him forth with Blows into the
Wilderness.
9. And at Midnight God called unto Abraham, saying, Abraham,
where is the Stranger?
10. And Abraham answered and said, Lord, he would not worship
thee, neither would he call upon thy Name; therefore have I driven
him out from before my Face into the Wilderness.
11. And God said, Have I born with him these hundred ninety and
eight Years, and nourished him, and cloathed him, notwithstanding his
Rebellion against me, and couldst not thou, that art thyself a
Sinner, bear with him one Night?
12. And Abraham said, Let not the Anger of my Lord wax hot
against his Servant. Lo, I have sinned; forgive me, I pray Thee:
13. And Abraham arose and went forth into the Wilderness, and
sought diligently for the Man, and found him, and returned with him
to his Tent; and when he had entreated him kindly, he sent him away
on the Morrow with Gifts.
14. And God spake again unto Abraham, saying, For this thy Sin
shall thy Seed be afflicted four Hundred Years in a strange Land:
15. But for thy Repentance will I deliver them; and they shall
come forth with Power, and with Gladness of Heart, and with much
Substance.
1755
_A Parable on Brotherly Love_
1 In those days there was no Worker of Iron in all the Land,
And the Merchants of Midian passed by with their Camels, bearing
Spices, and Myrrh, and Balm, and Wares of Iron. And Reuben bought an
Ax from the Ishmaelite Merchants, which he prized highly, for there
were none in his Father's house.
2 And Simeon said unto Reuben his Brother, lend me I pray thee,
thine Ax: But he refused, and would not.
3 And Levi also said unto him, My Brother, lend me thine Ax.
And he refused him also.
4 Then came Judah unto Reuben and entreated him, saying, Lo,
thou lovest me, and I have always loved thee do not refuse me the use
of thine Ax, for I desire it earnestly.
5 But Reuben turned from him, and refused him Like-wise.
6 Now it came to pass that Reuben hewed Timber on the Bank of
the River, and the Ax fell therein, and he could by no means find it.
7 But Simeon, Levi and Judah, had sent a Mesenger after the
Ishmaelites with money and had bought for each of them an Ax also.
8 Then came Reuben unto Simeon, and said unto him, Lo, I have
lost mine Ax, and my work is unfinished, lend me thine I pray thee.
9 And Simeon answered, saying, Thou wouldst not lend me thine
Ax, therefore will I not lend thee mine.
10 Then went he unto Levi, and said unto him, My Brother, thou
knowest my Loss and my Necessity; lend me, I pray thee, thine Ax.
11 And Levi reproached him, saying, Thou wouldest not lend me
thine when I desired it, but I will be better than thee, and will
lend thee mine.
12 And Reuben was grieved at the Rebuke of Levi; and being
ashamed, turned from him, and took not the Ax; but sought his Brother
Judah.
13 And as he drew near, Judah beheld his Countenance as it were
confused with Grief and shame; and he prevented him, saying, My
Brother, I know thy Loss, but why should it grieve thee? Lo, have I
not an Ax that will serve both thee and me? take it I pray thee, and
use it as thine own.
14 And Reuben fell on his Neck, and kissed him with Tears,
saying, Thy Kindness is great, but thy Goodness in forgiving me is
greater. Lo thou art indeed a Brother, and whilst I live will I
surely love thee.
15 And Judah said, Let us also love our other Brethren; Behold,
are we not all of one Blood.
16 And Joseph saw these Things, and reported them to his Father
Jacob.
17 And Jacob said, Reuben did wrong but he repented, Simeon
also did wrong, and Levi was not altogether blameless.
18 But the Heart of Judah is princely. Judah hath the Soul of
a King. His Fathers Children shall bow down before him, and he shall
rule over his Brethren, nor shall the Sceptre depart from his house,
nor a Lawgiver from between his Feet, until Shiloh come.
1755
LETTERS
"I CONCLUDED TO SEND YOU A SPINNING WHEEL"
_To Jane Franklin_
DEAR SISTER, _Philadelphia, January_ 6, 1726-7.
I am highly pleased with the account captain Freeman gives me
of you. I always judged by your behaviour when a child that you
would make a good, agreeable woman, and you know you were ever my
peculiar favourite. I have been thinking what would be a suitable
present for me to make, and for you to receive, as I hear you are
grown a celebrated beauty. I had almost determined on a tea table,
but when I considered that the character of a good housewife was far
preferable to that of being only a pretty gentlewoman, I concluded to
send you a _spinning wheel_, which I hope you will accept as a small
token of my sincere love and affection.
Sister, farewell, and remember that modesty, as it makes the
most homely virgin amiable and charming, so the want of it infallibly
renders the most perfect beauty disagreeable and odious. But when
that brightest of female virtues shines among other perfections of
body and mind in the same person, it makes the woman more lovely than
an angel. Excuse this freedom, and use the same with me. I am, dear
Jenny, your loving brother,
"TOO SEVERE UPON HOBBES"
_To James Logan_
Having read the Chapter on Moral Good or Virtue, with all the
Attention I am Capable of, amidst the many little Cares that
Continually infest me, I shall, as the Author Condescends to desire,
give my Opinion of it, and that with all Sincerity and Freedom,
neither apprehending the Imputation of Flattery on the one hand, nor
that of Ill Manners on the other.
I think the Design excellent -- and the Management of it in the
Main, good; a short Summary of the Chapter plac'd at the Beginning,
and little Summaries of each Paragraph in the Margin being only
necessary, and what will in my Opinion sufficiently remove any
Disgust that the Authors dilate Manner of Writing may give to some
Readers; And the whole is so curious and entertaining, that I know
not where any thing can be spared.
It seems to me that the Author is a little too severe upon
Hobbes, whose Notion, I imagine, is somewhat nearer the Truth than
that which makes the State of Nature a State of Love: But the Truth
perhaps lies between both Extreams.
I think what is said upon Musick, might be enlarg'd to
Advantage by showing that what principally makes a Tune agreeable, is
the Conformity between its Air or Genius, and some Motion, Passion or
Affection of the Mind, which the Tune imitates.
I should have been glad to have seen the Virtues enumerated,
distinguish'd, and the proper Ideas affix'd to each Name; which I
have not yet seen, scarce two Authors agreeing therein, some annexing
more, others fewer and different Ideas to the Same Name. But I think
there is some Incorrectness of Sentiment in what the Author has said
of Temperance concerning which I have not time to explain myself in
writing.
1737?
"OPINIONS SHOULD BE JUDG'D OF BY THEIR INFLUENCES"
_To Josiah and Abiah Franklin_
Honour'd Father and Mother April 13. 1738
I have your Favour of the 21st of March in which you both seem
concern'd lest I have imbib'd some erroneous Opinions. Doubtless I
have my Share, and when the natural Weakness and Imperfection of
Human Understanding is considered, with the unavoidable Influences of
Education, Custom, Books and Company, upon our Ways of thinking, I
imagine a Man must have a good deal of Vanity who believes, and a
good deal of Boldness who affirms, that all the Doctrines he holds,
are true; and all he rejects, are false. And perhaps the same may be
justly said of every Sect, Church and Society of men when they assume
to themselves that Infallibility which they deny to the Popes and
Councils. I think Opinions should be judg'd of by their Influences
and Effects; and if a Man holds none that tend to make him less
Virtuous or more vicious, it may be concluded he holds none that are
dangerous; which I hope is the Case with me. I am sorry you should
have any Uneasiness on my Account, and if it were a thing possible
for one to alter his Opinions in order to please others, I know none
whom I ought more willingly to oblige in that respect than your
selves: But since it is no more in a Man's Power _to think_ than _to
look_ like another, methinks all that should be expected from me is
to keep my Mind open to Conviction, to hear patiently and examine
attentively whatever is offered me for that end; and if after all I
continue in the same Errors, I believe your usual Charity will induce
you rather to pity and excuse than blame me. In the mean time your
Care and Concern for me is what I am very thankful for.
As to the Freemasons, unless she will believe me when I assure
her that they are in general a very harmless sort of People; and have
no principles or Practices that are inconsistent with Religion or
good Manners, I know no Way of giving my Mother a better Opinion of
them than she seems to have at present, (since it is not allow'd that
Women should be admitted into that secret Society). She has, I must
confess, on that Account, some reason to be displeas'd with it; but
for any thing else, I must entreat her to suspend her Judgment till
she is better inform'd, and in the mean time exercise her Charity.
My Mother grieves that one of her Sons is an Arian, another an
Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is, I cannot say that I very
well know; the Truth is, I make such Distinctions very little my
Study; I think vital Religion has always suffer'd, when Orthodoxy is
more regarded than Virtue. And the Scripture assures me, that at the
last Day, we shall not be examin'd what we _thought_, but what we
_did_; and our Recommendation will not be that we said _Lord, Lord_,
but that we did GOOD to our Fellow Creatures. See Matth. 26.
We have had great Rains here lately, which with the Thawing of
Snow in the Mountains back of our Country has made vast Floods in our
Rivers, and by carrying away Bridges, Boats, &c. made travelling
almost impracticable for a Week past, so that our Post has entirely
mist making one Trip.
I know nothing of Dr. Crook, nor can I learn that any such
Person has ever been here.
I hope my Sister Janey's Child is by this time recovered. I am
Your dutiful Son
READING JONATHAN EDWARDS
_To Jane Mecom_
Dearest Sister Jenny Philada. July 28. 1743
I took your Admonition very kindly, and was far from being
offended at you for it. If I say any thing about it to you, 'tis
only to rectify some wrong Opinions you seem to have entertain'd of
me, and that I do only because they give you some Uneasiness, which I
am unwilling to be the Occasion of. You express yourself as if you
thought I was against Worshipping of God, and believed Good Works
would merit Heaven; which are both Fancies of your own, I think,
without Foundation. I am so far from thinking that God is not to be
worshipped, that I have compos'd and wrote a whole Book of Devotions
for my own Use: And I imagine there are few, if any, in the World, so
weake as to imagine, that the little Good we can do here, can _merit_
so vast a Reward hereafter. There are some Things in your New
England Doctrines and Worship, which I do not agree with, but I do
not therefore condemn them, or desire to shake your Belief or
Practice of them. We may dislike things that are nevertheless right
in themselves. I would only have you make me the same Allowances,
and have a better Opinion both of Morality and your Brother. Read
the Pages of Mr. Edward's late Book entitled SOME THOUGHTS CONCERNING
THE PRESENT REVIVAL OF RELIGION IN NE. from 367 to 375; and when you
judge of others, if you can perceive the Fruit to be good, don't
terrify your self that the Tree may be evil, but be assur'd it is not
so; for you know who has said, _Men do not gather Grapes of Thorns or
Figs of Thistles._ I have not time to add but that I shall always be
Your affectionate Brother
P S. It was not kind in you to imagine when your Sister
commended Good Works, she intended it a Reproach to you. 'Twas very
far from her Thoughts.
"MORE DEPENDENCE ON WORKS, THAN ON FAITH"
_To John Franklin_
Philadelphia, 1745.
-- Our people are extremely impatient to hear of your success
at Cape Breton. My shop is filled with thirty inquiries at the
coming in of every post. Some wonder the place is not yet taken. I
tell them I shall be glad to hear that news three months hence.
Fortified towns are hard nuts to crack; and your teeth have not been
accustomed to it. Taking strong places is a particular trade, which
you have taken up without serving an apprenticeship to it. Armies
and veterans need skilful engineers to direct them in their attack.
Have you any? But some seem to think forts are as easy taken as
snuff. Father Moody's prayers look tolerably modest. You have a
fast and prayer day for that purpose; in which I compute five hundred
thousand petitions were offered up to the same effect in New England,
which added to the petitions of every family morning and evening,
multiplied by the number of days since January 25th, make forty-five
millions of prayers; which, set against the prayers of a few priests
in the garrison, to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in your
favor.
If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indifferent
opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as long as I live.
Indeed, in attacking strong towns I should have more dependence on
_works_, than on _faith_; for, like the kingdom of heaven, they are
to be taken by force and violence; and in a French garrison I suppose
there are devils of that kind, that they are not to be cast out by
prayers and fasting, unless it be by their own fasting for want of
provisions. I believe there is Scripture in what I have wrote, but I
cannot adorn the margin with quotations, having a bad memory, and no
Concordance at hand; besides no more time than to subscribe myself,
&c.
May? 1745
"ALL WIVES ARE IN THE RIGHT"
_To James Read_
DEAR J ------ , _Saturday morning, Aug. 17. '45.
I have been reading your letter over again, and since you
desire an answer, I sit me down to write you one; yet, as I write in
the market, will, I believe, be but a short one, tho' I may be long
about it. I approve of your method of writing one's mind, when one
is too warm to speak it with temper: but being myself quite cool in
this affair, I might as well speak as write, if I had an opportunity.
Your copy of _Kempis_, must be a corrupt one, if it has that passage
as you quote it, _in omnibus requiem quaesivi, sed non inveni, nisi
in angulo cum libello_. The good father understood pleasure
(requiem) better, and wrote, _in angulo cum puella_. Correct it
thus, without hesitation. I know there is another reading, _in
angulo puellae_; but this reject, tho' more _to the point_, as an
expression too indelicate.
Are you an attorney by profession, and do you know no better,
how to chuse a proper court in which to bring your action? Would you
submit to the decision of a husband, a cause between you and his
wife? Don't you know, that all wives are in the right? It may be
you don't, for you are yet but a young husband. But see, on this
head, the learned Coke, that oracle of the law, in his chapter _De
Jus Marit. Angl_. I advise you not to bring it to trial; for if you
do, you'll certainly be cast.
Frequent interruptions make it impossible for me to go thro'
all your letter. I have only time to remind you of the saying of
that excellent old philosopher, Socrates, _that in differences among
friends, they that make the first concessions are the_ WISEST; and to
hint to you, that you are in danger of losing that honour in the
present case, if you are not very speedy in your acknowledgments;
which I persuade myself you will be, when you consider the sex of
your adversary.
Your visits never had but one thing disagreeable in them, that
is, they were always too short. I shall exceedingly regret the loss
of them, unless you continue, as you have begun, to make it up to me
by long letters. I am dear J ------ , with sincerest love to our
dearest Suky,
Your very affectionate friend and cousin,
ATLANTIC SHIP CROSSINGS AND THE MOTION OF THE EARTH
_To Cadwallader Colden_
Sir
I receiv'd yours with others enclos'd for Mr. Bertram and Mr.
Armit, to which I suppose the enclos'd are Answers. The Person who
brought yours said he would call for Answers, but did not; or, if he
did, I did not see him.
I understand Parker has begun upon your Piece. A long Sitting
of our Assembly has hitherto hinder'd me from beginning the
Miscellany. I shall write to Dr. Gronovius as you desire.
