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Title: In Darkest Africa, Vol. 1; or, The quest, rescue and retreat of Emin, governor of Equatoria
Author: Henry Morton Stanley
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Language: English
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IN DARKEST AFRICA
OR THE
QUEST, RESCUE, AND RETREAT OF EMIN
GOVERNOR OF EQUATORIA
BY
HENRY M. STANLEY
WITH TWO STEEL ENGRAVINGS, AND ONE HUNDRED AND
FIFTY ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS
IN TWO VOLUMES
Vol. I
"I will not cease to go forward until I come to the place where the two
seas meet, though I travel ninety years."--Koran, chap, xviii., v. 62.
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1890
[_All rights reserved_]
Copyright, 1890, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Press of J. J. Little & Co.,
Astor Place, New York.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
------
Page
Prefatory Letter to Sir William Mackinnon, Chairman of the Emin Pasha
relief expedition
1
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
The Khedive and the Soudan--Arabi Pasha--Hicks Pasha's defeat--The Mahdi
--Sir Evelyn Baring and Lord Granville on the Soudan--Valentine Baker
Pasha--General Gordon: his work in the Upper Soudan--Edward Schnitzler
(or Emin Effendi Hakim) and his Province--General Gordon at Khartoum:
and account of the Relief Expedition in 1884 under Lord Wolseley--Mr. A.
M. Mackay, the missionary in Uganda--Letters from Emin Bey to Mr.
Mackay, Mr. C. H. Allen, and Dr. R. W. Felkin, relating to his
Province--Mr. F. Holmwood's and Mr. A. M. Mackay's views on the proposed
relief of Emin--Suggested routes for the Emin Relief Expedition--Sir Wm.
Mackinnon and Mr. J. F. Hutton--The Relief Fund and preparatory details
of the Expedition--Colonel Sir Francis De Winton--Selection of officers
for the Expedition--King Leopold and the Congo Route--Departure for
Egypt
11
CHAPTER II.
EGYPT AND ZANZIBAR.
Surgeon T. H. Parke--Views of Sir Evelyn Baring, Nubar Pasha, Professor
Schweinfurth and Dr. Junker on the Emin Relief Expedition--Details
relating to Emin Pasha and his Province--General Grenfell and the
ammunition--Breakfast with Khedive Tewfik: message to Emin
Pasha--Departure for Zanzibar--Description of Mombasa town--Visit to the
Sultan of Zanzibar--Letter to Emin Pasha sent by messenger through
Uganda--Arrangements with Tippu-Tib--Emin Pasha's Ivory--Mr. MacKenzie,
Sir John Pender, and Sir James Anderson's assistance to the Relief
Expedition
49
CHAPTER III.
BY SEA TO THE CONGO RIVER.
The Sultan of Zanzibar--Tippu-Tib and Stanley Falls--On board s.s.
_Madura_--"Shindy" between the Zanzibaris and Soudanese--Sketches of my
various Officers--Tippu-Tib and Cape Town--Arrival at the mouth of the
Congo River--Start up the Congo--Visit from two of the Executive
Committee of the Congo State--Unpleasant thoughts
67
CHAPTER IV.
TO STANLEY POOL.
Details of the journey to Stanley Pool--The Soudanese and the
Somalis--Meeting with Mr. Herbert Ward--Camp at Congo la Lemba--Kindly
entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Richards--Letters from up river--Letters to
the Rev. Mr. Bentley and others for assistance--Arrival at
Mwembi--Necessity of enforcing discipline--March to Vombo--Incident at
Lukungu Station--The Zanzibaris--Incident between Jephson and Salim at
the Inkissi River--A series of complaints--The Rev. Mr. Bentley and the
steamer _Peace_--We reach Makoko's village--Leopoldville--Difficulties
regarding the use of the Mission steamers--Monsieur Liebrichts sees Mr.
Billington--Visit to Mr. Swinburne at Kinshassa--Orders to, and duties
of, the officers
79
CHAPTER V.
FROM STANLEY POOL TO YAMBUYA.
Upper Congo scenery--Accident to the _Peace_--Steamers reach
Kimpoko--Collecting fuel--The good-for-nothing _Peace_--The _Stanley_ in
trouble--Arrival at Bolobo--The Relief Expedition arranged in two
columns--Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson chosen for command of Rear
Column--Arrival at Equator and Bangala Stations--The Basoko villages:
Baruti deserts us--Arrival at Yambuya
99
CHAPTER VI.
AT YAMBUYA.
We land at Yambuya villages--The _Stanley_ leaves for Equator
Station--Fears regarding Major Barttelot and the _Henry Reed_--Safe
arrival--Instructions to Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson respecting the
Rear Column--Major Barttelot's doubts as to Tippu-Tib's good faith--A
long conversation with Major Barttelot--Memorandum for the officers of
the Advance Column--Illness of Lieutenant Stairs--Last night at Yambuya:
statements as to our forces and accoutrements
111
CHAPTER VII.
TO PANGA FALLS.
An African road--Our mode of travelling through the forests--Farewell to
Jameson and the Major--160 days in the forest--The Rapids of
Yambuya--Attacked by natives of Yankonde--Rest at the village of
Bahunga--Description of our march--The poisoned Skewers--Capture of six
Babali--Dr. Parke and the bees--A tempest in the forest--Mr. Jephson
puts the steel boat together--The village of Bukanda--Refuse heaps of
the villages--The Aruwimi river scenery--Villages of the Bakuti and the
Bakoka--The Rapids of Gwengwere--The boy Bakula-Our "chop and
coffee"--The islands near Bandangi--The Baburu dwarfs--The unknown
course of the river--The Somalis--Bartering at Mariri and Mupe--The
Aruwimi at Mupe--The Babe manners, customs, and dress--Jephson's two
adventures--Wasp Rapids--The chief of the Bwamburi--Our camp at
My-yui--Canoe accident--An abandoned village--Arrival at Panga
Falls--Description of the Falls
134
CHAPTER VIII.
