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  [44]Arts & Culture

Why Nostalgia Is Our New Normal

For hundreds of years, doctors thought nostalgia was a disease. Now, it’s a
name for our modern condition

  [45]May 7, 2020May 7, 2020 - by [46]David Berry[47]David Berry Updated
  18:53, May. 7, 2020 | Published 11:58, May. 7, 2020
  [48]Vintage and damaged photo of a girl and her father playing
  outdoors. The father is wearing a yellow shirt and shorts and carrying
  his daughter, a child with pigtails. They are standing in front of a
  bungalow with an open door. Shanina/iStock

  Nostalgia has an air of total irreconcilability. There is the feeling
  the word describes, of course: a fundamentally impossible yearning, a
  longing to go back even as we are driven ceaselessly forward, pushed
  further away from our desire even as we sit contemplating it. But it’s
  the actual feeling, too, that ceaselessly resists any attempt to give
  it shape or sense. If we say we feel nostalgic, in general or about
  something in particular, it rarely needs an explanation, and there
  likely isn’t a good one anyway: Why should it be the smell of our
  grandmother’s cookies or the feel of a particular sweater or the sight
  of a certain tree in a certain playground, and not something else, that
  sends us searching backward? Why is it welling up now, on an otherwise
  unremarkable Tuesday? Why haven’t I felt this way for a long time? Why
  does it matter? And that assumes it even occurs to us to interrogate
  this sudden rush: one of nostalgia’s more persistent qualities is its
  ability to elide reason, to be felt deeply without prompting any
  further inquiry.

  It’s this strange aura of elusive profundity that makes nostalgia seem
  less like some sort of modern condition and more like a universal
  feeling that took us some time to put our finger on. If feelings in
  general are internal experiences that demand expression whether or not
  we have the means for it, our inability to actually do anything with
  nostalgia might be what kept it ineffable for so long. Most kinds of
  longing can be settled in one way or another, if not necessarily to the
  satisfaction of the yearner. Nostalgia can only be lived in or
  abandoned: it is yearning distilled to its essence, yearning not really
  for its own sake but because there is nothing else to be done. Maybe it
  resisted definition for so long because naming it doesn’t help resolve
  anything anyway.

  Appropriately for the elusiveness of the concept, the word nostalgia
  did not originally mean what we now consider it to—also appropriately,
  it was coined with a longing for a time when there was no word for what
  it described. In 1688, a Swiss medical student named Johannes Hofer
  gave the name nostalgia to a malady he had noticed in young Swiss
  people who had been sent abroad—chiefly mercenaries, one of
  Switzerland’s prime exports at the time, though also household servants
  and others who found themselves in “foreign regions.” As was the style
  at the time in the nascent field of “medicine more complicated than
  bleeding humours,” Hofer used a portmanteau from an indistinctly
  highfalutin form of Ancient Greek: nostos roughly means “home”—although
  it more often means “homecoming,” which incidentally was also the name
  for an entire subcategory of Greek literature, most notably the
  Odyssey—while algos means, more simply, “pain,” derived from Algea, the
  personifications of sorrow and grief, and a common classification at
  the time, attached to a variety of maladies that have since gotten
  either more precise or more vernacular names. (If you ever want to
  stoke excessive sympathy from, say, your boss, tell them you have
  cephalgia or myalgia—a headache or sore muscles, respectively.)
    * [49]How Fear Takes Hold of Our Bodies
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  So nostalgia literally means “pain associated with home”—or, in
  slightly more familiar terms, “homesickness.” This is not a
  coincidence, but more relevantly, it’s also not a case of fancy
  medical-speak being dumbed down for popular consumption. At least not
  generally: the English word homesickness is a more or less direct
  translation of nostalgia. But the original term is French, maladie du
  pays, and not only does it specifically refer to the tendency of the
  Swiss to powerfully miss their home country, it precedes Hofer by at
  least thirty years. Hofer’s coinage brought a specifically medical
  dimension, insomuch as medicine as we know it existed in his time:
  Hofer’s observations were quite detailed but still entirely anecdotal
  and subject to a lot of conjecture. What he lacked in scientific rigour
  he made up for with linguistics, attempting to legitimize medicine’s
  dominion over the concept with multiple coinages, including nostomania
  (obsession with home, which, as you’ll see in a second, is probably
  more accurate to the “disease” as he conceived it), philopatridomania
  (obsessive love of one’s homeland), and years later, in the second
  edition of his thesis, pothopatridalgia (pain from the longing for the
  home of one’s fathers, which certainly has the advantage of precision
  if not rhythm).