I wish I had Mathematics enough to satisfy my self, Whether the
much shorter Voyages made by Ships bound hence to England, than by
those from England hither, are not in some Degree owing to the
Diurnal Motion of the Earth; and if so, in what Degree? 'Tis a
Notion that has lately entred my Mind; I know not if ever any
other's. Ships in a Calm at the Equator move with the Sea 15 Miles
per minute; at our Capes suppose 12 Miles per Minute; in the British
Channel suppose 10 Miles per Minute: Here is a Difference of 2 Miles
Velocity per Minute between Cape Hinlopen and the Lizard! no small
Matter in so Weighty a Body as a laden Ship swimming in a Fluid! How
is this Velocity lost in the Voyage thither, if not by the Resistance
of the Water? and if so, then the Water, which resisted in part, must
have given Way in part to the Ship, from time to time as she
proceeded continually out of Parallels of Latitude where the Earths
Motion or Rotation was quicker into others where it was slower. And
thus as her Velocity tends eastward with the Earth's Motion, she
perhaps makes her Easting sooner. Suppose a Vessel lying still in a
Calm at our Cape, could be taken up and the same Instant set down in
an equal Calm in the English Channel, would not the Difference of
Velocity between her and the Sea she was plac'd in, appear plainly by
a violent Motion of the Ship thro' the Water eastward? I have not
Time to explain my self farther, the Post waiting, but believe have
said enough for you to comprehend my Meaning. If the Reasons hinted
at should encline you to think there is any Thing in this Notion, I
should be glad of an Answer to this Question, (if it be capable of a
precise Answer) viz.
Suppose a Ship sails on a N. East Line from Lat. 39 to Lat. 52
in 30 Days, how long will she be returning on the same Line, Winds,
Currents, &c. being equal?
Just so much as the East Motion of the Earth helps her Easting,
I suppose it will hinder her Westing.
Perhaps the Weight and Dimensions or Shape of the Vessel should
be taken into the Consideration, as the Water resists Bodies of
different Shapes differently.
I must beg you to excuse the incorrectness of this Scrawl as I
have not time to transcribe. I am Sir Your most humble Servant
February, 1746
REFUTATION OF ANDREW BAXTER'S "ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE OF THE
HUMAN SOUL"
_To [Thomas Hopkinson?]_
According to my Promise I send you _in Writing_ my Observations
on your Book. You will be the better able to consider them; which I
desire you to do at your Leisure, and to set me right where I am
wrong.
I stumble at the Threshold of the Building, and therefore have
not read farther. The Author's _Vis Inertiae essential to_ _Matter_,
upon which the whole Work is founded, I have not been able to
comprehend. And I do not think he demonstrates at all clearly (at
least to me he does not) that there is really any such Property in
Matter.
He says, No. 2. "Let a given Body or Mass of Matter be called
A, and let any given Celerity be called C: That Celerity doubled,
tripled, &c. or halved, thirded, &c. will be 2C, 3C &c. or 1/2 C, 1/3
C &c. respectively. Also the Body doubled, tripled or halved,
thirded; will be 2A, 3A, or 1/2 A, 1/2 A, respectively." Thus far is
clear. But he adds, "Now to move the Body A with the Celerity C,
requires a certain Force to be impressed upon it; and to move it with
a Celerity as 2C, requires twice that Force to be impressed upon it,
&c." Here I suspect some Mistake creeps in occasioned by the Author's
not distinguishing between a _great_ Force apply'd _at once_, and a
_small_ one _continually_ apply'd, to a Mass of Matter, in order to
move it. I think 'tis generally allow'd by the Philosophers, and for
aught we know is certainly true, That there is no Mass of Matter how
great soever, but may be moved by any Force how small soever (taking
Friction out of the Question) and this small Force continued will in
Time bring the Mass to move with any Velocity whatsoever. Our Author
himself seems to allow this towards the End of the same No. 2 when he
is subdividing his Celerities and Forces: For as in continuing the
Division to Eternity by his Method of 1/2 C, 1\3 C, 1/4 C, 1\5 C, &c.
you can never come to a Fraction of Celerity that is equal to 0C, or
no Celerity at all; so dividing the Force in the same Manner, you can
never come to a Fraction of Force that will not produce an equal
Fraction of Celerity. Where then is the mighty _Vis Inertiae,_ and
what is its Strength when the greatest assignable Mass of Matter will
give way to or be moved by the least assignable Force? Suppose two
Globes each equal to the Sun and to one another, exactly equipoised
in Jove's Ballance: Suppose no Friction in the Center of Motion in
the Beam or elsewhere: If a Musketo then were to light on one of
them, would he not give Motion to them both, causing one to descend
and the other to rise? If 'tis objected, that the Force of Gravity
helps one Globe to descend: I answer, The same Force opposes the
other's Rising: Here is an Equality, that leaves the whole Motion to
be produc'd by the Musketo, without whom those Globes would not be
moved at all. What then does Vis Inertiae do in this Case? And what
other Effect could we expect if there were no such Thing? Surely if
it was any Thing more than a Phantom, there might be enough of it in
such vast Bodies to annihilate, by its Opposition to Motion, so
trifling a Force?
Our Author would have reason'd more clearly, I think, if, as he
has us'd the Letter A for a certain Quantity of Matter, and C for a
certain Degree of Celerity, he had employ'd one Letter more, and put
F (perhaps) for a certain Quantity of Force. This let us suppose to
be done; and then, as it is a Maxim that the Force of Bodies in
Motion is equal to the Quantity of Matter multiply'd by the Celerity,
or F = C x A; and as the Force received by and subsisting in Matter
when it is put in Motion, can never exceed the Force given; so if F
move A with C, there must needs be required (See No. 3) 2F to move A
with 2C; for A moving with 2C would have a Force equal to 2F, which
it could not receive from 1F; and this, not because there is such a
Thing as Vis Inertiae, for the Case would be the same if that had no
Existence; but, _because nothing can give more than it hath._ And now
again, if a Thing can give what it hath; if 1F can to 1A give 1C,
which is the same thing as giving it 1F; i.e. if Force apply'd to
Matter at Rest, can put it in Motion, and give it _equal_ Force;
Where then is Vis Inertiae? If it existed at all in Matter, should
we not find the Quantity of its Resistance subtracted from the Force
given?
In No. 4. our Author goes on and says, "The Body A requires a
certain Force to be impressed on it, to be moved with a Celerity as
C, or such a Force is necessary; and therefore it makes a certain
Resistance, &c. A Body as 2A, requires _twice_ that Force to be
moved with the same Celerity, or it makes _twice_ that Resistance,
and so on." This I think is not true, but that the Body 2A moved by
the Force 1F, (tho' the Eye may judge otherwise of it) does really
move with the same Celerity as 1A did when impell'd by the same
Force: For 2A is compounded of 1A + 1A; And if each of the 1A's or
each Part of the Compound were made to move with 1C, (as they might
be by 2F) then the whole would move with 2C, and not with 1C as our
Author Supposes. But 1F apply'd to 2A makes each A move with 1/2 C,
and so the Whole moves with 1C, exactly the same as 1A was made to do
by 1F before. What is _equal Celerity_ but a Measuring of the same
Space by moving Bodies in the same Time? Now if 1A impell'd by 1F
measures 100 Yards in a Minute; and in 2A impell'd by 1F, each A
measures 50 Yards in a Minute, which added make 100, are not the
Celerities as well as the Forces equal? And since Force and Celerity
in the same Quantity of Matter are always in _Proportion_ to each
other, why should we, when the Quantity of Matter is doubled, allow
the Force to continue unimpair'd, and yet suppose one Half of the
Celerity to be lost? I wonder the more at our Author's Mistake in
this Point, since in the same No. I find him observing, "We may
easily conceive that a Body as 3A, 4A, &c. would make 3 or 4 Bodies
equal to once A, each of which would require once the first Force to
be moved with the Celerity C." If then in 3A, each A require once the
first Force F to be moved with the Celerity C, would not each move
with the Force F, and Celerity C; and consequently the whole be 3A
moving with 3F, and 3C? After so distinct an Observation, how could
he miss of the Consequence, and imagine that 1C and 3C were the same?
Thus as our Author's Abatement of Celerity in the Case of 2A moved by
1F, is imaginary, so must be his additional Resistance. And here
again I am at a Loss to discover any Effect of the Vis Inertiae.
In No. 6 he tells us, "That all this is likewise certain when
taken the contrary way, viz. from Motion to Rest; For the Body A
moving with a certain Velocity as C requires a certain Degree of
Force or Resistance to stop that Motion, &c. &c." That is, in other
Words, equal Force is necessary to destroy Force. It may be so; but
how does that discover a Vis Inertiae? Would not the Effect be the
same if there were no such Thing? A Force 1F strikes a Body 1A, and
moves it with the Celerity 1C, i.e. with the Force 1F. It requires,
even according to our Author, only an opposing 1F to stop it. But
ought it not, (if there were a Vis Inertiae) to have not only the
Force 1F, but an additional Force equal to the Force of Vis Inertiae,
that _obstinate Power, by which a Body endeavours with all its Might
to continue in its present State, whether of Motion or Rest_? I say,
ought there not to be an opposing Force equal to the Sum of these?
The Truth however is, that there is no Body how large soever, moving
with any Velocity how great soever, but may be stopped by any
opposing Force how small soever, continually apply'd. At least all
our modern Philosophers agree to tell us so.
Let me turn the Thing in what Light I please, I cannot discover
the Vis Inertiae nor any Effect of it. Tis allowed by all that a
Body 1A, moving with a Velocity 1C, and a Force 1F, striking another
Body 1A at Rest, they will afterwards move on together, each with 1/2
C, and 1/2 F; which, as I said before, is equal in the Whole to 1C
and 1F. If Vis Inertiae as in this Case neither abates the Force nor
the Velocity of Bodies, What does it, or how does it discover itself?
I imagine I may venture to conclude my Observations on this
Piece, almost in the Words of the Author, "That if the Doctrines of
the Immateriality of the Soul, and the Existence of God, and of
Divine Providence are demonstrable from _no plainer_ Principles, the
_Deist_ hath a desperate Cause in Hand." I oppose my _Theist_ to his
_Atheist_, because I think they are diametrically opposite and not
near of kin, as Mr. Whitefield seems to suppose where (in his
Journal) he tells us, _Mr. B. was a Deist, I had almost said an
Atheist._ That is, _Chalk_, I had almost said _Charcoal_.
Shall I hazard a Thought to you that for aught I know is new,
viz. If God was before all Things, and fill'd all Space; then, when
he form'd what we call Matter, he must have done it out of his own
Thinking immaterial Substance. The same, tho' he had not fill'd all
Space; if it be true that _Ex nihilo nihil fit._ From hence may we
not draw this Conclusion, That if any Part of Matter does not at
present act and think, 'tis not from an Incapacity in its Nature but
from a positive Restraint. I know not yet what other Consequences
may follow the admitting of this position and therefore I will not be
oblig'd to defend it. [ ] 'tis with some Reluctance that I either [
] in the metaphysical Way. The great Uncertainty I have found in
that Science; the wide Contradictions and endless Disputes it
affords; and the horrible Errors I led my self into when a young Man,
by drawing a Chain of plain Consequences as I thought them, from true
Principles, have given me a Disgust to what I was once extreamly fond
of.
The Din of the Market encreases upon me, and that, with
frequent Interruptions, has, I find, made me say some things twice
over, and I suppose forget some others I intended to say. It has,
however, one good Effect, as it obliges me to come to the Relief of
your Patience, with Your Humble Servant
October 16, 1746
"THE NATURE OF BOYS"
_To Jane Mecom_
DEAR SISTER, Philadelphia,
I received your letter, with one for Benny, and one for Mr.
Parker, and also two of Benny's letters of complaint, which, as you
observe, do not amount to much. I should have had a very bad opinion
of him, if he had written to you those accusations of his master,
which you mention; because, from long acquaintance with his master,
who lived some years in my house, I know him to be a sober, pious,
and conscientious man; so that Newport, to whom you seem to have
given too much credit, must have wronged Mr. Parker very much in his
accounts, and have wronged Benny too, if he says Benny told him such
things, for I am confident he never did.
As to the bad attendance afforded him in the smallpox, I
believe, if the negro woman did not do her duty, her master or
mistress would, if they had known it, have had that matter mended.
But Mrs. Parker was herself, if I am not mistaken, sick at that time,
and her child also. And though he gives the woman a bad character in
general, all he charges her with in particular, is, that she never
brought him what he called for directly, and sometimes not at all.
He had the distemper favorably, and yet I suppose was bad enough to
be, like other sick people, a little impatient, and perhaps might
think a short time long, and sometimes call for things not proper for
one in his condition.
As to clothes, I am frequently at New York, and I never saw him
unprovided with what was good, decent, and sufficient. I was there
no longer ago than March last, and he was then well clothed, and made
no complaint to me of any kind. I heard both his master and mistress
call upon him on Sunday morning to get ready to go to meeting, and
tell him of his frequently delaying and shuffling till it was too
late, and he made not the least objection about clothes. I did not
think it any thing extraordinary, that he should be sometimes willing
to evade going to meeting, for I believe it is the case with all
boys, or almost all. I have brought up four or five myself, and have
frequently observed, that if their shoes were bad, they would say
nothing of a new pair till Sunday morning, just as the bell rung,
when, if you asked them why they did not get ready, the answer was
prepared, "I have no shoes," and so of other things, hats and the
like; or if they knew of any thing that wanted mending, it was a
secret till Sunday morning, and sometimes I believe they would rather
tear a little, than be without the excuse.
As to going on petty errands, no boys love it, but all must do
it. As soon as they become fit for better business, they naturally
get rid of that, for the master's interest comes in to their relief.
I make no doubt but Mr. Parker will take another apprentice, as soon
as he can meet with a likely one. In the mean time I should be glad
if Benny would exercise a little patience. There is a negro woman
that does a great many of those errands.
I do not think his going on board the privateer arose from any
difference between him and his master, or any ill usage he had
received. When boys see prizes brought in, and quantities of money
shared among the men, and their gay living, it fills their heads with
notions, that half distract them, and put them quite out of conceit
with trades, and the dull ways of getting money by working. This I
suppose was Ben's case, the Catherine being just before arrived with
three rich prizes; and that the glory of having taken a privateer of
the enemy, for which both officers and men were highly extolled,
treated, presented, &c. worked strongly upon his imagination, you
will see, by his answer to my letter, is not unlikely. I send it to
you enclosed. I wrote him largely on the occasion; and though he
might possibly, to excuse that slip to others, complain of his place,
you may see he says not a syllable of any such thing to me. My only
son, before I permitted him to go to Albany, left my house unknown to
us all, and got on board a privateer, from whence I fetched him. No
one imagined it was hard usage at home, that made him do this. Every
one, that knows me, thinks I am too indulgent a parent, as well as
master.
I shall tire you, perhaps, with the length of this letter; but
I am the more particular, in order, if possible, to satisfy your mind
about your son's situation. His master has, by a letter this post,
desired me to write to him about his staying out of nights, sometimes
all night, and refusing to give an account where he spends his time,
or in what company. This I had not heard of before, though I
perceive you have. I do not wonder at his correcting him for that.
If he was my own son, I should think his master did not do his duty
by him, if he omitted it, for to be sure it is the high road to
destruction. And I think the correction very light, and not likely
to be very effectual, if the strokes left no marks.