FROM TANGA FALLS TO UGARROWWA'S.
Another accident at the Rapids--The village of Utiri--Avisibba
settlement--Enquiry into a murder case at Avisibba--Surprised by the
natives--Lieutenant Stairs wounded--We hunt up the enemy--The poisoned
arrows--Indifference of the Zanzibaris--Jephson's caravan missing--Our
wounded--Perpetual rain--Deaths of Khalfan, Saadi, and others--Arrival
of caravan--The Mabengu Rapids--Mustering the people--The Nepoko
river--Remarks by Binza--Our food supply--Reckless use of
ammunition--Half-way to the Albert Lake--We fall in with some of
Ugarrowwa's men--Absconders--We camp at Hippo Broads and Avakubi
Rapids--The destroyed settlement of Navabi--Elephants at Memberri--More
desertions--The Arab leader, Ugarrowwa--He gives us information--Visit
to the Arab settlement--First specimen of the tribe of
dwarfs--Arrangements with Ugarrowwa
171
CHAPTER IX.
UGARROWWA'S TO KILONGA-LONGA'S.
Ugarrowwa sends us three Zanzibari deserters--We make an example--The
'Express' rifles--Conversation with Rashid--The Lenda river--Troublesome
rapids--Scarcity of food--Some of Kilonga-Longa's followers--Meeting of
the rivers Ihuru and Ituri--State and numbers of the Expedition--Illness
of Captain Nelson--We send couriers ahead to Kilonga-Longa's--The sick
encampment--Randy and the guinea fowl--Scarcity of food--Illness caused
by the forest pears--Fanciful menus--More desertions--Asmani
drowned--Our condition in brief--Uledi's suggestion--Umari's climb--My
donkey is shot for food--We strike the track of the Manyuema and arrive
at their village
211
CHAPTER X.
WITH THE MANYUEMA AT IPOTO.
The ivory hunters at Ipoto--Their mode of proceeding--The Manyuema
headmen and their raids--Remedy for preventing wholesale
devastations--Crusade preached by Cardinal Lavigerie--Our Zanzibar
chiefs--Anxiety respecting Captain Nelson and his followers--Our men
sell their weapons for food--Theft of rifles--Their return
demanded--Uledi turns up with news of the missing chiefs--Contract drawn
up with the Manyuema headmen for the relief of Captain Nelson--Jephson's
report on his journey--Reports of Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke--The
process of blood brotherhood between myself and Ismaili--We leave Ipoto
236
CHAPTER XI.
THROUGH THE FOREST TO MAZAMBONI'S PEAK.
In the country of the Balesse--Their houses and clearings--Natives of
Bukiri--The first village of dwarfs--Our rate of progress increased--The
road from Mambungu's--Halts at East and West Indekaru--A little storm
between "Three o'clock" and Khamis--We reach Ibwiri--Khamis and the
"vile Zanzibaris"--The Ibwiri clearing--Plentiful provisions--The state
of my men; and what they had recently gone through--Khamis and party
explore the neighbourhood--And return with a flock of goats--Khamis
captures Boryo, but is released--Jephson returns from the relief of
Captain Nelson--Departure of Khamis and the Manyuema--Memorandum of
charges against Messrs. Kilonga-Longa & Co. of Ipoto--Suicide of
Simba--Sali's reflections on the same--Lieutenant Stairs
reconnoitres--Muster and reorganisation at Ibwiri--Improved condition of
the men--Boryo's village--Balesse customs--East Indenduru--We reach the
outskirts of the forest--Mount Pisgah--The village of Iyugu--Heaven's
light at last; the beautiful grass-land--We drop across an ancient
crone--Indesura and its products--Juma's capture--The Ituri river
again--We emerge upon a rolling plain--And forage in some villages--The
mode of hut construction--The district of the Babusesse--Our Mbiri
captives--Natives attack the camp--The course of the Ituri--The natives
of Abunguma--Our fare since leaving Ibwiri--Mazamboni's Peak--The east
Ituri--A mass of plantations--Demonstration by the natives--Our camp on
the crest of Nzera Kum--"Be strong and of a good courage"--Friendly
intercourse with the natives--We are compelled to disperse them--Peace
arranged--Arms of the Bandussuma
255
CHAPTER XII.
ARRIVAL AT LAKE ALBERT AND OUR RETURN TO IBWIRI.
We are further annoyed by the natives--Their villages fired--Gavira's
village--We keep the natives at bay--Plateau of Unyoro in view--Night
attack by the natives--The village of Katonza's--Parley with the
natives--No news of the Pasha--Our supply of cartridges--We consider our
position--Lieutenant Stairs converses with the people of Kasenya
Island--The only sensible course left us--Again attacked by
natives--Scenery on the lake's shore--We climb a mountain--A rich
discovery of grain--The rich valley of Undussuma--Our return journey to
Ibwiri--The construction of Fort Bodo
319
CHAPTER XIII.
LIFE AT FORT BODO.
Our impending duties--The stockade of Fort Bodo--Instructions to
Lieutenant Stairs--His departure for Kilonga-Longa's--Pested by rats,
mosquitoes, &c.--Nights disturbed by the lemur--Armies of red
ants--Snakes in tropical Africa--Hoisting the Egyptian flag--Arrival of
Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson from Ipoto--Report of their stay with
the Manyuema--Lieutenant Stairs arrives with the steel boat--We
determine to push on to the Lake at once--Volunteers to convey letters
to Major Barttelot--Illness of myself and Captain Nelson--Uledi captures
a Queen of the Pigmies--Our fields of corn--Life at Fort Bodo--We again
set out for the Nyanza
350
CHAPTER XIV.
TO THE ALBERT NYANZA A SECOND TIME.
Difficulties with the steel boat--African forest craft--Splendid capture
of pigmies, and description of the same--We cross the Ituri River--Dr.