  Though the difference between mere homesickness and medical nostalgia
  was mostly a case of ancient language, Hofer nevertheless describes a
  serious disease, one that could progress from simple physical ailments,
  like ringing in the ears or indigestion, to near-catatonia and even
  death. Its root cause, according to Hofer, was “the quite continuous
  vibration of animal spirits through those fibres of the middle brain in
  which impressed traces of ideas of the fatherland still cling.” As
  Helmut Illbruck explains in his book Nostalgia: Origins and Ends of an
  Unenlightened Disease, essentially what that means is that the
  nostalgic suffers from a powerful obsession with their home that
  eventually makes them entirely insensate to any other experience or
  stimulation. Illbruck points out that the action Hofer describes does
  loosely capture how the brain seems to store, process, and recall
  memories, which may explain some of why his concept caught on, at least
  in the medical circles in which it persisted for the next few hundred
  years.

  As it happens, though, a primordial understanding of the structure of
  the mind isn’t the only key insight that would stick to nostalgia even
  as its conception developed. There are two other big ones. First, Hofer
  recognized that nostalgia was less about whatever the nostalgic claimed
  to be missing than it was about “the strength of the imagination
  alone”: it seemed to have less to do with any material differences in
  the patient’s circumstances than it did with the collective weight of
  their memories, even though those were centred on a very real and
  specific place. Hofer’s final, curiously potent observation is his
  suggested cure, which he meant quite sincerely but which elegantly
  captures the futility of trying to tame nostalgia, disease or
  otherwise: “Nostalgia admits no remedy other than a return to the
  Homeland.” In all his observations and diagnoses, Hofer does not seem
  to fully appreciate that home is often more time than place. The proof
  of this will reveal itself as nostalgia evolves into something so
  incurable that it stops being a disease entirely and as its longing
  begins to be associated specifically with times past—but we are getting
  slightly ahead of ourselves.

  Doctors proceeded to speculate about the causes and potential cures of
  nostalgia until roughly the twentieth century, often ignoring Hofer’s
  observation about the imagination’s effects, causing some curious
  mutations in the idea. Nostalgia did remain almost the exclusive
  province of the Swiss for the first few hundred years after its
  naming—one of the original German words for homesickness, in fact, was
  Schweizerkrankheit, or “the Swiss illness.” Hofer’s near-contemporary
  Johann Jakob Scheuchzer—a Swiss naturalist who was chiefly interested
  in rescuing his countrymen’s reputation from accusations of
  weakness—suggested that it was the change in air pressure (and maybe
  even quality) that made them so prone to debilitating longing. He
  suggested that a brief stay at the top of a tower or on a hill might
  restore some of their strength. There isn’t much proof Scheuchzer’s
  conception of the disease or cure ever really worked, but there is some
  indication that this sort of thinking is where Switzerland got its
  reputation as a healthful place to recover in a sanatorium or spa. Well
  after Scheuchzer, eighteenth-century physicians spent some time looking
  for a physical locus for nostalgia—a specific brain structure or
  bone—which was just as futile, with even less of an impact on Swiss
  tourism.