His master says farther, as follows; -- "I think I can't charge
my conscience with being much short of my duty to him. I shall now
desire you, if you have not done it already, to invite him to lay his
complaints before you, that I may know how to remedy them." Thus far
the words of his letter, which giving me a fair opening to inquire
into the affair, I shall accordingly do it, and I hope settle every
thing to all your satisfactions. In the mean time, I have laid by
your letters both to Mr. Parker and Benny, and shall not send them
till I hear again from you, because I think your appearing to give
ear to such groundless stories may give offence, and create a greater
misunderstanding, and because I think what you write to Benny, about
getting him discharged, may tend to unsettle his mind, and therefore
improper at this time.
I have a very good opinion of Benny in the main, and have great
hopes of his becoming a worthy man, his faults being only such as are
commonly incident to boys of his years, and he has many good
qualities, for which I love him. I never knew an apprentice
contented with the clothes allowed him by his master, let them be
what they would. Jemmy Franklin, when with me, was always
dissatisfied and grumbling. When I was last in Boston, his aunt bid
him go to a shop and please himself, which the gentleman did, and
bought a suit of clothes on my account dearer by one half, than any I
ever afforded myself, one suit excepted; which I don't mention by way
of complaint of Jemmy, for he and I are good friends, but only to
show you the nature of boys.
The letters to Mr. Vanhorne were sent by Mr. Whitfield, under
my cover.
I am, with love to brother and all yours, and duty to mother,
to whom I have not time now to write, your affectionate brother,
June, 1748
THE EXAMPLE OF CONFUCIUS
_To George Whitefield_
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, July 6, 1749.
Since your being in England, I have received two of your
favours, and a box of books to be disposed of. It gives me great
pleasure to hear of your welfare, and that you purpose soon to return
to America.
We have no kind of news here worth writing to you. The affair
of the building remains in _statu quo_, there having been no new
application to the Assembly about it, nor any thing done in
consequence of the former.
I have received no money on your account from Mr. Thanklin, or
from Boston. Mrs. Read, and your other friends here in general, are
well, and will rejoice to see you again.
I am glad to hear that you have frequent opportunities of
preaching among the great. If you can gain them to a good and
exemplary life, wonderful changes will follow in the manners of the
lower ranks; for, _ad Exemplum Regis, &c._ On this principle
Confucius, the famous eastern reformer, proceeded. When he saw his
country sunk in vice, and wickedness of all kinds triumphant, he
applied himself first to the grandees; and having by his doctrine won
them to the cause of virtue, the commons followed in multitudes. The
mode has a wonderful influence on mankind; and there are numbers that
perhaps fear less the being in Hell, than out of the fashion! Our
more western reformations began with the ignorant mob; and when
numbers of them were gained, interest and party-views drew in the
wise and great. Where both methods can be used, reformations are
like to be more speedy. O that some method could be found to make
them lasting! He that shall discover that, will, in my opinion,
deserve more, ten thousand times, than the inventor of the
longtitude.
My wife and family join in the most cordial salutations to you
and good Mrs. Whitefield. I am, dear Sir, your very affectionate
friend, and most obliged humble servant,
MOVEMENT OF HURRICANES
_To Jared Eliot_
Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 13. 1749,50
You desire to know my Thoughts about the N.E. Storms beginning
to Leeward. Some Years since there was an Eclipse of the Moon at 9
in the Evening, which I intended to observe, but before 8 a Storm
blew up at N E. and continued violent all Night and all next Day, the
Sky thick clouded, dark and rainy, so that neither Moon nor Stars
could be seen. The Storm did a great deal of Damage all along the
Coast, for we had Accounts of it in the News Papers from Boston,
Newport, New York, Maryland and Virginia. But what surpriz'd me, was
to find in the Boston Newspapers an Account of an Observation of that
Eclipse made there: For I thought, as the Storm came from the N E. it
must have begun sooner at Boston than with us, and consequently have
prevented such Observation. I wrote to my Brother about it, and he
inform'd me, that the Eclipse was over there, an hour before the
Storm began. Since which I have made Enquiries from time to time of
Travellers, and of my Correspondents N Eastward and S. Westward, and
observ'd the Accounts in the Newspapers from N England, N York,
Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina, and I find it to be a constant
Fact, that N East Storms begin to Leeward; and are often more violent
there than farther to Windward. Thus the last October Storm, which
with you was on the 8th. began on the 7th in Virginia and N Carolina,
and was most violent there. As to the Reason of this, I can only
give you my Conjectures. Suppose a great Tract of Country, Land and
Sea, to wit Florida and the Bay of Mexico, to have clear Weather for
several Days, and to be heated by the Sun and its Air thereby
exceedingly rarified; Suppose the Country North Eastward, as
Pensilvania, New England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, &c. to be at the
same time cover'd with Clouds, and its Air chill'd and condens'd.
The rarified Air being lighter must rise, and the Dense Air next to
it will press into its Place; that will be follow'd by the next
denser Air, that by the next, and so on. Thus when I have a Fire in
my Chimney, there is a Current of Air constantly flowing from the
Door to the Chimney: but the beginning of the Motion was at the
Chimney, where the Air being rarified by the Fire, rising, its Place
was supply'd by the cooler Air that was next to it, and the Place of
that by the next, and so on to the Door. So the Water in a long
Sluice or Mill Race, being stop'd by a Gate, is at Rest like the Air
in a Calm; but as soon as you open the Gate at one End to let it out,
the Water next the Gate begins first to move, that which is next to
it follows; and so tho' the Water proceeds forward to the Gate, the
Motion which began there runs backwards, if one may so speak, to the
upper End of the Race, where the Water is last in Motion. We have on
this Continent a long Ridge of Mountains running from N East to S.
West; and the Coast runs the same Course. These may, perhaps,
contribute towards the Direction of the winds or at least influence
them in some Degree, [ ]. If these Conjectures do not satisfy you, I
wish to have yours on the Subject.
I doubt not but those Mountains which you mention contain
valuable mines which Time will discover. I know of but one valuable
Mine in this country which is that of Schuyler's in the Jerseys.
This yields good Copper, and has turn'd out vast Wealth to the
Owners. I was at it last Fall; but they were not then at Work; the
Water is grown too hard for them; and they waited for a Fire Engine
from England to drain their Pits; I suppose they will have that at
Work next Summer; it costs them pounds 1000 Sterling.
Col. John Schuyler, one of the Owners, has a Deer Park 5 Miles round,
fenc'd with Cedar Logs, 5 Logs high, with chocks of Wood between; it contains
variety of Land high and Low, woodland and clear. There are a great many
Deer in it; and he expects in a few Years to be able to kill 200 head a Year,
which will be a profitable Thing. He has likewise 600 Acres of Meadow, all
within Bank. The Mine is not far from Passaic Falls, which I went also to
see. They are very curious: the Water falls 70 foot perpendicular, as we
were told; but we had nothing to measure with. It gives me great Pleasure
that your Sentiments are in accord with mine. I like your Notion [ ]ming;
and tho' perhaps it [ ]n prudent, as we are circumstanced [ ] them in the
Proposals; I doubt not that they will in time become Part of the [ ]. It
will be agreable to you to hear, and therefore I inform you, that our
Subscription goes on with great Success, and we suppose will exceed pounds
5000 of our Currency: We have bought for the Academy, the House that was
built for Itinerant Preaching, which stands on a large Lot of Ground capable
of receiving more Buildings to lodge the Scholars, if it should come to be a
regular Colledge. The House is 100 foot long and 70 wide, built of Brick;
very strong; and sufficiently high for three lofty Stories: I suppose it did
not cost less than pounds 2000 building; but we bought it for pounds 775
18_s_. 11 3/4_d_: tho' it will cost us 3 or perhaps 400 more to make the
Partitions and Floors, and fit up the Rooms. I send you enclos'd a Copy of
our present Constitutions; but we expect a Charter from our Proprietaries
this Summer, when they may prob'ly receive considerable Alterations. The
Paper admonishes me that 'tis Time to conclude. I am, Sir, Your obliged
humble Servant
"SECURING THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE INDIANS"
_To James Parker_
Dear Mr. _Parker_, Philadelphia, March 20, 1750,1.
I have, as you desire, read the Manuscript you sent me; and am
of Opinion, with the publick-spirited Author, that securing the
Friendship of the _Indians_ is of the greatest Consequence to these
Colonies; and that the surest Means of doing it, are, to regulate the
_Indian_ Trade, so as to convince them, by Experience, that they may
have the best and cheapest Goods, and the fairest Dealing from the
_English_; and to unite the several Governments, so as to form a
Strength that the _Indians_ may depend on for Protection, in Case of
a Rupture with the _French_; or apprehend great Danger from, if they
should break with us.
This Union of the Colonies, however necessary, I apprehend is
not to be brought about by the Means that have hitherto been used for
that Purpose. A Governor of one Colony, who happens from some
Circumstances in his own Government, to see the Necessity of such an
Union, writes his Sentiments of the Matter to the other Governors,
and desires them to recommend it to their respective Assemblies.
They accordingly lay the Letters before those Assemblies, and perhaps
recommend the Proposal in general Words. But Governors are often on
ill Terms with their Assemblies, and seldom are the Men that have the
most Influence among them. And perhaps some Governors, tho' they
openly recommend the Scheme, may privately throw cold Water on it, as
thinking additional publick Charges will make their People less able,
or less willing to give to them. Or perhaps they do not clearly see
the Necessity of it, and therefore do not very earnestly press the
Consideration of it: And no one being present that has the Affair at
Heart, to back it, to answer and remove Objections, _&c._ 'tis easily
dropt, and nothing is done. -- Such an Union is certainly necessary
to us all, but more immediately so to your Government. Now, if you
were to pick out half a Dozen Men of good Understanding and Address,
and furnish them with a reasonable Scheme and proper Instructions,
and send them in the Nature of Ambassadors to the other Colonies,
where they might apply particularly to all the leading Men, and by
proper Management get them to engage in promoting the Scheme; where,
by being present, they would have the Opportunity of pressing the
Affair both in publick and private, obviating Difficulties as they
arise, answering Objections as soon as they are made, before they
spread and gather Strength in the Minds of the People, _&c. &c._ I
imagine such an Union might thereby be made and established: For
reasonable sensible Men, can always make a reasonable Scheme appear
such to other reasonable Men, if they take Pains, and have Time and
Opportunity for it; unless from some Circumstances their Honesty and
good Intentions are suspected. A voluntary Union entered into by the
Colonies themselves, I think, would be preferable to one impos'd by
Parliament; for it would be perhaps not much more difficult to
procure, and more easy to alter and improve, as Circumstances should
require, and Experience direct. It would be a very strange Thing, if
six Nations of ignorant Savages should be capable of forming a Scheme
for such an Union, and be able to execute it in such a Manner, as
that it has subsisted Ages, and appears indissoluble; and yet that a
like Union should be impracticable for ten or a Dozen _English_
Colonies, to whom it is more necessary, and must be more
advantageous; and who cannot be supposed to want an equal
Understanding of their Interests.
Were there a general Council form'd by all the Colonies, and a
general Governor appointed by the Crown to preside in that Council,
or in some Manner to concur with and confirm their Acts, and take
Care of the Execution; every Thing relating to Indian Affairs and the
Defence of the Colonies, might be properly put under their
Management. Each Colony should be represented by as many Members as
it pays Sums of Hundred Pounds into the common Treasury for the
common Expence; which Treasury would perhaps be best and most
equitably supply'd, by an equal Excise on strong Liquors in all the
Colonies, the Produce never to be apply'd to the private Use of any
Colony, but to the general Service. Perhaps if the Council were to
meet successively at the Capitals of the several Colonies, they might
thereby become better acquainted with the Circumstances, Interests,
Strength or Weakness, _&c_. of all, and thence be able to judge
better of Measures propos'd from time to time: At least it might be
more satisfactory to the Colonies, if this were propos'd as a Part of
the Scheme; for a Preference might create Jealousy and Dislike.
I believe the Place mention'd is a very suitable one to build a
Fort on. In Times of Peace, Parties of the Garrisons of all Frontier
Forts might be allowed to go out on Hunting Expeditions, with or
without Indians, and have the Profit to themselves of the Skins they
get: By this Means a Number of Wood-Runners would be form'd, well
acquainted with the Country, and of great Use in War Time, as Guides
of Parties and Scouts, _&c_. -- Every Indian is a Hunter; and as
their Manner of making War, _viz_. by Skulking, Surprizing and
Killing particular Persons and Families, is just the same as their
Manner of Hunting, only changing the Object, Every Indian is a
disciplin'd Soldier. Soldiers of this Kind are always wanted in the
Colonies in an Indian War; for the _European_ Military Discipline is
of little Use in these Woods.
Publick Trading Houses would certainly have a good Effect
towards regulating the private Trade; and preventing the Impositions
of the private Traders; and therefore such should be established in
suitable Places all along the Frontiers; and the Superintendant of
the Trade, propos'd by the Author, would, I think, be a useful
Officer.
The Observation concerning the Importation of _Germans_ in too
great Numbers into _Pennsylvania_, is, I believe, a very just one.
This will in a few Years become a _German_ Colony: Instead of their
Learning our Language, we must learn their's, or live as in a foreign
Country. Already the _English_ begin to quit particular
Neighbourhoods surrounded by _Dutch_, being made uneasy by the
Disagreeableness of disonant Manners; and in Time, Numbers will
probably quit the Province for the same Reason. Besides, the _Dutch_
under-live, and are thereby enabled to under-work and under-sell the
_English_; who are thereby extreamly incommoded, and consequently
disgusted, so that there can be no cordial Affection or Unity between
the two Nations. How good Subjects they may make, and how faithful
to the _British_ Interest, is a Question worth considering. And in
my Opinion, equal Numbers might have been spared from the _British_
Islands without being miss'd there, and on proper Encouragement would
have come over. I say without being miss'd, perhaps I might say
without lessening the Number of People at Home. I question indeed,
whether there be a Man the less in _Britain_ for the Establishment of
the Colonies. An Island can support but a certain Number of People:
When all Employments are full, Multitudes refrain Marriage, 'till
they can see how to maintain a Family. The Number of Englishmen in
_England_, cannot by their present common Increase be doubled in a
Thousand Years; but if half of them were taken away and planted in
_America_, where there is Room for them to encrease, and sufficient
Employment and Subsistance; the Number of _Englishmen_ would be
doubled in 100 _Years_: For those left at home, would multiply in
that Time so as to fill up the Vacancy, and those here would at least
keep Pace with them.
Every one must approve the Proposal of encouraging a Number of
sober discreet Smiths to reside among the _Indians_. They would
doubtless be of great Service. The whole Subsistance of _Indians_,
depends on keeping their Guns in order; and if they are obliged to
make a Journey of two or three hundred Miles to an English Settlement
to get a Lock mended; it may, besides the Trouble, occasion the Loss
of their Hunting Season. They are People that think much of their
temporal, but little of their spiritual Interests; and therefore, as
he would be a most useful and necessary Man to them, a Smith is more
likely to influence them than a Jesuit; provided he has a good common
Understanding, and is from time to time well instructed.
I wish I could offer any Thing for the Improvement of the
Author's Piece, but I have little Knowledge, and less Experience in
these Matters. I think it ought to be printed; and should be glad
there were a more general Communication of the Sentiments of
judicious Men, on Subjects so generally interesting; it would
certainly produce good Effects. Please to present my Respects to the
Gentleman, and thank him for the Perusal of his Manuscript.