Parke's delight on leaving the forest--Camp at Besse--Zanzibari wit--At
Nzera-Kum Hill once more--Intercourse with the natives--"Malleju," or
the "Bearded One," being first news of Emin--Visit from chief Mazamboni
and his followers--Jephson goes through the form of friendship with
Mazamboni--The medicine men, Nestor and Murabo--The tribes of the
Congo--Visit from chief Gavira--A Mhuma chief--The Bavira and Wahuma
races--The varying African features--Friendship with Mpinga--Gavira and
the looking-glass--Exposed Uzanza--We reach Kavalli--The chief produces
"Malleju's" letter--Emin's letter--Jephson and Parke convey the steel
boat to the lake--Copy of letter sent by me to Emin through
Jephson--Friendly visits from natives
373
CHAPTER XV.
THE MEETING WITH EMIN PASHA.
Our camp at Bundi--Mbiassi, the chief of Kavalli--The Balegga
granaries--Chiefs Katonza and Komubi express contrition--The kites at
Badzwa--A note from Jephson--Emin, Casati and Jephson walk into our camp
at old Kavalli--Descriptions of Emin Pasha and Captain Casati--The
Pasha's Soudanese--Our Zanzibaris--The steamer _Khedive_--Baker and the
Blue Mountains--Drs. Junker and Felkin's descriptions of Emin--Proximity
of Kabba Rega--Emin and the Equatorial Provinces--Dr. Junker's report of
Emin--I discuss with Emin our future proceedings--Captain Casati's
plans--Our camp and provisions at Nsabe--Kabba Rega's treatment of
Captain Casati and Mohammed Biri--Mabruki gored by a buffalo--Emin Pasha
and his soldiers--My propositions to Emin and his answer--Emin's
position--Mahomet Achmet--The Congo State--The Foreign Office despatches
393
CHAPTER XVI.
WITH THE PASHA--_continued_.
Fortified stations in the Province--Storms at Nsabe--A nest of young
crocodiles--Lake Ibrahim--Zanzibari raid on Balegga villages--Dr. Parke
goes in search of the two missing men--The Zanzibaris again--A real
tornado--The Pasha's gifts to us--Introduced to Emin's officers--Emin's
cattle forays--The _Khedive_ departs for Mswa station--Mabruki and his
wages--The Pasha and the use of the sextant--Departure of local
chiefs--Arrival of the _Khedive_ and _Nyanza_ steamers with
soldiers--Made arrangements to return in search of the rear-column--My
message to the troops--Our Badzwa road--A farewell dance by the
Zanzibaris--The Madi carriers' disappearance--First sight of
Ruwenzori--Former circumnavigators of the Albert Lake--Lofty twin-peak
mountain near the East Ituri River--Aid for Emin against Kabba Rega--Two
letters from Emin Pasha--We are informed of an intended attack on us by
chiefs Kadongo and Musiri--Fresh Madi carriers--We attack Kadongo's
camp--With assistance from Mazamboni and Gavira we march on Musiri's
camp which turns out to be deserted--A phalanx dance by Mazamboni's
warriors--Music on the African Continent--Camp at Nzera-kum
Hill--Presents from various chiefs--Chief Musiri wishes for peace
418
CHAPTER XVII.
PERSONAL TO THE PASHA.
Age and early days of Emin Pasha--Gordon and the pay of Emin Pasha--Last
interview with Gordon Pasha in 1877--Emin's last supply of ammunition
and provisions--Five years' isolation--Mackay's library in
Uganda--Emin's abilities and fitness for his position--His linguistic
and other attainments--Emin's industry--His neat journals--Story related
to me by Shukri Agha referring to Emin's escape from Kirri to Mswa--Emin
confirms the story--Some natural history facts related to me by
Emin--The Pasha and the Dinka tribe--A lion story--Emin and "bird
studies"
422
CHAPTER XVIII.
START FOR THE RELIEF OF THE REAR COLUMN.
Escorted by various tribes to Mukangi--Camp at Ukuba village--Arrival at
Fort Bodo--Our invalids in Ugarrowwa's care--Lieut. Stairs' report on
his visit to bring up the invalids to Fort Bodo--Night visits by the
malicious dwarfs--A general muster of the garrison--I decide to conduct
the Relief force in person--Captain Nelson's ill-health--My little
fox-terrier "Randy"--Description of the fort--The Zanzibaris--Estimated
time to perform the journey to Yambuya and back--Lieut. Stairs'
suggestion about the steamer _Stanley_--Conversation with Lieut. Stairs
in reference to Major Barttelot and the Rear Column--Letter of
instructions to Lieut. Stairs
452
CHAPTER XIX.
ARRIVAL AT BANALYA: BARTTELOT DEAD!
The Relief Force--The difficulties of marching--We reach Ipoto--Kilonga
Longa apologises for the behaviour of his Manyuema--The chief returns us
some of our rifles--Dr. Parke and fourteen men return to Fort
Bodo--Ferrying across the Ituri River--Indications of some of our old
camps--We unearth our buried stores--The Manyuema escort--Bridging the
Lenda River--The famished Madi--Accidents and deaths among the
Zanzibaris and Madi--My little fox-terrier "Randy"--The vast clearing of
Ujangwa--Native women guides--We reach Ugarrowwa's abandoned
station--Welcome food at Amiri Falls--Navabi Falls--Halt at Avamburi
landing-place--Death of a Madi chief--Our buried stores near Basopo
unearthed and stolen--Juma and Nassib wander away from the Column--The
evils of forest marching--Conversation between my tent-boy, Sali, and a
Zanzibari--Numerous bats at Mabengu village--We reach Avisibba, and find
a young Zanzibari girl--Nejambi Rapids and Panga Falls--The natives of
Panga--At Mugwye's we disturb an intended feast--We overtake Ugarrowwa
at Wasp Rapids and find our couriers and some deserters in his camp--The
head courier relates his tragic story--Amusing letter from Dr. Parke to
Major Barttelot--Progress of our canoe flotilla down the river--The
Batundu natives--Our progress since leaving the Nyanza--Thoughts about
the Rear Column--Desolation along the banks of the river--We reach
Banalya--Meeting with Bonny--The Major is dead--Banalya Camp
468
CHAPTER XX.