  Gradually, the notion of nostalgia attached itself almost exclusively
  to soldiers—Swiss mercenaries being very popular hires in armies across
  the continent and doctors being a regular part of army life. It would
  take a little more than two centuries for doctors to figure out that
  there might be something more than a mysterious nerve disorder causing
  young men whose sole job was dismembering other humans and dying
  gruesomely to yearn for the comforts of home; in the meantime, cures
  and coping methods grew a little more creative. There are stories,
  including one from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Dictionnaire de musique, of
  foreign officers banning the playing of Swiss ranz des vaches—cow-based
  folk songs historically played by herdsmen on horns as they drove their
  cattle down from mountain pastures—and even the sound of cowbells, lest
  they paralyze troops in nostalgic reverie. (It became a tenet of folk
  wisdom about the Swiss that the ranz des vaches had this power over
  them; it featured as metaphor or plot point in eighteenth- and
  nineteenth-century philosophical dialogues, dramas, poems, and operas,
  particularly by German Romantics, who were constitutionally interested
  in a disease that spoke so acutely to our conceptions of self.)

  By the 1800s, the terrors of nostalgia finally spread to other
  countries’ soldiers. To stop the spread of the disease, Russian
  physicians recommended burying alive anyone who started showing
  symptoms—which apparently did prove quite effective. On the other side
  of the Atlantic, the American Civil War saw several outbreaks among
  young fighting men even though they technically had never left their
  homeland, per se. Their physicians were a bit kinder, suggesting that
  occasional removal from front line fighting would bolster their spirits
  (not that the doctors didn’t also suspect that nostalgia betrayed a
  deep flaw in a soldier’s character). The American army apparently
  continued furtive explorations of the concept all the way up to the
  Second World War, chiefly as a way to reduce desertion, and nostalgia
  maintained some interest for psychologists and psychiatrists in the
  first half of the twentieth century, albeit in a downgraded form: it
  became less disease than symptom or even disposition, usually of people
  who had far bigger and more immediate problems. (A 1987 survey of its
  common historical-psychological invocations cited “acute yearning for a
  union with the preoedipal mother, a saddening farewell to childhood, a
  defence against mourning, or a longing for a past forever lost.”) Yet,
  despite these last tendrils, the civil war was really the last time
  anybody was diagnosed as a nostalgic, as such: nostalgia was largely
  abandoned by the medical community by the last decades of the
  nineteenth century. This seems to have had less to do with any
  particular breakthroughs regarding brain structure or mental health
  than with the general inability of anyone to make meaningful headway on
  understanding, let alone curing, nostalgia.

  As it moved out of the medical realm and into the cultural, though,
  nostalgia did not fully shed its strange stigma. It first took hold in
  the worlds of philosophy and theory, albeit used interchangeably with
  the idea of homesickness, where it tended to be classed as a symptom of
  disorder—if not of the individual then of the society they had built.
  Friedrich Nietzsche, in The Birth of Tragedy, is indicative of this
  line of thought: “One is no longer home anywhere, so in the end one
  longs to be back where one can somehow be at home because it is the
  only place where one would wish to be at home.” From almost its
  earliest nonmedical considerations, nostalgia was regarded as a kind of
  reaction to the modern condition, a port in the discombobulating and
  alien storm that was modern life. Philosophers, critics, and theorists
  are still exploring variations on this theme, though as an object of
  critical theory, nostalgia has gradually lost any meaningful sense of
  place (or even, arguably, of time) and gotten more tightly entwined
  with the notion of authenticity and our search for the same (as such,
  its usefulness and meaning spiked slightly with the waxing and waning
  of postmodernist thought). This is what underlies something like
  Baudrillard’s observation, in Simulacra and Simulation, that, “when the
  real is no longer what it used to be, nostalgia assumes its full
  meaning”: the underlying implication is that, if we were awash in some
  sense of the authentic, we would not have much occasion to look
  backward to find it—let alone yearn for a return.