I am,
Yours affectionately.
A FLEXIBLE CATHETER
_To John Franklin_
Dear Brother Philada. Dec. 8. 1752
Reflecting yesterday on your Desire to have a flexible
Catheter, a Thought struck into my Mind how one might possibly be
made: And lest you should not readily conceive it by any Description
of mine, I went immediately to the Silversmith's, and gave Directions
for making one, (sitting by 'till it was finish'd), that it might be
ready for this Post. But now it is done I have some Apprehensions
that it may be too large to be easy: if so, a Silversmith can easily
make it less, by twisting it on a smaller Wire, and putting a smaller
Pipe to the End, if the Pipe be really necessary. This Machine may
either be cover'd with a small fine Gut first clean'd and soak'd a
Night in a Solution of Alum and Salt in Water, then rubb'd dry which
will preserve it longer from Putrefaction: then wet again, and drawn
on, and ty'd to the Pipes at each End where little Hollows are made
for the Thread to bind in and the Surface greas'd: Or perhaps it may
be used without the Gut, having only a little Tallow rubb'd over it,
to smooth it and fill the Joints. I think it is as flexible as could
be expected in a thing of the kind, and I imagine will readily comply
with the Turns of the Passage, yet has Stiffness enough to be
protruded; if not, the enclos'd Wire may be us'd to stiffen the
hinder Part of the Pipe while the fore Part is push'd forward; and as
it proceeds the Wire may be gradually withdrawn. The Tube is of such
a Nature, that when you have Occasion to withdraw it its Diameter
will lessen, whereby it will move more easily. It is also a kind of
Scrue, and may be both withdrawn and introduc'd by turning.
Experience is necessary for the right using of all new Tools or
Instruments, and that will perhaps suggest some Improvements to this
Instrument as well as better direct the Manner of Using it.
I have read Whytt on Lime Water. You desire my Thoughts on
what he says. But what can I say? He relates Facts and Experiments;
and they must be allow'd good, if not contradicted by other Facts and
Experiments. May not one guess by holding Lime Water some time in
one's Mouth, whether it is likely to injure the Bladder?
I know not what to advise, either as to the Injection, or the
Operation. I can only pray God to direct you for the best, and to
grant Success.
I am, my dear Brother Yours most affectionately
I find Whytt's Experiments are approv'd and recommended by Dr.
Mead.
"I NOW SEND YOU THE ARITHMETICAL CURIOSITY"
_To Peter Collinson_
_SIR,_
According to your request, I now send you the Arithmetical
Curiosity, of which this is the history.
Being one day in the country, at the house of our common
friend, the late learned Mr. _Logan_, he shewed me a folio _French_
book, filled with magic squares, wrote, if I forget not, by one M.
_Frenicle_, in which he said the author had discovered great
ingenuity and dexterity in the management of numbers; and, though
several other foreigners had distinguished themselves in the same
way, he did not recollect that any one _Englishman_ had done any
thing of the kind remarkable.
I said, it was, perhaps, a mark of the good sense of our
_English_ mathematicians, that they would not spend their time in
things that were merely _difficiles nugae_, incapable of any useful
application. He answered, that many of the arithmetical or
mathematical questions, publickly proposed and answered in _England_,
were equally trifling and useless. Perhaps the considering and
answering such questions, I replied, may not be altogether useless,
if it produces by practice an habitual readiness and exactness in
mathematical disquisitions, which readiness may, on many occasions,
be of real use. In the same way, says he, may the making of these
squares be of use. I then confessed to him, that in my younger days,
having once some leisure, (which I still think I might have employed
more usefully) I had amused myself in making these kind of magic
squares, and, at length, had acquired such a knack at it, that I
could fill the cells of any magic square, of reasonable size, with a
series of numbers as fast as I could write them, disposed in such a
manner, as that the sums of every row, horizontal, perpendicular, or
diagonal, should be equal; but not being satisfied with these, which
I looked on as common and easy things, I had imposed on myself more
difficult tasks, and succeeded in making other magic squares, with a
variety of properties, and much more curious. He then shewed
meseveral in the same book, of an uncommon and more curious kind; but
as I thought none of them equal to some I remembered to have made, he
desired me to let him see them; and accordingly, the next time I
visited him, I carried him a square of 8, which I found among my old
papers, and which I will now give you, with an account of its
properties.
The properties are,
1. That every strait row (horizontal or vertical) of 8 numbers
added together, makes 260, and half each row half 260.
2. That the bent row of 8 numbers, ascending and descending
diagonally, _viz._ from 16 ascending to 10, and from 23 descending to
17; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers, make 260.
-- Also the bent row from 52, descending to 54, and from 43 ascending
to 45; and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers, make
260. -- Also the bent row from 45 to 43 descending to the left, and
from 23 to 17 descending to the right, and every one of its parallel
bent rows of 8 numbers make 260. -- Also the bent row from 52 to 54
descending to the right, and from 10 to 16 descending to the left,
and every one of its parallel bent rows of 8 numbers make 260. --
Also the parallel bent rows next to the above-mentioned, which are
shortened to 3 numbers ascending, and 3 descending, _&c._ as from 53
to 4 ascending, and from 29 to 44 descending, make, with the 2 corner
numbers, 260. -- Also the 2 numbers 14, 61 ascending, and 36, 19
descending, with the lower 4 numbers situated like them, _viz._ 50,
1, descending, and 32, 47, ascending, make 260. -- And, lastly, the 4
corner numbers, with the 4 middle numbers, make 260.
So this magical square seems perfect in its kind. But these
are not all its properties; there are 5 other curious ones, which, at
some other time, I will explain to you.
Mr. _Logan_ then shewed me an old arithmetical book, in quarto,
wrote, I think, by one _Stifelius_, which contained a square of 16,
that he said he should imagine must have been a work of great labour;
but if I forget not, it had only the common properties of making the
same sum, _viz._ 2056, in every row, horizontal, vertical, and
diagonal. Not willing to be out-done by Mr _Stifelius_, even in the
size of my square, I went home, and made, that evening, the following
magical square of 16, which, besides having all the properties of the
_A Magic Square of Squares_.
foregoing square of 8, _i.e._ it would make the 2056 in all the
same rows and diagonals, had this added, that a four square hole
being cut in a piece of paper of such a size as to take in and shew
through it, just 16 of the little squares, when laid on the greater
square, the sum of the 16 numbers so appearing through the hole,
wherever it was placed on the greater square, should likewise make
2056. This I sent to our friend the next morning, who, after some
days, sent it back in a letter, with these words: -- "I return to
thee thy astonishing or most stupendous piece of the magical square,
in which" -- but the compliment is too extravagant, and therefore,
for his sake, as well as my own, I ought not to repeat it. Nor is it
necessary; for I make no question but you will readily allow this
square of 16 to be the most magically magical of any magic square
ever made by any magician. (_See the Plate_.)
I did not, however, end with squares, but composed also a
magick circle, consisting of 8 concentric circles, and 8 radial rows,
filled with a series of numbers, from 12 to 75, inclusive, so
disposed as that the numbers of each circle, or each radial row,
being added to the central number 12, they made exactly 360, the
number of degrees in a circle; and this circle had, moreover, all the
properties of the square of 8. If you desire it, I will send it; but
at present, I believe, you have enough on this subject.
_I am, &c._
1752?
"I NOW SEND YOU THE MAGICAL CIRCLE"
_To Peter Collinson_
_SIR_,
I am glad the perusal of the magical squares afforded you any
amusement. I now send you the magical circle.
Its properties, besides those mentioned in my former, are
these.
Half the number in any radial row, added with half the
_A Magic Circle of Circles._
central number, make 180, equal to the number of degrees in a
semi-circle.
Also half the numbers in any one of the concentric circles,
taken either above or below the horizontal double line, with half the
central number, make 180.
And if any four adjoining numbers, standing nearly in a square,
be taken from any part, and added with half the central number, they
make 180.
There are, moreover, included four other sets of circular
spaces, excentric with respect to the first, each of these sets
containing five spaces. The centers of the circles that bound them,
are at A, B, C, and D. Each set, for the more easy distinguishing
them from the first, are drawn with a different colour'd ink, red,
blue, green, and yellow.
These sets of excentric circular spaces intersect those of the
concentric, and each other; and yet the numbers contained in each of
the twenty excentric spaces, taken all around, make, with the central
number, the same sum as those in each of the 8 concentric, _viz._
360. The halves, also of those drawn from the centers A and C, taken
above or below the double horizontal line, and of those drawn from
centers B and D, taken to the right or left of the vertical line, do,
with half the central number, make just 180.
It may be observed, that there is not one of the numbers but
what belongs at least to two of the different circular spaces; some
to three, some to four, some to five; and yet they are all so placed
as never to break the required number 360, in any of the 28 circular
spaces within the primitive circle.
These interwoven circles make so perplexed an appearance, that
it is not easy for the eye to trace every circle of numbers one would
examine, through all the maze of circles intersected by it; but if
you fix one foot of the compasses in either of the centers, and
extend the other to any number in the circle you would examine
belonging to that center, the moving foot will point the others out,
by passing round over all the numbers of that circle successively.
_I am, &c._
1752?
SPOUTS AND WHIRLWINDS
_To John Perkins_
Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 4. 1753
I ought to have wrote to you long since, in Answer to yours of
Oct. 16. concerning the Water Spout: But Business partly, and partly
a Desire of procuring further Information by Inquiry among my
Seafaring Acquaintance, induc'd me to postpone Writing from time to
time, till I am now almost asham'd to resume the Subject, not knowing
but you may have forgot what has been said upon it.
Nothing certainly can be more improving to a Searcher into
Nature, than Objections judiciously made to his Opinions, taken up
perhaps too hastily: For such Objections oblige him to restudy the
Point, consider every Circumstance carefully, compare Facts, make
Experiments, weigh Arguments, and be slow in drawing Conclusions.
And hence a sure Advantage results; for he either confirms a Truth,
before too slightly supported; or discovers an Error and receives
Instruction from the Objector.
In this View I consider the Objections and Remarks you sent me,
and thank you for them sincerely: But how much soever my Inclinations
lead me to philosophical Inquiries, I am so engag'd in Business
public and private, that those more pleasing pursuits are frequently
interrupted, and the Chain of Thought necessary to be closely
continu'd in such Disquisitions, so broken and disjointed, that it is
with Difficulty I satisfy myself in any of them. And I am now not
much nearer a Conclusion in this Matter of the Spout, than when I
first read your Letter.
Yet hoping we may in time sift out the Truth between us, I will
send you my present Thoughts with some Observations on your Reasons,
on the Accounts in the Transactions, and other Relations I have met
with. Perhaps while I am writing some new Light may strike me -- for
I shall now be oblig'd to consider the Subject with a little more
Attention. I agree with you, that by means of a Vacuum in a
Whirlwind, Water cannot be suppos'd to rise in large Masses to the
Region of the Clouds: For the Pressure of the surrounding Atmosphere
could not force it up in a continu'd Body or Column to a much greater
Height than thirty feet: But if there really is a Vacuum in the
Center or near the Axis of Whirlwinds, then I think Water may rise in
such Vacuum to that Height or to less Height as the Vacuum may be
less perfect.
I had not read Stuart's Account in the Transactions for many
Years before the receipt of your Letter and had quite forgot it; but
now, on Viewing his Drafts, and considering his Descriptions, I think
they seem to favour _my Hypothesis_; For he describes and draws
Columns of Water of various Heights, terminating abruptly at the Top,
exactly as Water would do when forc'd up by the Pressure of the
Atmosphere into an exhausted Tube.
I must, however, no longer call it _my Hypothesis_, since I
find Stuart had the same Thought tho' somewhat obscurely express'd,
where he says, "he imagines this Phaenomenon may be solv'd by Suction
(improperly so call'd) or rather Pulsion, as in the Application of a
Cupping Glass to the Flesh, the Air being first voided by the kindled
Flax."
In my Paper, I supposed a Whirlwind and a Spout, to be the same
Thing, and to proceed from the same Cause; the only Difference
between them being, that the one passes over Land, the other over
Water. I find also, in the Transactions, that Mr. de la Pryme was of
the same Opinion; for he there describes two Spouts as he calls them,
which were seen at different Times at Hatfield in Yorkshire, whose
Appearances in the Air were the same with those of the Spouts at Sea,
and Effects the same with those of real Whirlwinds.
Whirlwinds have generally a progressive as well as a circular
Motion; so had what is called the Spout at Topsham; See the Account
of it in the Transactions; which also appears by its Effects
described to have been a real Whirlwind. Water Spouts have likewise
a progressive Motion. Tho' this is sometimes greater and sometimes
less, in some violent, in others barely perceivable. The Whirlwind
at Warrington continu'd long in Acrement Close.
Whirlwinds generally arise after Calms and great Heats: The
same is observ'd of Water Spouts, which are therefore most frequent
in the warm Latitudes. The Spout that happen'd in Cold Weather in
the Downs, describ'd by Mr. Gordon, in the Transactions, was for that
reason thought extraordinary, but he remarks withal, that the Weather
tho' cold when the Spout appeared, was soon after much colder; as we
find it commonly less warm after a Whirlwind.
You agree that the Wind blows every way towards a Whirlwind
from a large Space round; An intelligent Whaleman of Nantucket,
informed me, that three of their Vessels which were out in search of
Whales, happening to be becalmed lay in Sight of each other at about
a League distance if I remember right nearly forming a Triangle;
after some time a Water Spout appeared near the Middle of the
Triangle, when a brisk Breeze of Wind also sprang up; and every
Vessel made Sail and then it appeared to them all by the Setting of
the Sails and the Course each Vessel stood, that the Spout was to
Leeward of every one of them, and they all declar'd it to have been
so when they happen'd afterwards in Company and came to confer about
it. So that in this Particular likewise, Whirlwinds and Waterspouts
agree.
But if that which appears a Water Spout at Sea, does sometimes
in its progressive Motion, meet with and pass over Land, and there
produce all the Phenomena and Effects of a Whirlwind, it should
thence seem still more evident that a Whirlwind and Spout are the
same. I send you herewith a Letter from an ingenious Physician of my
Acquaintance, which gives one Instance of this, that fell within his
Observation.
A Fluid moving from all Points horizontally towards a Center,
must at that Center either ascend or descend. Water being in a Tub,
if a Hole be open'd in the Middle of the Bottom, will flow from all
Sides to the Center, and there descend in a Whirl. But Air flowing
on and near the Surface of Land or Water from all Sides toward a
Center, must at that Center ascend; the Land or Water hindering its
Descent.
If these concentring Currents of Air be in the upper Region,
they may indeed descend in the Spout or Whirlwind; but then when the
united Current reach'd the Earth or Water it would spread and
probably blow every way _from_ the Center: There may be Whirlwinds of
both kinds, but from the common observ'd Effects, I suspect the
Rising one to be the most common; and that when the upper Air
descends, tis perhaps in a greater Body, extending wider and without
much whirling as in our Thunder Gusts. When Air descends in a Spout
or Whirlwind, I should rather expect it would press the Roof of a
House inwards, or force in the Tiles, Shingles or Thatch; force a
Boat down into the Water, or a Piece of Timber into the Earth than
that it would lift them up and carry them away.