THE SAD STORY OF THE REAR COLUMN.
Tippu-Tib--Major E. M. Barttelot--Mr. J. S. Jameson--Mr. Herbert
Ward--Messrs. Troup and Bonny--Major Barttelot's Report on the doings of
the Rear Column--Conversation with Mr. Bonny--Major Barttelot's letter
to Mr. Bonny--Facts gleaned from the written narrative of Mr. Wm.
Bonny--Mr. Ward detained at Bangala--Repeated visits of the Major to
Stanley Falls--Murder of Major Barttelot--Bonny's account of the
murder--The assassin Sanga is punished--Jameson dies of fever at Bangala
Station--Meeting of the advance and rear columns--Dreadful state of the
camp--Tippu-Tib and Major Barttelot--Mr. Jameson--Mr. Herbert Ward's
report
498
-----------------------
APPENDIX.
Copy of Log of Rear Column
527
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOLUME I.
_STEEL ENGRAVING._
PORTRAIT OF HENRY M. STANLEY _Frontispiece_
(From a Photograph by Elliot & Fry, 1886.)
_FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS_
Facing
page
GROUP--MR. STANLEY AND HIS OFFICERS. 1
THE STEEL BOAT "ADVANCE" 80
IN THE NIGHT AND RAIN IN THE FOREST 146
THE FIGHT WITH THE AVISIBBA CANNIBALS 174
THE RIVER COLUMN ASCENDING THE ARUWIMI RIVER WITH THE
"ADVANCE" AND SIXTEEN CANOES. 184
WOODEN ARROWS OF THE AVISIBBA 180
"THE PASHA IS COMING" 196
THE RELIEF OF NELSON AND SURVIVORS AT STARVATION CAMP 250
GYMNASTICS IN A FOREST CLEARING 258
IYUGU; A CALL TO ARMS 286
EMERGING FROM THE FOREST 292
FIRST EXPERIENCES WITH MAZAMBONI'S PEOPLE. VIEW FROM NZERA
KUM HILL 306
THE SOUTH END OF THE ALBERT NYANZA, DEC. 13, 1887 324
SKETCH-MAP: "RETURN TO UGARROWA'S." BY LIEUTENANT STAIRS 365
EMIN AND CASATI ARRIVE AT LAKE SHORE CAMP 396
A PHALANX DANCE BY MAZAMBONI'S WARRIORS 438
MEETING WITH THE REAR COLUMN AT BANALYA 494
_OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS_
PORTRAIT OF EMIN PASHA 18
" CAPTAIN NELSON 39
" LIEUTENANT STAIRS 40
" WILLIAM BONNY 41
" A. J. MOUNTENEY JEPHSON 42
" SURGEON PARKE, A. M. D. 50
" NUBAR PASHA 51
" THE KHEDIVE TEWFIK 55
" TIPPU-TIB 68
MAXIM AUTOMATIC GUN 83
LAUNCHING THE STEAMER "FLORIDA" 96
STANLEY POOL 100
BARUTI FINDS HIS BROTHER 109
A TYPICAL VILLAGE ON THE LOWER ARUWIMI 112
LANDING AT YAMBUYA 113
DIAGRAM OF FOREST CAMPS 130
MARCHING THROUGH THE FOREST 135
THE KIRANGOZI, OR FOREMOST MAN 137
HEAD-DRESS--CROWN OF BRISTLES 160
WASPS' NESTS 164
FORT ISLAND, NEAR PANGA FALLS 168
PANGA FALLS 169
VIEW OF UTIRI VILLAGE 172
LEAF-BLADED PADDLE OF AVISIBBA 174
A HEAD-DRESS OF AVISIBBA WARRIORS 178
CORONETED AVISIBBA WARRIOR--HEAD-DRESS 179
CASCADES OF THE NEPOKO 193
VIEW OF BAFAIDO CATARACT 202
ATTACKING AN ELEPHANT IN THE ITURI RIVER 203
RANDY SEIZES THE GUINEA FOWL 224
KILONGA LONGA'S STATION 234
SHIELDS OF THE BALESSE 256
VIEW OF MOUNT PISGAH FROM THE EASTWARD 281
VILLAGES OF THE BAKWURU ON A SPUR OF PISGAH 283
A VILLAGE AT THE BASE OF PISGAH 284
CHIEF OF THE IYUGU 285
PIPES OF FOREST TRIBES 290
SHIELDS OF BABUSESSE 299
SUSPENSION BRIDGE ACROSS THE EAST ITURI 304
SHIELD OF THE EDGE OF THE PLAINS 317
VIEW OF THE SOUTH END OF ALBERT NYANZA 318
CORN GRANARY OF THE BABUSESSE 328
A VILLAGE OF THE BAVIRI: EUROPEANS TAILORING 345
GREAT ROCK NEAR INDETONGA 348
EXTERIOR VIEW OF FORT BODO 349
INTERIOR VIEW OF FORT BODO 351
PLAN OF FORT BODO AND VICINITY, BY LIEUTENANT STAIRS 354
THE QUEEN OF THE DWARFS 368
WITHIN FORT BODO 371
ONE OF MAZAMBONI'S WARRIORS 384
KAVALLI, CHIEF OF THE BABIASSI 389
MILK VESSEL OF THE WAHUMA 392
THE STEAMERS "KHEDIVE" AND "NYANZA" ON LAKE ALBERT 426
VIEW OF BANALYA CURVE 493
PORTRAIT OF MAJOR BARTTELOT 499
" MR. JAMESON 501
_MAP_
A MAP OF THE GREAT FOREST REGION, SHOWING THE ROUTE OF THE
EMIN PASHA RELIEF EXPEDITION FROM THE RIVER CONGO TO
VICTORIA NYANZA. BY HENRY M. STANLEY.