  It took some time for the popular conception to catch up to the
  cultural theorists. Homesickness as an idea percolated through the
  first half of the twentieth century, but it wasn’t until the fifties
  and sixties that nostalgia, as both concept and preferred term for that
  concept, really started to insinuate itself into the popular
  consciousness. Like much about nostalgia, the precise reasons for its
  sudden surge in popularity are fuzzy and elusive: Fred Davis, in his
  1979 study of contemporary nostalgia, noted that, even in the fifties,
  nostalgia had been considered a “fancy word,” limited to professionals
  and “cultivated lay speakers,” but that, by the sixties, it was in
  common enough parlance to be the subject of consideration in popular
  books and magazines. One theory Davis alludes to is that, as the notion
  of “home” became less potent—as people moved around more frequently,
  gained easier access to wider-spread sources of information, and became
  less creatures of a specific place—homesick lost some of its power, and
  nostalgia slipped in as a way to capture the same feeling without being
  tied down: essentially, nostalgia became a better metaphor for the
  feeling it was trying to describe. The concept of home became a time,
  not a place, so we needed a new word for it.

  This is more or less still the modern conception of nostalgia, although
  the digital age has added another wrinkle. As artifacts and
  representations of the past have become easier to access, nostalgia has
  gradually become a more active process. Classically, nostalgia was best
  understood as something happenstance, a rush triggered by some
  unexpected encounter—the classic example being Proust’s madeleine. Now,
  we tend to think of it as something we freely indulge if not actively
  seek out, the desired result of rewatching YouTube clips or buying a
  careful recreation of our favourite junior-high sweater.

  If adding more agency to the experience has made nostalgia seem more
  prevalent, though, the underlying impetus remains the same:
  reconciliation with ourselves. One of the bitterer truths that
  nostalgia helps us deal with is the fact that we so rarely know when
  things are ending. Nearly all of the widely accepted momentous
  occasions of a life are those rare times when we are definitively,
  incontrovertibly aware that something is over: graduations and
  moving-away parties and retirements and funerals—admittedly it can be
  hard for a person to fully appreciate the importance of their own
  funeral—but even birthdays and anniversaries and weddings and births
  too. Some of these events, of course, tend to be dominated more by the
  optimism of potential, but I don’t think it’s excessively cynical to
  suggest that we’re able to really indulge the future precisely because
  we’ve had a chance to process and accept the fact that things are
  changing, that our school days or our pure independence or even just
  our twenties are definitively over. (And, of course, it’s not at all
  rare for even the look-forward events to provoke nostalgia for the past
  that’s about to be left behind.)

  For all the big moments of finality and (ideally) transition, though,
  there are thousands of less obvious and often profoundly more
  meaningful endings that we realize only in retrospect, whether their
  finality creeps up on us across the ages or announces itself with
  thunderous realization. When was the last time your daughter fell
  asleep on your chest? The last time you had a drink with your best
  friend? The last time you ate the pasta at your favourite restaurant?
  The last time you petted your cat? The last time you felt like a kid?
  The last time a song made you cry? The last time you kissed your ex?
  The last time you hugged your old man? It’s not just that we don’t know
  while it’s happening but that we literally can’t know until the
  experience is well and truly out of reach. We don’t know what we’ve got
  until it’s gone, and we don’t even know when it will go.

  The idea that things will go on forever is simple delusion on our
  part—all things pass, etc.—but, as delusions go, it is surely among the
  most understandable if not the most fundamentally necessary. The
  knowledge that life is fleeting is barely digestible in retrospect; in
  real time, it’s debilitating. We yearn to go back because life is loss,
  loss, loss, all the way down.

  Adapted from On Nostalgia, forthcoming from Coach House Books.

  [52]David Berry
  [53]David Berry
  David Berry is a writer and cultural critic in Toronto. His work has
  appeared in the Globe & Mail, Hazlitt, Toronto Life, and elsewhere, and
  he was an arts and culture columnist for the National Post for five
  years. On Nostalgia is his first book.

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