It has so happen'd that I have not met with any Accounts of
Spouts, that certainly descended. I suspect they are not frequent.
Please to communicate those you mention. The apparent dropping of a
Pipe from the Clouds towards the Earth or Sea, I will endeavour to
explain hereafter.
The Augmentation of the Cloud, which, as I am inform'd is
generally if not always the case during a Spout, seems to show an
Ascent rather than a Descent of the Matter of which such Cloud is
composed. For a descending Spout one would expect should diminish a
Cloud. I own, however, that descending cold Air, may by Condensing
the Vapours of a lower Region form and increase Clouds, which I think
is generally the Case in our common Thunder Gusts, and therefore do
not lay great Stress on this Argument.
Whirlwinds and Spouts are not always tho' most commonly in the
Day-time. The terrible Whirlwind which damag'd a great Part of Rome
June 11. 1749 happen'd in the Night of that Day. The same was
supposed to have been first a Spout, for it is said to be beyond
doubt that it gathered in the neighbouring Sea, as it could be
tracked from Ostia to Rome. I find this in Pere Boschovich's Account
of it, as abridg'd in the Monthly Review for December 1750.
In that Account the Whirlwind is said to have appear'd as a
very black long and lofty Cloud, (discoverable notwithstanding the
Darkness of the Night by its continually lightning or emitting
Flashes on all Sides) pushing along with a surprizing Swiftness, and
within 3 or 4 feet of the Ground. Its general Effects on Houses,
were stripping off the Roofs, blowing away Chimneys, breaking Doors
and Windows, _forcing up the Floors, and unpaving the Rooms_: [Some
of these Effects seem to agree well with a supposed Vacuum in the
Center of the Whirlwind;] and the very Rafters of the Houses were
broke and dispersed, and even hurled against Houses at a considerable
Distance, &c.
It seems by an Expression of Pere Boschovich's as if the Wind
blew from all sides towards this Whirlwind for having carefully
observ'd its Effects he concludes of all Whirlwinds "that their
Motion is circular, and their Action _attractive_."
He observes on a Number of Histories of Whirlwinds &c. "that a
common Effect of them is to carry up into the Air, Tiles, Stones and
Animals themselves, which happen to be in their Course, and all kinds
of Bodies unexceptionally, throwing them to a considerable Distance,
with great Impetuosity." Such Effects seem to show a rising Current
of Air.
I will endeavour to explain my Conceptions of this Matter, by
Figures, representing a Plan and an Elevation of a Spout or
Whirlwind.
I would only first beg to be allowed two or three Positions
mentioned in my former Paper.
1st. That the lower Region of Air is often more heated and so
more rarified, than the upper; consequently specifically lighter.
The Coldness of the upper Region is manifested by the Hail which
sometimes falls from it in a hot Day:
2dly. That heated Air may be very moist, and yet the Moisture
so equally diffus'd and rarified, as not to be visible, till colder
Air mixes with it, when it condenses and becomes visible. Thus our
Breath, invisible in Summer, becomes visible in Winter.
Now let us suppose a Tract of Land or Sea of perhaps 60 Miles
square unscreen'd by Clouds and unfann'd by Winds during great Part
of a Summer's Day, or it may be for several Days successively till
'tis violently heated, together with the lower Region of Air in
Contact with it, so that the said lower Air becomes specifically
lighter than the superincumbent higher Region of the Atmosphere, in
which the Clouds commonly float. Let us suppose also, that the Air
surrounding this Tract has not been so much heated during those Days,
and therefore remains heavier. The Consequence of this should be, as
I imagine that the heated lighter Air being press'd on all Sides must
ascend, and the heavier descend; and as this Rising cannot be in all
Parts or the whole Area of the Tract at once, for that would leave
too extensive a Vacuum, the Rising will begin precisely in that
Column that happens to be the lightest or most rarified; and the warm
Air will flow horizontallyfrom all Points to this Column, where the
several Currents meeting and joining to rise, a Whirl is naturally
formed, in the same Manner as a Whirl is formed in the Tub of Water
by the descending Fluid flowing from all Sides of the Tub to the Hole
in the Center.
And as the several Currents arrive at this central rising
Column with a considerable Degree of horizontal Motion, they cannot
suddenly change it to a vertical Motion, therefore as they gradually
in approaching the Whirl decline from right to curve or circular
Lines, so having join'd the Whirl they _ascend_ by a spiral Motion;
in the same Manner as the Water _descends_ spirally thro' the Hole in
the Tub before-mentioned.
Lastly, as the lower Air and nearest the Surface, is most
rarified by the Heat of the Sun, that Air is most acted on by the
Pressure of the surrounding cold and heavy Air which is to take its
Place, consequently its Motion towards the Whirl is swiftest, and so
the force of the lower Part of the Whirl or Trump strongest, and the
Centrifugal Force of its Particles greatest; and hence the Vacuum
round the Axis of the Whirl should be greatest near the Earth or Sea,
and be gradually diminish'd as it approaches the Region of the
Clouds, till it ends in a Point, as at A in Fig II. forming a long
and sharp Cone.
In Fig I. which is a Plan or Ground Plot of a Whirlwind, the
Circle V represents the central Vacuum.
Between aaaa and bbbb I suppose a Body of Air condens'd
strongly by the Pressure of the Currents moving towards it from all
sides without, and by its Centrifugal Force from within; moving round
with prodigious Swiftness, (having as it were the Momenta of all the
Currents --_ --_ --_ --_ united in itself) and with a Power equal to
its Swiftness and Density.
It is this whirling Body of Air between aaaa and bbbb that
rises spirally. By its Force it tears Buildings to Pieces, twists up
great Trees by the Roots, &c. and by its spiral Motion raises the
Fragments so high till the Pressure of the surrounding and
approaching Currents diminishing can no longer confine them to the
Circle, or their own centrifugal Force
encreasing grows too strong for such Pressure, when they fly
off in Tangent Lines as Stones out of a Sling, and fall on all Sides
and at great Distances.
If it happens at Sea, the Water between aaaa and bbbb will be
violently agitated and driven about, and parts of it raised with the
spiral Current, and thrown about so as to form a Bushlike Appearance.
This Circle is of various Diameters, sometimes very large.
If the Vacuum passes over Water the Water may rise in it in a
Body or Column to near the Height of 32 feet. If it passes over
Houses, it may burst their Windows or Walls outwards, pluck off the
Roofs and blow up the Floors, by the Sudden Rarefaction of the Air
contain'd within such Buildings, the outward Pressure of the
Atmosphere being suddenly taken off; So the stop'd Bottle of Air
bursts under the exhausted Receiver of the Air Pump.
Fig II. is to represent the Elevation of a Water Spout; wherein
I suppose PPP to be the Cone, at first a Vacuum till WW the rising
Column of Water has fill'd so much of it. SSSS the Spiral Whirl of
Air surrounding the Vacuum and continu'd higher in a close Column
after the Vacuum ends in the Point P. till it reach the cool Region
of the Air. B.B. the Bush describ'd by Stuart, surrounding the Foot
of the Column of Water.
Now I suppose this Whirl of Air will at first be as invisible
as the Air itself tho' reaching in reality from the Water to the
Region of cool Air in which our low Summer Thunder Clouds commonly
float; but presently it will become visible at its Extremities. _At
its lower End_ by the Agitation of the Water, under the Whirling Part
of the Circle, between P and S. forming Stuart's Bush, and by the
Swelling and Rising of the Water in the beginning Vacuum, which is at
first a small low broad Cone whose Top gradually rises and sharpens
as the Force of the Whirl increases. _At its upper End_, it becomes
visible by the Warm Air brought up to the cooler Region, where its
Moisture begins to be condens'd into thick Vapour by the Cold, and is
seen first at A. the highest Parts, which being now cool'd, condenses
what rises next at B. which condenses that at C; and that condenses
what is rising at D. The Cold operating by the Contact of the
Vapours faster in a right Line downwards, than the Vapours themselves
can climb in a spiral Line upwards; they climb however, and as by
continual Addition they grow denser and consequently their
centrifugal Force greater, and being risen above the concentrating
Currents that compose the Whirl, they flie off, spread and form a
Cloud.
It seems easy to conceive, how by this successive Condensation
from above the Spout appears to drop or descend from the Cloud, tho'
the Materials of which it is composed are all the while ascending.
The Condensation of the Moisture contain'd in so great a
Quantity of warm Air as may be suppos'd to rise in a short Time in
this prodigiously rapid Whirl, is perhaps sufficient to form a great
Extent of Cloud, tho' the Spout should be over Land as those at
Hatfield; and if the Land happens not to be very dusty, perhaps the
lower Part of the Spout will scarce become visible at all; Tho' the
upper or what is commonly call'd the descending Part be very
distinctly seen.
The same may happen at Sea, in case the Whirl is not violent
enough to make a high Vacuum and raise the Column, &c. In such Case
the upper Part ABCD only will be visible, and the Bush perhaps below.
But if the Whirl be strong, and there be much Dust on the Land,
or the Column WW be rais'd from the Water; then the lower Part
becomes visible, and sometimes even united to the upper Part. For
the Dust may be carried up in the Spiral Whirl till it reach the
Region where the Vapour is condens'd, and rise with that even to the
Clouds. And the Friction of the Whirling Air on the Sides of the
Column WW may detach great Quantities of its Water, break it into
Drops and carry them up in the Spiral Whirl mix'd with the Air; the
heavier Drops may indeed fly off, and fall in a Shower round the
Spout; but much of it will be broken into Vapour, yet visible; and
thus in both Cases, by Dust at Land, and by Water at Sea, the whole
Tube may be darkned and render'd visible.
As the Whirl weakens, the Tube may (in Appearance) separate in
the Middle; the Column of Water subsiding, and the superior condens'd
Part drawing up to the Cloud. Yet still the Tube or Whirl of Air may
remain entire, the middle only becoming invisible, as not containing
visible Matter.
Dr. Stuart says, "it was observable of all the Spouts he saw,
but more perceptible of the great One; that towards the End it began
to appear like a hollow Canal, only black in the Borders but white in
the Middle, and tho' at first it was altogether black and opaque, yet
now one could very distinctly perceive the Sea Water to fly up along
the Middle of this Canal, as Smoak up a Chimney." And Dr. Mather
describing a Whirlwind says, "a thick dark small Cloud arose, with a
Pillar of Light in it, of about 8 or 10 foot Diameter and passed
along the Ground in a Tract not wider than a Street, horribly tearing
up Trees by the Roots, blowing them up in the Air like Feathers, and
throwing up Stones of great Weight to a considerable Height in the
Air, &c."
These Accounts, the one of Water Spouts, the other of a
Whirlwind, seem in this particular to agree; what one Gentleman
describes as a Tube black in the Borders, and white in the middle;
the other calls a black Cloud with a Pillar of Light in it; the
latter Expression has only a little more of the marvellous, but the
Thing is the same. And it seems not very difficult to understand.
When Dr. Stuarts Spouts were full charg'd; that is, when the whirling
Pipe of Air was filled, between aaaa and bbbb [Fig. I], with
Quantities of Drops and Vapour torn off from the Column WW [Fig. II],
the whole was render'd so dark as that it could not be seen thro',
nor the spiral ascending Motion discover'd; but when the Quantity
ascending lessen'd, the Pipe became more transparent, and the
ascending Motion visible. For by Inspection of this Figure in the
Margin representing a Section of our Spout with the Vacuum in the
Middle, it is plain, that if we look at such a hollow Pipe in the
Direction of the Arrows, and suppose opacous Particles to be equally
mix'd in the Space between the two circular Lines, both the Part
between the Arrows a and b and that between the Arrows c and d, will
appear much darker than that between b and c; as there must be many
more of those opaque Particles in the Line of Vision across the Sides
than across the Middle. It is thus, that a Hair in a Microscope
evidently appears to be a Pipe, the Sides shewing darker than the
Middle. Dr. Mather's Whirl was probably fill'd with Dust; the Sides
were very dark, but the Vacuum within rendering the Middle more
transparent he
calls it a Pillar of Light. It was in this more transparent
Part between b and c that Stuart could see the spiral Motion of the
Vapours, whose Lines on the nearest and farthest Side of this
transparent Part crossing each other, represented Smoke ascending in
a Chimney; for the Quantity being still too great in the Line of
Sight thro' the Sides of the Tube, the Motion could not be discover'd
there, and so they represented the solid Sides of the Chimney.
When the Vapours reach in the Pipe from the Clouds near to the
Earth, it is no Wonder now to those who understand Electricity, that
Flashes of Lightning should descend by the Spout, as in that at Rome.
But you object, If Water may be thus carried into the Clouds,
why have we no salt Rains? The Objection is strong and reasonable;
and I know not whether I can answer it to your Satisfaction. I never
heard but of one Salt Rain, and that was where a Spout passed pretty
near a Ship, so I suppose it to be only the Drops thrown off from the
Spout by the centrifugal Force, (as the Birds were at Hatfield) when
they had been carried so high as to be above or to be too strongly
centrifugal for the Pressure of the concurring Winds surrounding it.
And indeed I believe there can be no other kind of Salt Rain; for it
has pleased the Goodness of God so to order it, that the Particles of
Air will not attract the Particles of Salt; tho' they strongly
attract Water. Hence tho' all Metals, even Gold, may be united with
Air and render'd volatile, Salt remains fix'd in the Fire, and no
Heat can force it up to any considerable Height or oblige the Air to
hold it; Hence when Salt rises as it will a little Way into Air with
Water, there is instantly a Separation made; the Particles of Water
adhere to the Air, and the Particles of Salt fall down again, as if
repell'd and forc'd off from the Water by some Power in the Air: Or
as some Metals dissolv'd in a proper Menstruum will quit the Solvent
when other matter approaches, and adhere to that, so the Water quits
the Salt and embraces the Air but Air will not embrace the Salt and
quit the Water. Otherwise, our Rains would indeed be salt, and every
Tree and Plant on the Face of the Earth be destroy'd, with all the
Animals that depend on them for Subsistence. He who hath
proportioned and given proper Qualities to all Things, was not
unmindful of this. Let us adore him with Praise and Thanksgiving!
By some Accounts of Seamen, it seems the Column of Water WW
sometimes falls suddenly, and if it be as some say 15 or 20 Yards
Diameter it must fall with great Force, and they may well fear for
their Ships. By one Account in the Transactions of a Spout that fell
at Coln in Lancashire one would think the Column is sometimes lifted
off from the Water, and carried over Land, and there let fall in a
Body; but this I suppose happens rarely.
Stuart describes his Spouts as appearing no bigger than a Mast!
and sometimes less: but they were at a League and half Distance.
I think I formerly read in Dampier, or some other Voyager, that
a Spout in its progressive Motion went over a Ship becalmed on the
Coast of Guinea: and first threw her down on one Side, carrying away
her Foremast; then suddenly, whipt her up, and threw her down on the
other Side, carrying away her Mizen Mast; and the whole was over in
an Instant. I suppose the first Mischief was done by the foreside of
the Whirl, the latter by the hinder Side, their Motion being
contrary.