_In Pocket._
[Illustration: GROUP OF MR. STANLEY AND OFFICERS.]
IN DARKEST AFRICA.
PREFATORY LETTER
My Dear Sir William,
I have great pleasure in dedicating this book to you. It professes to be
the Official Report to yourself and the Emin Relief Committee of what we
have experienced and endured during our mission of Relief, which
circumstances altered into that of Rescue. You may accept it as a
truthful record of the journeyings of the Expedition which you and the
Emin Relief Committee entrusted to my guidance.
I regret that I was not able to accomplish all that I burned to do when I
set out from England in January, 1887, but the total collapse of the
Government of Equatoria thrust upon us the duty of conveying in hammocks
so many aged and sick people, and protecting so many helpless and feeble
folk, that we became transformed from a small fighting column of tried
men into a mere Hospital Corps to whom active adventure was denied. The
Governor was half blind and possessed much luggage, Casati was weakly and
had to be carried, and 90 per cent. of their followers were, soon after
starting, scarcely able to travel from age, disease, weakness or infancy.
Without sacrificing our sacred charge, to assist which was the object of
the Expedition, we could neither deviate to the right or to the left,
from the most direct road to the sea.
You who throughout your long and varied life have steadfastly believed in
the Christian's God, and before men have professed your devout
thankfulness for many mercies vouchsafed to you, will better understand
than many others the feelings which animate me when I find myself back
again in civilization, uninjured in life or health, after passing through
so many stormy and distressful periods. Constrained at the darkest hour
to humbly confess that without God's help I was helpless, I vowed a vow
in the forest solitudes that I would confess His aid before men. A
silence as of death was round about me; it was midnight; I was weakened
by illness, prostrated with fatigue and worn with anxiety for my white
and black companions, whose fate was a mystery. In this physical and
mental distress I besought God to give me back my people. Nine hours
later we were exulting with a rapturous joy. In full view of all was the
crimson flag with the crescent, and beneath its waving folds was the
long-lost rear column.
Again, we had emerged into the open country out of the forest, after such
experiences as in the collective annals of African travels there is no
parallel. We were approaching the region wherein our ideal Governor was
reported to be beleaguered. All that we heard from such natives as our
scouts caught prepared us for desperate encounters with multitudes, of
whose numbers or qualities none could inform us intelligently, and when
the population of Undusuma swarmed in myriads on the hills, and the
valleys seemed alive with warriors, it really seemed to us in our dense
ignorance of their character and power, that these were of those who
hemmed in the Pasha to the west. If he with his 4000 soldiers appealed
for help, what could we effect with 173? The night before I had been
reading the exhortation of Moses to Joshua, and whether it was the effect
of those brave words, or whether it was a voice, I know not, but it
appeared to me as though I heard: "Be strong, and of a good courage, fear
not, nor be afraid of them, for the Lord thy God He it is that doth go
with thee, He will not fail thee nor forsake thee." When on the next day
Mazamboni commanded his people to attack and exterminate us, there was
not a coward in our camp, whereas the evening before we exclaimed in
bitterness on seeing four of our men fly before one native, "And these
are the wretches with whom we must reach the Pasha!"
And yet again. Between the confluence of the Ihuru and the Dui rivers in
December 1888, 150 of the best and strongest of our men had been
despatched to forage for food. They had been absent for many days more
than they ought to have been, and in the meantime 130 men besides boys
and women were starving. They were supported each day with a cup of warm
thin broth, made of butter, milk and water, to keep death away as long as
possible. When the provisions were so reduced that there were only
sufficient for thirteen men for ten days, even of the thin broth with
four tiny biscuits each per day, it became necessary for me to hunt up
the missing men. They might, being without a leader, have been reckless,
and been besieged by an overwhelming force of vicious dwarfs. My
following consisted of sixty-six men, a few women and children, who, more
active than the others, had assisted the thin fluid with the berries of
the phrynium and the amomum, and such fungi as could be discovered in
damp places, and therefore were possessed of some little strength, though
the poor fellows were terribly emaciated. Fifty-one men, besides boys and
women, were so prostrate with debility and disease that they would be
hopelessly gone if within a few hours food did not arrive. My white
comrade and thirteen men were assured of sufficient for ten days to
protract the struggle against a painful death. We who were bound for the
search possessed nothing. We could feed on berries until we could arrive
at a plantation. As we travelled that afternoon we passed several dead
bodies in various stages of decay, and the sight of doomed, dying and
dead produced on my nerves such a feeling of weakness that I was
well-nigh overcome. Every soul in that camp was paralysed with sadness
and suffering. Despair had made them all dumb. Not a sound was heard to
disturb the deathly brooding. It was a mercy to me that I heard no murmur
of reproach, no sign of rebuke. I felt the horror of silence of the
forest and the night intensely. Sleep was impossible. My thoughts dwelt
on these recurring disobediences which caused so much misery and anxiety.
"Stiff-necked, rebellious, incorrigible human nature, ever showing its
animalism and brutishness, let the wretches be for ever accursed! Their
utter thoughtless and oblivious natures and continual breach of promises
kill more men, and cause more anxiety, than the poison of the darts or
barbs and points of the arrows. If I meet them I will--" But before the
resolve was uttered flashed to my memory the dead men on the road, the
doomed in the camp, and the starving with me, and the thought that those
150 men were lost in the remorseless woods beyond recovery, or surrounded
by savages without hope of escape, then do you wonder that the natural
hardness of the heart was softened, and that I again consigned my case to
Him who could alone assist us. The next morning within half-an-hour of
the start we met the foragers, safe, sound, robust, loaded, bearing four
tons of plantains. You can imagine what cries of joy these wild children
of nature uttered, you can imagine how they flung themselves upon the
fruit, and kindled the fires to roast and boil and bake, and how, after
they were all filled, we rode back to the camp to rejoice those
unfortunates with Mr. Bonny.