I suppose a Whirlwind or Spout may be stationary when the
concurring Winds are equal; but if unequal, the Whirl acquires a
progressive Motion, in the direction of the Strongest Pressure.
Where the Wind that gives the progressive Motion becomes
stronger below than above, or above than below, the Spout will be
bent, and the Cause ceasing, straiten again.
Your Queries towards the End of your Paper, appear judicious
and worth considering. At present I am not furnish'd with Facts
sufficient to make any pertinent Answer to them. And this Paper has
already a sufficient Quantity of Conjecture.
Your manner of accommodating the Accounts to your Hypothesis,
of descending Spouts, is I own ingenious; and perhaps that Hypothesis
may be true: I will consider it farther; but as yet I am not
satisfy'd with it, tho' hereafter I may be. Here you have my Method
of Accounting for the principal Phaenomena, which I submit to your
candid Examination. If my Hypothesis is not the Truth itself, it is
least as naked: For I have not with some of our learned Moderns
disguis'd my Nonsense in Greek, cloth'd it in Algebra, or adorn'd it
with Fluxions. And as I now seem to have almost written a Book
instead of a Letter, you will think it high time I should conclude,
which I beg Leave to do with assuring you that I am most sincerely,
Dear Sir Your obliged Friend and humble Servant.
ELECTRICITY, THE TRANSIT OF MERCURY, AND A NORTHWEST PASSAGE
_To Cadwallader Colden_
Dear Sir Philada. Feb. 28. 1753
I return you herewith Professor Kanster's Remarks. As far as I
am able to judge, the Translation is just, and your Answer a good
one. I am pleas'd with the Omission of that part of a Paragraph
relating to the German and Pensilvanian Electricians, and have
corrected the Copy as you direct. I have but one other Alteration to
propose, which is, to omit some Part of the last Paragraph, and read
the rest thus; -- "After all, Mr. Colden must think himself obliged
to the Professor, for exposing the Difficulties his Treatise lies
under in the Opinion of others, as thereby an Opportunity is given of
explaining his Doctrine more fully to their Satisfaction." For it
seems to me not so proper to make Acknowledgement for his Translating
your Piece, as if it were a Favour, when he tells the World he did it
by Command: And I apprehend it unnecessary, and that it may look like
too great a Fondness for Complement, to draw one from him by
Consequence; viz. _That he did not think it a trifling Performance,
or he would not have taken the Trouble, &c._ since he himself freely
says, _that the many new, good and just Thoughts contain'd in it,
made him willingly undertake the Task enjoin'd him._ Besides that it
is not clear he could have refus'd to obey the Command he received,
whatever might have been his private Sentiments. The Ship I intended
to forward these Papers by to Mr. Collinson, has stay'd much longer
than I expected, and now I am told will not sail before the End of
next Month, so that I may possibly receive your Directions concerning
this propos'd Alteration before she sails.
I find I was not wrong in my Apprehensions that your Book would
be incorrectly printed. I hope however, that the Errata will be in
England time enough to be published with the Work; and I thank you
for sending them to me. I have corrected the Book accordingly, and
given it one Reading; but it is not a Piece to make sudden Remarks
on, as one might of a Poem or other Performance on common Subjects.
I must read and consider it yet more attentively; at present I can
only tell you, that some Things in it please me exceedingly; some I
do not yet clearly understand; and one or two Positions I think
wrong; of all which you shall hear more fully in my next. On the
whole it gives me great Satisfaction, when I consider it as a Work
that will not only improve Philosophy, but do Honour to America.
I am sorry I have not, as you expect, anything new to
communicate to you on the Subject of Electricity. My Time and
Thoughts have of late been much engag'd in other Matters: And ever
since I heard of your being furnish'd with an Apparatus, I have hoped
rather to receive Information of new Discoveries from you, than
expected to send you any. If your other philosophical Pursuits do
not prevent your Application to the Experiments you propos'd to make
on various Salts, &c. I shall still hope it. Your Skill and
Expertness in Mathematical Computations, will afford you an Advantage
in these Disquisitions, that I lament the want of, who am like a Man
searching for something in a dark Room, where I can only grope and
guess; while you proceed with a Candle in your Hand.
We are preparing here to make accurate Observations on the
approaching Transit of Mercury over the Sun. You will oblige us much
by sending the Account you have received from Lord Macclesfield of
his great mural Quadrant. I congratulate you on your Discovery of a
new Motion in the Earth's Axis: You will, I see, render your Name
immortal.
I believe I have not before told you, that I have procur'd a
Subscription here of pounds 1500 to fit out a Vessel in Search of a NWest
Passage: she sails in a few Days, and is called the Argo, commanded
by Mr. Swaine, who was in the last Expedition in the California,
Author of a Journal of that Voyage in two Volumes. We think the
Attempt laudable, whatever may be the Success: if he fails, _Magnis
tamen excidit ausis._
With great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant
THE SUPPORT OF THE POOR
_To Peter Collinson_
Sir Philadelphia May 9th. 1753
I received your Favour of the 29th. August last and thank you
for the kind and judicious remarks you have made on my little Piece.
Whatever further occurs to you on the same subject, you will much
oblige me in communicating it.
I have often observed with wonder, that Temper of the poor
English Manufacturers and day Labourers which you mention, and
acknowledge it to be pretty general. When any of them happen to come
here, where Labour is much better paid than in England, their
Industry seems to diminish in equal proportion. But it is not so
with the German Labourers; They retain the habitual Industry and
Frugality they bring with them, and now receiving higher Wages an
accumulation arises that makes them all rich.
When I consider, that the English are the Offspring of Germans,
that the Climate they live in is much of the same Temperature; when I
can see nothing in Nature that should create this Difference, I am
apt to suspect it must arise from Institution, and I have sometimes
doubted, whether the Laws peculiar to England which compel the Rich
to maintain the Poor, have not given the latter, a Dependance that
very much lessens the care of providing against the wants of old Age.
I have heard it remarked that the Poor in Protestant Countries
on the Continent of Europe, are generally more industrious than those
of Popish Countries, may not the more numerous foundations in the
latter for the relief of the poor have some effect towards rendering
them less provident. To relieve the misfortunes of our fellow
creatures is concurring with the Deity, 'tis Godlike, but if we
provide encouragements for Laziness, and supports for Folly, may it
not be found fighting against the order of God and Nature, which
perhaps has appointed Want and Misery as the proper Punishments for,
and Cautions against as well as necessary consequences of Idleness
and Extravagancy.
Whenever we attempt to mend the scheme of Providence and to
interfere in the Government of the World, we had need be very
circumspect lest we do more harm than Good. In New England they once
thought Black-birds useless and mischievous to their corn, they made
Laws to destroy them, the consequence was, the Black-birds were
diminished but a kind of Worms which devoured their Grass, and which
the Black-birds had been used to feed on encreased prodigiously; Then
finding their Loss in Grass much greater than their saving in corn
they wished again for their Black-birds.
We had here some years since a Transylvanian Tartar, who had
travelled much in the East, and came hither merely to see the West,
intending to go home thro' the spanish West Indies, China &c. He
asked me one day what I thought might be the Reason that so many and
such numerous nations, as the Tartars in Europe and Asia, the Indians
in America, and the Negroes in Africa, continued a wandring careless
Life, and refused to live in Cities, and to cultivate the arts they
saw practiced by the civilized part of Mankind. While I was
considering what answer to make him; I'll tell you, says he in his
broken English, God make man for Paradise, he make him for to live
lazy; man make God angry, God turn him out of Paradise, and bid him
work; man no love work; he want to go to Paradise again, he want to
live lazy; so all mankind love lazy. Howe'er this may be it seems
certain, that the hope of becoming at some time of Life free from the
necessity of care and Labour, together with fear of penury, are the
main-springs of most peoples industry.
To those indeed who have been educated in elegant plenty, even
the provision made for the poor may appear misery, but to those who
have scarce ever been better provided for, such provision may seem
quite good and sufficient, these latter have then nothing to fear
worse than their present Conditions, and scarce hope for any thing
better than a Parish maintainance; so that there is only the
difficulty of getting that maintainance allowed while they are able
to work, or a little shame they suppose attending it, that can induce
them to work at all, and what they do will only be from hand to
mouth.
The proneness of human Nature to a life of ease, of freedom
from care and labour appears strongly in the little success that has
hitherto attended every attempt to civilize our American Indians, in
their present way of living, almost all their Wants are supplied by
the spontaneous Productions of Nature, with the addition of very
little labour, if hunting and fishing may indeed be called labour
when Game is so plenty, they visit us frequently, and see the
advantages that Arts, Sciences, and compact Society procure us, they
are not deficient in natural understanding and yet they have never
shewn any Inclination to change their manner of life for ours, or to
learn any of our Arts; When an Indian Child has been brought up among
us, taught our language and habituated to our Customs, yet if he goes
to see his relations and make one Indian Ramble with them, there is
no perswading him ever to return, and that this is not natural to
them merely as Indians, but as men, is plain from this, that when
white persons of either sex have been taken prisoners young by the
Indians, and lived a while among them, tho' ransomed by their
Friends, and treated with all imaginable tenderness to prevail with
them to stay among the English, yet in a Short time they become
disgusted with our manner of life, and the care and pains that are
necessary to support it, and take the first good Opportunity of
escaping again into the Woods, from whence there is no reclaiming
them. One instance I remember to have heard, where the person was
brought home to possess a good Estate; but finding some care
necessary to keep it together, he relinquished it to a younger
Brother, reserving to himself nothing but a gun and a match-Coat,
with which he took his way again to the Wilderness.
Though they have few but natural wants and those easily
supplied. But with us are infinite Artificial wants, no less craving
than those of Nature, and much more difficult to satisfy; so that I
am apt to imagine that close Societies subsisting by Labour and Arts,
arose first not from choice, but from necessity: When numbers being
driven by war from their hunting grounds and prevented by seas or by
other nations were crowded together into some narrow Territories,
which without labour would not afford them Food. However as matters
now stand with us, care and industry seem absolutely necessary to our
well being; they should therefore have every Encouragement we can
invent, and not one Motive to diligence be subtracted, and the
support of the Poor should not be by maintaining them in Idleness,
But by employing them in some kind of labour suited to their
Abilities of body &c. as I am informed of late begins to be the
practice in many parts of England, where work houses are erected for
that purpose. If these were general I should think the Poor would be
more careful and work voluntarily and lay up something for themselves
against a rainy day, rather than run the risque of being obliged to
work at the pleasure of others for a bare subsistence and that too
under confinement. The little value Indians set on what we prize so
highly under the name of Learning appears from a pleasant passage
that happened some years since at a Treaty between one of our
Colonies and the Six Nations; when every thing had been settled to
the Satisfaction of both sides, and nothing remained but a mutual
exchange of civilities, the English Commissioners told the Indians,
they had in their Country a College for the instruction of Youth who
were there taught various languages, Arts, and Sciences; that there
was a particular foundation in favour of the Indians to defray the
expense of the Education of any of their sons who should desire to
take the Benefit of it. And now if the Indians would accept of the
Offer, the English would take half a dozen of their brightest lads
and bring them up in the Best manner; The Indians after consulting on
the proposal replied that it was remembered some of their Youths had
formerly been educated in that College, but it had been observed that
for a long time after they returned to their Friends, they were
absolutely good for nothing being neither acquainted with the true
methods of killing deer, catching Beaver or surprizing an enemy. The
Proposition however, they looked on as a mark of the kindness and
good will of the English to the Indian Nations which merited a
grateful return; and therefore if the English Gentlemen would send a
dozen or two of their Children to Onondago the great Council would
take care of their Education, bring them up in really what was the
best manner and make men of them.
I am perfectly of your mind, that measures of great Temper are
necessary with the Germans: and am not without Apprehensions, that
thro' their indiscretion or Ours, or both, great disorders and
inconveniences may one day arise among us; Those who come hither are
generally of the most ignorant Stupid Sort of their own Nation, and
as Ignorance is often attended with Credulity when Knavery would
mislead it, and with Suspicion when Honesty would set it right; and
as few of the English understand the German Language, and so cannot
address them either from the Press or Pulpit, 'tis almost impossible
to remove any prejudices they once entertain. Their own Clergy have
very little influence over the people; who seem to take an uncommon
pleasure in abusing and discharging the Minister on every trivial
occasion. Not being used to Liberty, they know not how to make a
modest use of it; and as Kolben says of the young Hottentots, that
they are not esteemed men till they have shewn their manhood by
beating their mothers, so these seem to think themselves not free,
till they can feel their liberty in abusing and insulting their
Teachers. Thus they are under no restraint of Ecclesiastical
Government; They behave, however, submissively enough at present to
the Civil Government which I wish they may continue to do: For I
remember when they modestly declined intermeddling in our Elections,
but now they come in droves, and carry all before them, except in one
or two Counties; Few of their children in the Country learn English;
they import many Books from Germany; and of the six printing houses
in the Province, two are entirely German, two half German half
English, and but two entirely English; They have one German
News-paper, and one half German. Advertisements intended to be
general are now printed in Dutch and English; the Signs in our
Streets have inscriptions in both languages, and in some places only
German: They begin of late to make all their Bonds nad other legal
Writings in their own Language, which (though I think it ought not to
be) are allowed good in our Courts, where the German Business so
encreases that there is continual need of Interpreters; and I suppose
in a few years they will be also necessary in the Assembly, to tell
one half of our Legislators what the other half say; In short unless
the stream of their importation could be turned from this to other
colonies, as you very judiciously propose, they will soon so out
number us, that all the advantages we have will not in My Opinion be
able to preserve our language, and even our Government will become
precarious. The French who watch all advantages, are now themselves
making a German settlement back of us in the Ilinoes Country, and by
means of those Germans they may in time come to an understanding with
ours, and indeed in the last war our Germans shewed a general
disposition that seems to bode us no good; for when the English who
were not Quakers, alarmed by the danger arising from the defenceless
state of our Country entered unanimously into an Association within
this Government and the lower Countries raised armed and Disciplined
near 10,000 men, the Germans except a very few in proportion to their
numbers refused to engage in it, giving out one among another, and
even in print, that if they were quiet the French should they take
the Country would not molest them; at the same time abusing the
Philadelphians for fitting out Privateers against the Enemy; and
representing the trouble hazard and Expence of defending the
Province, as a greater inconvenience than any that might be expected
from a change of Government. Yet I am not for refusing entirely to
admit them into our Colonies: all that seems to be necessary is, to
distribute them more equally, mix them with the English, establish
English Schools where they are now too thick settled, and take some
care to prevent the practice lately fallen into by some of the Ship
Owners, of sweeping the German Goals to make up the number of their
Passengers. I say I am not against the Admission of Germans in
general, for they have their Virtues, their industry and frugality is
exemplary; They are excellent husbandmen and contribute greatly to
the improvement of a Country.