As I mentally review the many grim episodes and reflect on the
marvellously narrow escapes from utter destruction to which we have been
subjected during our various journeys to and fro through that immense and
gloomy extent of primeval woods, I feel utterly unable to attribute our
salvation to any other cause than to a gracious Providence who for some
purpose of His own preserved us. All the armies and armaments of Europe
could not have lent us any aid in the dire extremity in which we found
ourselves in that camp between the Dui and Ihuru; an army of explorers
could not have traced our course to the scene of the last struggle had we
fallen, for deep, deep as utter oblivion had we been surely buried under
the humus of the trackless wilds.
It is in this humble and grateful spirit that I commence this record of
the progress of the Expedition from its inception by you to the date when
at our feet the Indian Ocean burst into view, pure and blue as Heaven
when we might justly exclaim "It is ended!"
What the public ought to know, that have I written; but there are many
things that the snarling, cynical, unbelieving, vulgar ought not to know.
I write to you and to your friends, and for those who desire more light
on Darkest Africa, and for those who can feel an interest in what
concerns humanity.
My creed has been, is, and will remain so, I hope, to act for the best,
think the right thought, and speak the right word, as well as a good
motive will permit. When a mission is entrusted to me and my conscience
approves it as noble and right, and I give my promise to exert my best
powers to fulfil this according to the letter and spirit, I carry with me
a Law, that I am compelled to obey. If any associated with me prove to me
by their manner and action that this Law is equally incumbent on them,
then I recognize my brothers. Therefore it is with unqualified delight
that I acknowledge the priceless services of my friends Stairs, Jephson,
Nelson and Parke, four men whose devotion to their several duties were as
perfect as human nature is capable of. As a man's epitaph can only be
justly written when he lies in his sepulchre, so I rarely attempted to
tell them during the journey, how much I valued the ready and prompt
obedience of Stairs, that earnestness for work that distinguished
Jephson, the brave soldierly qualities of Nelson, and the gentle, tender
devotion paid by our Doctor to his ailing patients; but now that the long
wanderings are over, and they have bided and laboured ungrudgingly
throughout the long period, I feel that my words are poor indeed when I
need them to express in full my lasting obligations to each of them.
Concerning those who have fallen, or who were turned back by illness or
accident, I will admit, with pleasure, that while in my company every one
seemed most capable of fulfilling the highest expectations formed of
them. I never had a doubt of any one of them until Mr. Bonny poured into
my ears the dismal story of the rear column. While I possess positive
proofs that both the Major and Mr. Jameson were inspired by loyalty, and
burning with desire throughout those long months at Yambuya, I have
endeavoured to ascertain why they did not proceed as instructed by
letter, or why Messrs. Ward, Troup and Bonny did not suggest that to move
little by little was preferable to rotting at Yambuya, which they were
clearly in danger of doing, like the 100 dead followers. To this simple
question there is no answer. The eight visits to Stanley Falls and
Kasongo amount in the aggregate to 1,200 miles; their journals, log
books, letters teem with proofs that every element of success was in and
with them. I cannot understand why the five officers, having means for
moving, confessedly burning with the desire to move, and animated with
the highest feelings, did not move on along our tract as directed; or,
why, believing I was alive, the officers sent my personal baggage down
river and reduced their chief to a state of destitution; or, why they
should send European tinned provisions and two dozen bottles of Madeira
down river, when there were thirty-three men sick and hungry in camp; or,
why Mr. Bonny should allow his own rations to be sent down while he was
present; or, why Mr. Ward should be sent down river with a despatch, and
an order be sent after him to prevent his return to the Expedition. These
are a few of the problems which puzzle me, and to which I have been
unable to obtain satisfactory solutions. Had any other person informed me
that such things had taken place I should have doubted them, but I take
my information solely from Major Barttelot's official despatch (See
Appendix). The telegram which Mr. Ward conveyed to the sea requests
instructions from the London Committee, but the gentlemen in London
reply, "We refer you to Mr. Stanley's letter of instructions." It becomes
clear to every one that there mystery here for which I cannot conceive a
rational solution, and therefore each reader of this narrative must think
his own thoughts but construe the whole charitably.
After the discovery of Mr. Bonny at Banalya, I had frequent occasions to
remark to him that his goodwill and devotion were equal to that shown by
the others, and as for bravery, I think he has as much as the bravest.
With his performance of any appointed work I never had cause for
dissatisfaction, and as he so admirably conducted himself with such
perfect and respectful obedience while with us from Banalya to the Indian
Sea, the more the mystery of Yambuya life is deepened, for with 2,000
such soldiers as Bonny under a competent leader, the entire Soudan could
be subjugated, pacified and governed.
It must thoroughly be understood, however, while reflecting upon the
misfortunes of the rear-column, that it is my firm belief that had it
been the lot of Barttelot and Jameson to have been in the place of, say
Stairs and Jephson, and to have accompanied us in the advance, they would
equally have distinguished themselves; for such a group of young
gentlemen as Barttelot, Jameson, Stairs, Nelson, Jephson, and Parke, at
all times, night or day, so eager for and rather loving work, is rare. If
I were to try and form another African State, such tireless, brave
natures would be simply invaluable. The misfortunes of the rear-column
were due to the resolutions of August 17th to stay and wait for me, and
to the meeting with the Arabs the next day.
What is herein related about Emin Pasha need not, I hope, be taken as
derogating in the slightest from the high conception of our ideal. If the
reality differs somewhat from it no fault can be attributed to him. While
his people were faithful he was equal to the ideal; when his soldiers
revolted his usefulness as a Governor ceased, just as the cabinet-maker
with tools may turn out finished wood-work, but without them can do
nothing. If the Pasha was not of such gigantic stature as we supposed him
to be, he certainly cannot be held responsible for that, any more than he
can be held accountable for his unmilitary appearance. If the Pasha was
able to maintain his province for five years, he cannot in justice be
held answerable for the wave of insanity and the epidemic of turbulence
which converted his hitherto loyal soldiers into rebels. You will find
two special periods in this narrative wherein the Pasha is described with
strictest impartiality to each, but his misfortunes never cause us to
lose our respect for him, though we may not agree with that excess of
sentiment which distinguished him, for objects so unworthy as sworn
rebels. As an administrator he displayed the finest qualities; he was
just, tender, loyal and merciful, and affectionate to the natives who
placed themselves under his protection, and no higher and better proof of
the esteem with which he was regarded by his soldiery can be desired than
that he owed his life to the reputation for justice and mildness which he
had won. In short, every hour saved from sleep was devoted before his
final deposition to some useful purpose conducive to increase of
knowledge, improvement of humanity, and gain to civilization. You must
remember all these things, and by no means lose sight of them, even while
you read our impressions of him.
I am compelled to believe that Mr. Mounteney Jephson wrote the kindliest
report of the events that transpired during the arrest and imprisonment
of the Pasha and himself, out of pure affection, sympathy, and
fellow-feeling for his friend. Indeed the kindness and sympathy he
entertains for the Pasha are so evident that I playfully accuse him of
being either a Mahdist, Arabist, or Eminist, as one would naturally feel
indignant at the prospect of leading a slave's life at Khartoum. The
letters of Mr. Jephson, after being shown, were endorsed, as will be seen
by Emin Pasha. Later observations proved the truth of those made by Mr.
Jephson when he said, "Sentiment is the Pasha's worst enemy; nothing
keeps Emin here but Emin himself." What I most admire in him is the
evident struggle between his duty to me, as my agent, and the friendship
he entertains for the Pasha.
While we may naturally regret that Emin Pasha did not possess that
influence over his troops which would have commanded their perfect
obedience, confidence and trust, and made them pliable to the laws and
customs of civilization, and compelled them to respect natives as
fellow-subjects, to be guardians of peace and protectors of property,
without which there can be no civilization, many will think that as the
Governor was unable to do this, that it is as well that events took the
turn they did. The natives of Africa cannot be taught that there are
blessings in civilization if they are permitted to be oppressed and to be
treated as unworthy of the treatment due to human beings, to be despoiled
and enslaved at will by a licentious soldiery. The habit of regarding the
aborigines as nothing better than pagan _abid_ or slaves, dates from
Ibrahim Pasha, and must be utterly suppressed before any semblance of
civilization can be seen outside the military settlements. When every
grain of corn, and every fowl, goat, sheep and cow which is necessary for
the troops is paid for in sterling money or its equivalent in necessary
goods, then civilization will become irresistible in its influence, and
the Gospel even may be introduced; but without impartial justice both are
impossible, certainly never when preceded and accompanied by spoliation,
which I fear was too general a custom in the Soudan.
Those who have some regard for righteous justice may find some comfort in
the reflection that until civilization in its true and real form be
introduced into Equatoria, the aborigines shall now have some peace and
rest, and that whatever aspects its semblance bare, excepting a few
orange and lime trees, can be replaced within a month, under higher,
better, and more enduring auspices.
If during this Expedition I have not sufficiently manifested the reality
of my friendship and devotion to you, and to my friends of the Emin
Belief Committee, pray attribute it to want of opportunities and force of
circumstances and not to lukewarmness and insincerity; but if, on the
other hand, you and my friends have been satisfied that so far as lay in
my power I have faithfully and loyally accomplished the missions you
entrusted to me in the same spirit and to the same purpose that you
yourself would have performed them had it been physically and morally
possible for you to have been with us, then indeed am I satisfied, and
the highest praise would not be equal in my opinion to the simple
acknowledgment of it, such as "Well done."
My dear Sir William, to love a noble, generous and loyal heart like your
own, is natural. Accept the profession of mine, which has been pledged
long ago to you wholly and entirely.
Henry M. Stanley.
To Sir William Mackinnon, Bart.,
of Balinakill and Loup,
in the County of Argyleshire,
The Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee.
&c. &c. &c.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
The Khedive and the Soudan--Arabi Pasha--Hicks Pasha's defeat--The
Mahdi--Sir Evelyn Baring and Lord Granville on the Soudan--Valentine
Baker Pasha--General Gordon: his work in the Upper Soudan--Edward
Schnitzler (or Emin Effendi Hakim) and his province--General Gordon
at Khartoum: and account of the Belief Expedition in 1884, under Lord
Wolseley--Mr. A. M. Mackay, the missionary in Uganda--Letters from
Emin Bey to Mr. Mackay, Mr. C. H. Allen, and Dr. R. W. Felkin, relating
to his Province--Mr. F. Holmwood's and Mr. A. M. Mackay's views on
the proposed relief of Emin--Suggested routes for the Emin Relief
Expedition--Sir Wm. Mackinnon and Mr. J. F. Hutton--The Relief Fund and
Preparatory details of the Expedition--Colonel Sir Francis De
Winton--Selection of officers for the Expedition--King Leopold and the
Congo Route--Departure for Egypt.
Only a Carlyle in his maturest period, as when he drew in lurid colours
the agonies of the terrible French Revolution, can do justice to the long
catalogue of disasters which has followed the connection of England with
Egypt. It is a theme so dreadful throughout, that Englishmen shrink from
touching it. Those who have written upon any matters relating to these
horrors confine themselves to bare historical record. No one can read
through these without shuddering at the dangers England and Englishmen
have incurred during this pitiful period of mismanagement. After the
Egyptian campaign there is only one bright gleam of sunshine throughout
months of oppressive darkness, and that shone over the immortals of
Abu-Klea and Gubat, when that small body of heroic Englishmen struggled
shoulder to shoulder on the sands of the fatal desert, and won a glory
equal to that which the Light Brigade were urged to gain at Balaclava.
Those were fights indeed, and atone in a great measure for a series of
blunders, that a century of history would fail to parallel. If only a
portion of that earnestness of purpose exhibited at Abu-Klea had been
manifested by those responsible for ordering events, the Mahdi would soon
have become only a picturesque figure to adorn a page or to point a
metaphor, and not the terrible portent of these latter days, whose
presence blasted every vestige of civilization in the Soudan to ashes.