I pray God long to preserve to Great Britain the English Laws,
Manners, Liberties and Religion notwithstanding the complaints so
frequent in Your public papers, of the prevailing corruption and
degeneracy of your People; I know you have a great deal of Virtue
still subsisting among you, and I hope the Constitution is not so
near a dissolution, as some seem to apprehend; I do not think you are
generally become such Slaves to your Vices, as to draw down that
_Justice_ Milton speaks of when he says that
------ sometimes Nations will descend so low
From reason, which is virtue, that no Wrong,
But Justice, and some fatal curse annex'd
Deprives them of their _outward_ liberty,
Their _inward_ lost. Parad: lost.
In history we find that Piety, Public Spirit and military
Prowess have their Flows, as well as their ebbs, in every nation, and
that the Tide is never so low but it may rise again; But should this
dreaded fatal change happen in my time, how should I even in the
midst of the Affliction rejoice, if we have been able to preserve
those invaluable treasures, and can invite the good among you to come
and partake of them! O let not Britain seek to oppress us, but like
an affectionate parent endeavour to secure freedom to her children;
they may be able one day to assist her in defending her own --
Whereas a Mortification begun in the Foot may spread upwards to the
destruction of the nobler parts of the Body.
I fear I have already extended this rambling letter beyond your
patience, and therefore conclude with requesting your acceptance of
the inclosed Pamphlet from Sir Your most humble servant
DOING GOOD AND RELIGIOUS BIGOTS
_To Joseph Huey_
Sir, Philada. June 6. 1753
I received your kind Letter of the 2d Inst. and am glad to hear
that you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending till
you recover your former Health and Firmness. Let me know whether you
still use the cold Bath, and what Effect it has.
As to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of
more Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire
is, that you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person
that may need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for
Mankind are all of a Family.
For my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not
look upon my self as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my
Travels and since my Settlement I have received much Kindness from
Men, to whom I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least
direct Return. And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely
above being benefited by our Services. These Kindnesses from Men I
can therefore only return on their Fellow-Men; and I can only show my
Gratitude for those Mercies from God, by a Readiness to help his
other Children and my Brethren. For I do not think that Thanks, and
Compliments, tho' repeated Weekly, can discharge our real Obligations
to each other, and much less those to our Creator.
You will see in this my Notion of Good Works, that I am far
from expecting (as you suppose) that I shall merit Heaven by them.
By Heaven we understand, a State of Happiness, infinite in Degree,
and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such Reward: He
that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person should expect
to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his Demands,
compar'd with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little Good
they do on Earth. Even the mix'd imperfect Pleasures we enjoy in
this World are rather from God's Goodness than our Merit; how much
more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part, I have not the
Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the
Ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will
and Disposal of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv'd and
bless'd me, and in whose fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that
he will never make me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may
at any time suffer shall tend to my Benefit.
The Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World; I do
not desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it
in any Man. But I wish it were more productive of Good Works than I
have generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness,
Charity, Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping,
Sermon-Reading or Hearing, performing Church Ceremonies, or making
long Prayers, fill'd with Flatteries and Compliments, despis'd even
by wise Men, and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The
Worship of God is a Duty, the hearing and reading of Sermons may be
useful; but if Men rest in Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is
as if a Tree should value itself on being water'd and putting forth
Leaves, tho' it never produc'd any Fruit.
Your great Master tho't much less of these outward Appearances
and Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer'd the
Doers of the Word to the meer Hearers; the Son that seemingly refus'd
to obey his Father and yet perform'd his Commands, to him that
profess'd his Readiness but neglected the Works; the heretical but
charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho' orthodox Priest and
sanctified Levite: and those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to
the Thirsty, Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and
Relief to the Sick, &c. tho' they never heard of his Name, he
declares shall in the last Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord,
Lord; who value themselves on their Faith tho' great enough to
perform Miracles but have neglected good Works shall be rejected. He
profess'd that he came not to call the Righteous but Sinners to
Repentance; which imply'd his modest Opinion that there were some in
his Time so good that they need not hear even him for Improvement;
but now a days we have scarce a little Parson, that does not think it
the Duty of every Man within his Reach to sit under his petty
Ministrations, and that whoever omits them offends God. I wish to
such more Humility, and to you Health and Happiness, being Your
Friend and Servant
"KISSES IN THAT WIND"
_To Catharine Ray_
Dear Katy, Philada. March 4. 1755
Your kind Letter of January 20. is but just come to hand, and I
take this first Opportunity of acknowledging the Favour.
It gives me great Pleasure to hear that you got home safe and
well that Day. I thought too much was hazarded, when I saw you put
off to Sea in that very little Skiff, toss'd by every Wave. But the
Call was strong and just, a sick Parent. I stood on the Shore, and
look'd after you, till I could no longer distinguish you, even with
my Glass; then returned to your Sister's, praying for your safe
Passage. Towards Evening all agreed that you must certainly be
arriv'd before that time, the Weather having been so favourable;
which made me more easy and chearful, for I had been truly concern'd
for you.
I left New England slowly, and with great Reluctance: Short
Days Journeys, and loitering Visits on the Road, for three or four
Weeks, manifested my Unwillingness to quit a Country in which I drew
my first Breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant Days, and had
now received so many fresh Marks of the People's Goodness and
Benevolence, in the kind and affectionate Treatment I had every where
met with. I almost forgot I had a Home; till I was more than
half-way towards it; till I had, one by one, parted with all my New
England Friends, and was got into the western Borders of Connecticut,
among meer Strangers: then, like an old Man, who, having buried all
he lov'd in this World, begins to think of Heaven, I begun to think
of and wish for Home; and as I drew nearer, I found the Attraction
stronger and stronger, my Diligence and Speed increas'd with my
Impatience, I drove on violently, and made such long Stretches that a
very few Days brought me to my own House, and to the Arms of my good
old Wife and Children, where I remain, Thanks to God, at present well
and happy.
Persons subject to the Hyp, complain of the North East Wind as
increasing their Malady. But since you promis'd to send me Kisses in
that Wind, and I find you as good as your Word, 'tis to me the gayest
Wind that blows, and gives me the best Spirits. I write this during
a N. East Storm of Snow, the greatest we have had this Winter: Your
Favours come mixd with the Snowy Fleeces which are pure as your
Virgin Innocence, white as your lovely Bosom, -- and as cold: -- But
let it warm towards some worthy young Man, and may Heaven bless you
both with every kind of Happiness.
I desired Miss Anna Ward, to send you over a little Book I left
with her; for your Amusement in that lonely Island. My Respects to
your good Father and Mother, and Sister unknown. Let me often hear
of your Welfare, since it is not likely I shall ever again have the
Pleasure of seeing you. Accept mine, and my Wife's sincere Thanks
for the many Civilities I receiv'd from you and your Relations; and
do me the Justice to believe me, Dear Girl, Your affectionate
faithful Friend and humble Servant
My respectful Compliments to your good Brother Ward, and
Sister; and to the agreable Family of the Wards at Newport when you
see them. Adieu.
"ONE OF GODS NOBILITY"
_To Joshua Babcock_
Dear Sir Philada. Sept. 1. 1755
I beg Leave to introduce to you the Revd. Mr. Allison Rector of
our Academy; a Person of great Ingenuity and Learning, a catholic
Divine, and what is more, an _Honest Man_; For as Pope says
A Wit's a Feather, and a Chief's a Rod;
An honest Man's the _noblest_ Work of God.
By Entertaining then this Gent. with your accustomed
Hospitality and Benevolence, you will Entertain one of the Nobility.
I mean one of _Gods_ Nobility; for as to the _Kings_, there are many
of them not worthy your Notice.
Do me the Favour to make my Compliments acceptable to your good
Lady, Sisters and Children in whose most agreeable Company I passed
those Chearful Winter Evenings, which I remember with high Pleasure.
I am, with the greatest Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir Your most
Obedient and Most humble Servant
ADDITION, SUBTRACTION, AND MULTIPLICATION
_To Catharine Ray_
Dear Katy Philadelphia Oct. 16. 1755
Your Favour of the 28th of June came to hand but the 28th of
September, just 3 Months after it was written. I had, two Weeks
before, wrote you a long Chat, and sent it to the Care of your
Brother Ward. I hear you are now in Boston, gay and lovely as usual.
Let me give you some fatherly Advice. Kill no more Pigeons than you
can eat. Be a good Girl, and don't forget your Catechise. Go
constantly to Meeting -- or Church -- till you get a good Husband;
then stay at home, and nurse the Children, and live like a Christian.
Spend your spare Hours, in sober Whisk, Prayers, or learning to
cypher. You must practise _Addition_ to your Husband's Estate, by
Industry and Frugality; _Subtraction_ of all unnecessary Expences;
_Multiplication_ (I would gladly have taught you that myself, but you
thought it was time enough, and wou'dn't learn) he will soon make you
a Mistress of it. As to _Division_, I say with Brother Paul, _Let
there be no Divisions among ye._ But as your good Sister Hubbard (my
Love to her) is well acquainted with _The Rule of Two_, I hope you
will become as expert in the _Rule of Three_; that when I have again
the Pleasure of seeing you, I may find you like my Grape Vine,
surrounded with Clusters, plump, juicy, blushing, pretty little
rogues, like their Mama. Adieu. The Bell rings, and I must go among
the Grave ones, and talk Politicks. Your affectionate Friend
P.S. The Plums came safe, and were so sweet from the Cause you
mention'd, that I could scarce taste the Sugar.
"THE QUANTITY OF HUMAN IGNORANCE"
_To William Shipley_
Philada. Nov. 27. 1755.
I have just received your very obliging Favour of the 13th.
September last; and as this Ship sails immediately, have little more
time than to thank you cordially for communicating to me the Papers
relating to your most laudable Undertaking, and to assure you, that I
should esteem the being admitted into such a Society as a
corresponding Member, a very great Honour, which I should be glad I
could in the least deserve, by promoting in any Degree so useful an
Institution. But tho' you do not require your Correspondents to bear
any Part of your Expence, you will I hope permit me to throw my Mite
into your Fund, and accept of 20 Guineas I purpose to send you
shortly, to be apply'd in Premiums for some Improvement _in Britain_,
as a grateful, tho' small, Return for your most kind and generous
Intentions of Encouraging Improvements _in America._ I flatter
myself, from that Part of your Plan, that those Jealousies of her
Colonies, which were formerly entertained by the Mother Country,
begin to subside. I once wrote a little Paper, tending to show that
such Jealousies with Regard to Manufactures were ill-founded. It was
lately printed in Boston at the End of a Pamphlet which I take the
Liberty to send you. Never be discouraged by any Apprehension that
Arts are come to such Perfection in England, as to be incapable of
farther Improvement. As yet, the Quantity of Human Knowledge bears
no Proportion to the Quantity of Human Ignorance. The Improvements
made within these 2000 Years, considerable as they are, would have
been much more so, if the Ancients had possess'd one or two Arts now
in common Use, I mean those of Copper Plate- and Letter-Printing.
Whatever is now exactly delineated and describ'd by those, can
scarcely (from the Multitude of Copies) be lost to Posterity. And
the Knowledge of small Matters being preserv'd, gives the Hint and is
sometimes the Occasion of great Discoveries, perhaps Ages after.
The French War, which came on in 1744, took off our Thoughts
from the Prosecution of my Proposal for Promoting useful Knowledge in
America; and I have ever since the Peace been so engag'd in other
Schemes of various kinds and in publick Affairs, as not to find
Leisure to revive that useful and very practicable Project. But if I
live to see our present Disturbances over in this Part of the World,
I shall apply my self to it with fresh Spirit, as beside the Good
that may be done, I hope to make myself thereby a more valuable
Correspondent.
You will greatly oblige me by the Communication of the
Inventions and Improvements you mention. And as it is a Maxim in
Commerce, That there is no Trade without Returns, I shall be always
endeavouring to ballance Accounts with you, tho' probably never able
to accomplish it.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
"WE ARE SPIRITS"
_To Elizabeth Hubbart_
DEAR CHILD, PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1756.
I condole with you, we have lost a most dear and valuable
relation, but it is the will of God and Nature that these mortal
bodies be laid aside, when the soul is to enter into real life; 'tis
rather an embrio state, a preparation for living; a man is not
completely born until he be dead: Why then should we grieve that a
new child is born among the immortals? A new member added to their
happy society? We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us, while
they can afford us pleasure, assist us in acquiring knowledge, or
doing good to our fellow creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of
God -- when they become unfit for these purposes and afford us pain
instead of pleasure -- instead of an aid, become an incumbrance and
answer none of the intentions for which they were given, it is
equally kind and benevolent that a way is provided by which we may
get rid of them. Death is that way. We ourselves prudently choose a
partial death. In some cases a mangled painful limb, which cannot be
restored, we willingly cut off -- He who plucks out a tooth, parts
with it freely since the pain goes with it, and he that quits the
whole body, parts at once with all pains and possibilities of pains
and diseases it was liable to, or capable of making him suffer.
Our friend and we are invited abroad on a party of pleasure --
that is to last forever -- His chair was first ready and he is gone
before us -- we could not all conveniently start together, and why
should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and
we know where to find him. Adieu,
HEAT AND COLD
_To John Lining_
Sir, New-York, April 14. 1757.
It is a long Time since I had the Pleasure of a Line from you.
And indeed the Troubles of our Country, with the Hurry of Business, I
have been engag'd in on that Account, have made me so bad a
Correspondent, that I ought not to expect Punctuality in others.
But being just taking Passage for England, I could not leave
the Continent, without paying my Respects to you, and at the same
Time taking Leave to introduce to your Acquaintance a Gentleman of
Learning and Merit, Col. Henry Bouquet, who does me the Favour to
present you this Letter, and with whom I am sure you will be much
pleased.
Mr. Professor Simpson of Glasgow, lately communicated to me
some curious Experiments of a Physician of his Acquaintance, by which
it appeared that an extraordinary Degree of Cold, even to Freezing,
might be produced by Evaporation. I have not had Leisure to repeat
and examine more than the first and easiest of them, viz. Wet the
Ball of a Thermometer by a Feather dipt in Spirit of Wine, which has
been kept in the same Room, and has of Course the same Degree of Heat
or Cold. The Mercury sinks presently 3 or 4 Degrees, and the quicker
if during the Evaporation you blow on the Ball with Bellows; a second
Wetting and Blowing when the Mercury is down, carries it yet lower.
I think I did not get it lower than 5 or 6 Degrees from where it
naturally stood, which was at that time 60. But it is said, that a
Vessel of Water being plac'd in another somewhat larger containing
Spirit, in such a Manner that the Vessel of Water is surrounded with
the Spirit, and both plac'd under the Receiver of an Air-pump, on
Exhausting the Air, the Spirit evaporating leaves such a Degree of
Cold as to freeze the Water, tho' the Thermometer in the open Air
stands many Degrees above the Freezing Point.
I know not how this Phenomenon is to be accounted for, but it
gives me Occasion to mention some loose Notions relating to Heat and
Cold, which I have for some Time entertain'd, but not yet reduc'd
into any Form. Allowing common Fire as well as the Electrical, to be
a Fluid, capable of permeating other Bodies, and seeking an
Equilibrium, I imagine some Bodies are better fitted by Nature to be
Conductors of that Fluid than others; and that generally those which
are the best Conductors of the Electrical Fluid, are also the best
Conductors of this; and e contra. Thus a Body which is a good
Conductor of Fire readily receives it into its Substance, and
conducts it thro' the Whole to all the Parts; as Metals and Water do;
and if two Bodies, both good Conductors, one heated, the other in its
common State, are brought into Contact with each other, the Body
which has most Fire, readily communicates of it to that which had
least; and that which had least readily receives it, till an
Equilibrium is produced. Thus, if you take a Dollar between your
Fingers with one Hand, and a Piece of Wood of the same Dimensions
with the other, and bring both at the same Time to the Flame of a
Candle, you will find yourself obliged to drop the Dollar before you
drop the Wood, because it conducts the Heat of the Candle sooner to
your Flesh. Thus, if a Silver Teapot had a Handle of the same Metal,
it would conduct the Heat from the Water to the Hand, and become too
hot to be used; we therefore give to a Metal Teapot a Handle of Wood,
which is not so good a Conductor as Metal. But a China or Stone
Teapot being in some Degree of the Nature of Glass, which is not a
good Conductor of Heat, may have a Handle of the same Stuff. Thus
also a damp moist Air shall make a Man more sensible of Cold, or
chill him more than a dry Air that is colder, because a moist Air is
fitter to receive and conduct away the Heat of his Body. This Fluid
entring Bodies in great Quantity, first expands them by separating
their Parts a little, afterwards by farther separating their Parts,
it renders solids fluid, and at length dissipates their Parts in Air.
Take this Fluid from melted Lead, or from Water, the Parts cohere
again, the first grows solid, the latter becomes Ice. And this is
soonest done by the Means of good Conductors. Thus, if you take (as
I have done) a square Bar of Lead, 4 Inches long, and 1 Inch thick,
together with 3 Pieces of Wood planed to the same Dimensions, and lay
them as in the Margin, on a smooth Board, fix'd so as not to be
easily separated or moved, and pour into the square Cavity they form
as much melted Lead as will fill it, you will see the melted Lead
chill and become firm on the Side next the Leaden Bar, some Time
before it chills on the other three Sides in Contact with the Wooden
Bars; tho' before the Lead was poured in, they might all be supposed
to have the same Degree of Heat or Coldness, as they had been exposed
in the same Room to the same Air. You will likewise observe, that
the leaden Bar, as it has cooled the melted Lead more than the wooden
Bars have done, so it is itself more heated by the melted Lead.
There is a certain Quantity of this Fluid, called Fire, in every
living human Body, which Fluid, being in due Proportion, keeps the
Parts of the Flesh and Blood at such a just Distance from each other,
as that the Flesh and Nerves are suple, and the Blood fit for
Circulation. If Part of this due Proportion of Fire be conducted
away by Means of a Contact with other Bodies, as Air, Water, or
Metals, the Parts of our Skin and Flesh that come into such Contact,
first draw more near together than is agreeable, and give that
Sensation which we call Cold, and if too much be conveyed away, the
Body stiffens, the Blood ceases to flow, and Death ensues. On the
other Hand, if too much of this Fluid be communicated to the Flesh,
the Parts are separated too far, and Pain ensues as when they are
separated by a Pin or Lancet. The Sensation that the Separation by
Fire occasions, we call Heat, or Burning. My Desk, on which I now
write, and the Lock of my Desk, are both expos'd to the same
Temperature of the Air, and have therefore the same Degree of Heat
and Cold; yet if I lay my Hand successively on the Wood and on the
Metal, the latter feels much the Coldest; not that it is really so,
but being a better Conductor, it more readily than the Wood takes
away and draws into it self the Fire that was in my Skin.
Accordingly, if I lay one Hand, Part on the Lock, and Part on the
Wood, and after it has lain so some Time I feel both Parts with my
other Hand, I find the Part that has been in Contact with the Lock,
very sensibly colder to the Touch than the Part that lay on the Wood.
How a living Animal obtains its Quantity of this Fluid called Fire,
is a curious Question. I have shown that some Bodies (as Metals)
have a Power of Attracting it stronger than others, and I have
sometimes suspected that a living Body had some Power of Attracting
out of the Air or other Bodies the Heat it wanted. Thus Metal
hammer'd or repeatedly bent, grows hot in the bent or hammered Part.
But when I consider'd that Air in contact with the Body cools it;
that the surrounding Air is rather heated by its Contact with the
Body; that every Breath of cooler Air drawn in, carries off Part of
the Body's Heat when it passes out again: That therefore there must
be in the Body a Fund for producing it, or otherwise the Animal would
soon grow cold: I have been rather enclin'd to think that the Fluid,
_Fire_, as well as the Fluid, _Air_, is attracted by Plants in their
Growth, and becomes consolidated with the other Materials of which
they are formed, and makes a great Part of their Substance. That
when they come to be digested, and to suffer in the Vessels a Kind of
Fermentation, Part of the Fire as well as Part of the Air, recovers
its fluid Active State again, and diffuses itself in the Body
digesting and separating it. That the Fire so reproduc'd by
Digestion and Separation, continually leaving the Body, its Place is
supply'd by fresh Quantities arising from the continual Separation.
That whatever quickens the Motion of the Fluids in an Animal,
quickens the Separation, and reproduces more of the Fire, as
Exercise. That all the Fire emitted by Wood and other Combustibles
when burning, existed in them before in a solid State, being only
discovered when separating. That some Fossils, as Sulphur, Seacoal,
&c. contain a great deal of solid Fire; that Gunpowder is almost all
solid Fire: And that, in short, what excapes and is dissipated in the
Burning of Bodies, besides Water and Earth, is generally the Air and
Fire that before made Parts of the solid. Thus I imagin that Animal
Heat arises by or from a Kind of Fermentation in the Juices of the
Body, in the same Manner as Heat arises in the liquors preparing for
Distillation; wherein there is a Separation of the spirituous from
the watry and earthy Parts. And it is remarkable, that the Liquor in
the Distiller's Vat, when in its highest and best State of
Fermentation, shows by the Thermometer, as I have been informed, the
same Degree of Heat with the human Body, that is about 94 or 96.
Thus, as by a constant Supply of Fuel in a Chimney, you keep a warm
Room, so by a constant Supply of Food in the Stomach, you keep a warm
Body. Only where little Exercise is used, the Heat may possibly be
conducted away too fast, in which Case such Materials are to be used
for Cloathing and Bedding, against the Effect of an immediate Contact
of the Air, as are in themselves bad Conductors of Heat, and
consequently prevent its being communicated thro' their Substance to
the Air. Hence what is called _Warmth_ in Wool, and its Preference
on that Account to Linen; Wool not being so good a Conductor. And
hence all the natural Coverings of Animals to keep them warm, are
such, as retain and confine the natural Heat in the Body, by being
bad Conductors; such as Wool, Hair, Feathers, and the Silk by which
the Silk-worm in its tender embrio State is first cloathed.
Cloathing, thus considered, does not make a Man warm, by _giving_
Warmth, but by preventing the too quick Dissipation of the Heat
produc'd in his Body, and so occasioning an Accumulation.
There is another curious Question I will just venture to touch
upon, viz. Whence arises the sudden extraordinary Degree of Cold,
perceptible on mixing some Chymical Liquors, and even on mixing Salt
and Snow, where the Composition appears colder than the coldest of
the Ingredients? I have never seen the chymical Mixtures made, but
Salt and Snow I have often mixed myself, and am fully satisfied that
the Composition feels much colder to the Touch, and lowers the
Mercury in the Thermometer more than either Ingredient would do
separately. I suppose with others, that Cold is nothing more than an
Absence of Heat or Fire. Now if the Quantity of Fire before
contain'd or diffus'd in the Snow and Salt, was expell'd in the
Uniting of the two Matters, it must be driven away either thro' the
Air or the Vessel containing them. If it is driven off thro' the
Air, it must warm the Air, and a Thermometer held over the Mixture
without touching it, would discover the Heat by the Rising of the
Mercury, as it must and always does in warmer Air. This indeed I
have not try'd; but I should guess it would rather be driven off
thro' the Vessel, especially if the Vessel be Metal, as being a
better Conductor than Air, and so one should find the Bason warmer
after such Mixture. But on the contrary the Vessel grows cold, and
even Water in which the Vessel is sometimes plac'd for the
Experiment, freezes into hard Ice on the Bason. Now I know not how
to account for this otherwise than by supposing, that the Composition
is a better Conductor of Fire than the Ingredients separately, and
like the Lock compar'd with the Wood, has a stronger Power of
Attracting Fire, and does accordingly attract it suddenly from the
Fingers or a Thermometer put into it, from the Bason that contains
it, and from the Water in contact with the Outside of the Bason, so
that the Fingers have the Sensation of extream Cold, by being
depriv'd of much of their natural Fire; the Thermometer sinks, by
having part of its Fire drawn out of the Mercury; the Bason grows
colder to the Touch, as by having its Fire drawn into the Mixture, it
is become more capable of drawing and receiving it from the Hand; and
thro' the Bason the Water loses its Fire that kept it fluid, so it
becomes Ice. One would expect, That from all this attracted
Acquisition of Fire to the Composition, it should become warmer; and
in fact, the Snow and Salt dissolves at the same Time into Water
without freezing.
I doubt whether in all this I have talked intelligibly; and
indeed how should a Man do so, that does not himself clearly
understand the Thing he talks of. This I confess to be my present
Case. I intended to amuse you, but I fear I have done more, and
tired you. Be so good as to excuse it, and believe me, with sincere
Esteem and Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
"OLD FOLKS AND OLD TREES"
_To Jane Mecom_
Dear Sister New York, April 19. 1757
I wrote a few Lines to you yesterday, but omitted to answer
yours relating to Sister Douse: As _having their own Way_, is one of
the greatest Comforts of Life, to old People, I think their Friends
should endeavour to accommodate them in that, as well as in any thing
else. When they have long liv'd in a House, it becomes natural to
them, they are almost as closely connected with it as the Tortoise
with his Shell, they die if you tear them out of it. Old Folks and
old Trees, if you remove them, tis ten to one that you kill them. So
let our good old Sister be no more importun'd on that head. We are
growing old fast ourselves, and shall expect the same kind of
Indulgencies. If we give them, we shall have a Right to receive them
in our Turn.
And as to her few fine Things, I think she is in the right not
to sell them, and for the Reason she gives, that they will fetch but
little. When that little is spent, they would be of no farther use
to her; but perhaps the Expectation of Possessing them at her Death,
may make that Person tender and careful of her, and helpful to her,
to the amount of ten times their Value. If so, they are put to the
best Use they possibly can be.
I hope you visit Sister as often as your Affairs will permit,
and afford her what Assistance and Comfort you can, in her present
Situation. _Old Age_, _Infirmities_, and _Poverty_, join'd, are
Afflictions enough; the _Neglect and Slight_ of Friends and near
Relations, should never be added. People in her Circumstances are
apt to suspect this sometimes without Cause; _Appearances_ should
therefore be attended to, in our Conduct towards them, as well as
_Realities._
I write by this Post to Cousin Williams, to continue his Care,
which I doubt not he will do.
We expect to sail in about a Week, so that I can hardly hear
from you again on this Side the Water. But let me have a Line from
you now and then while I am in London. I expect to stay there at
least a 12 month. Direct your Letters to be left for me at the
Pensilvania Coffee House in Birchin Lane London. My Love to all,
from Dear Sister, Your affectionate Brother
PS. April 25. We are still here, and perhaps may be here a
Week longer, Once more Adieu my dear Sister.
"THEY EXPECT TOO MUCH OF ME"
_To Jane Mecom_
DEAR SISTER, _New York, May_ 30, 1757.
I have before me yours of the 9th and 16th instant: I am glad
you have resolved to visit sister Dowse oftener; it will be a great
comfort to her, to find she is not neglected by you, and your example
may, perhaps, be followed by some other of her relations.
As Neddy is yet a young man, I hope he may get over the
disorder he complains of, and in time wear it out. My love to him
and his wife and the rest of your children. It gives me pleasure to
hear that Eben is likely to get into business at his trade. If he
will be industrious and frugal, 'tis ten to one but he gets rich, for
he seems to have spirit and activity.
I am glad that Peter is acquainted with the crown soap
business, so as to make what is good of the kind. I hope he will
always take care to make it faithfully, never slight manufacture, or
attempt to deceive by appearances. Then he may boldly put his name
and mark, and in a little time it will acquire as good a character as
that made by his late uncle, or any other person whatever. I believe
his aunt at Philadelphia, can help him to sell a good deal of it; and
I doubt not of her doing every thing in her power to promote his
interest in that way. Let a box be sent to her (but not unless it be
right good) and she will immediately return the ready money for it.
It was beginning once to be in vogue in Philadelphia, but brother
John sent me one box, an ordinary sort, which checked its progress.
I would not have him put the Franklin arms on it; but the soapboilers
arms he has a right to use, if he thinks fit. The other would look
too much like an attempt to counterfeit. In his advertisements, he
may value himself on serving his time with the original maker, but
put his own mark or device on the papers, or any thing he may be
advised to as proper; only on the soap, as it is called by the name
of crown soap, it seems necessary to use a stamp of that sort, and
perhaps no soapboiler in the king's dominions has a better right to
the crown than himself.
Nobody has wrote a syllable to me concerning his making use of
the hammer, or made the least complaint of him or you. I am sorry
however that he took it without leave. It was irregular, and if you
had not approved of his doing it, I should have thought it
indiscreet. _Leave_ they say is _light_, and it seems to me a piece
of respect that was due to his aunt to ask it, and I can scarce think
she would have refused him the favour.
I am glad to hear Jamey is so good and diligent a workman; if
he ever sets up at the goldsmith's business, he must remember that
there is one accomplishment without which he cannot possibly thrive
in that trade, (i. e. _to be perfectly honest_). It is a business
that though ever so uprightly managed, is always liable to suspicion;
and if a man is once detected in the smallest fraud it soon becomes
public, and every one is put upon their guard against him; no one
will venture to try his hands, or trust him to make up their plate;
so at once he is ruined. I hope my nephew will therefore establish a
character as an _honest_ and faithful, as well as _skilful_ workman,
and then he need not fear employment.
And now as to what you propose for Benny I believe he may be,
as you say, well enough qualified for it, and when he appears to be
settled, if a vacancy should happen, it is very probable he may be
thought of to supply it; but it is a rule with me, not to remove any
officer that behaves well, keeps regular accounts, and pays duly; and
I think the rule is founded on reason and justice. I have not shown
any backwardness to assist Benny, where it could be done without
injuring another. But if my friends require of me to gratify not
only their inclinations, but their resentments, they expect too much
of me. Above all things I dislike family quarrels, and when they
happen among my relations, nothing gives me more pain. If I were to
set myself up as a judge of those subsisting between you and
brother's widow and children, how unqualified must I be, at this
distance, to determine rightly, especially having heard but one side.
They always treated me with friendly and affectionate regard, you
have done the same. What can I say between you, but that I wish you
were reconciled, and that I will love that side best that is most
ready to forgive and oblige the other. You will be angry with me
here, for putting you and them too much upon a footing, but I shall
nevertheless be,
Dear sister, your truly
Affectionate brother,