In order that I may make a fitting but brief introduction to the subject
matter of this book, I must necessarily glance at the events which led to
the cry of the last surviving Lieutenant of Gordon for help in his close
beleaguerment near the Equator.
To the daring project of Ismail the Khedive do we owe the original cause
of all that has befallen Egypt and the Soudan. With 5,000,000 of
subjects, and a rapidly depleting treasury, he undertook the expansion of
the Egyptian Khediviate into an enormous Egyptian Empire, the entire area
embracing a superficial extent of nearly 1,000,000 square miles--that is,
from the Pharos of Alexandria to the south end of Lake Albert, from
Massowah to the western boundary of Darfur. Adventurers from Europe and
from America resorted to his capital to suggest the maddest schemes, and
volunteered themselves leaders of the wildest enterprises. The staid
period when Egyptian sovereignty ceased at Gondokoro, and the Nile was
the natural drain of such traffic as found its way by the gentle pressure
of slow development, was ended when Captains Speke and Grant, and Sir
Samuel Baker brought their rapturous reports of magnificent lakes, and
regions unmatched for fertility and productiveness. The termination of
the American Civil War threw numbers of military officers out of
employment, and many thronged to Egypt to lend their genius to the modern
Pharaoh, and to realize his splendid dreams of empire. Englishmen,
Germans, and Italians, appeared also to share in the honours that were
showered upon the bold and the brave.
While reading carefully and dispassionately the annals of this period,
admiring the breadth of the Khedive's views, the enthusiasm which
possesses him, the princely liberality of his rewards, the military
exploits, the sudden extensions of his power, and the steady expansions
of his sovereignty to the south, west, and east, I am struck by the fact
that his success as a conqueror in Africa may well be compared to the
successes of Alexander in Asia, the only difference being that Alexander
led his armies in person, while Ismail the Khedive preferred the luxuries
of his palaces in Cairo, and to commit his wars to the charge of his
Pashas and Beys.
To the Khedive the career of conquest on which he has launched appears
noble; the European Press applaud him; so many things of grand importance
to civilization transpire that they chant paeans of praise in his honour;
the two seas are brought together, and the mercantile navies ride in
stately columns along the maritime canal; railways are pushed towards the
south, and it is prophesied that a line will reach as far as Berber. But
throughout all this brilliant period the people of this new empire do not
seem to have been worthy of a thought, except as subjects of taxation and
as instruments of supplying the Treasury; taxes are heavier than ever;
the Pashas are more mercenary; the laws are more exacting, the ivory
trade is monopolised, and finally, to add to the discontent already
growing, the slave trade is prohibited throughout all the territory where
Egyptian authority is constituted. Within five years Sir Samuel Baker has
conquered the Equatorial Province, Munzinger has mastered Senaar, Darfur
has been annexed, and Bahr-el-Ghazal has been subjugated after a most
frightful waste of life. The audacity manifested in all these projects of
empire is perfectly marvellous--almost as wonderful as the total absence
of common sense. Along a line of territory 800 miles in length there are
only three military stations in a country that can only rely upon camels
as means of communication except when the Nile is high.
In 1879, Ismail the Khedive having drawn too freely upon the banks of
Europe, and increased the debt of Egypt to L128,000,000, and unable to
agree to the restraints imposed by the Powers, the money of whose
subjects he had so liberally squandered, was deposed, and the present
Khedive, Tewfik, his son, was elevated to his place, under the tutelage
of the Powers. But shortly after, a military revolt occurred, and at
Kassassin, Tel-el-Kebir, Cairo, and Kafr Dowar, it was crushed by an
English Army, 13,000 strong, under Lord Wolseley.
During the brief sovereignty of Arabi Pasha, who headed the military
revolt, much mischief was caused by the withdrawal of the available
troops from the Soudan. While the English General was defeating the rebel
soldiers at Tel-el-Kebir, the Mahdi Mohamet-Achmet was proceeding to the
investment of El Obeid. On the 23rd of August he was attacked at Duem
with a loss of 4500. On the 14th he was repulsed by the garrison of
Obeid, with a loss, it is said, of 10,000 men. These immense losses of
life, which have been continuous from the 11th of August, 1881, when the
Mahdi first essayed the task of teaching the populations of the Soudan
the weakness of Egyptian power, were from the tribes who were indifferent
to the religion professed by the Mahdi, but who had been robbed by the
Egyptian officials, taxed beyond endurance by the Government, and who had
been prevented from obtaining means by the sale of slaves to pay the
taxes, and also from the hundreds of slave-trading caravans, whose
occupation was taken from them by their energetic suppression by Gordon,
and his Lieutenant, Gessi Pasha. From the 11th of August, 1881, to the
4th of March, 1883, when Hicks Pasha, a retired Indian officer, landed at
Khartoum as Chief of the Staff of the Soudan army, the disasters to the
Government troops had been almost one unbroken series; and, in the
meanwhile, the factious and mutinous army of Egypt had revolted, been
suppressed and disbanded, and another army had been reconstituted under
Sir Evelyn Wood, which was not to exceed 6000 men. Yet aware of the
tremendous power of the Mahdi, and the combined fanaticism and hate,
amounting to frenzy, which possessed his legions, and of the
instability, the indiscipline, and cowardice of his troops--while
pleading to the Egyptian Government for a reinforcement of 5000 men, or
for four battalions of General Wood's new army--Hicks Pasha resolves upon
the conquest of Kordofan, and marches to meet the victorious Prophet,
while he and his hordes are flushed with the victory lately gained over
Obeid and Bara. His staff, and the very civilians accompanying him,
predict disaster; yet Hicks starts forth on his last journey with a body
of 12,000 men, 10 mountain guns, 6 Nordenfelts, 5500 camels, and 500
horses. They know that the elements of weakness are in the force; that
many of the soldiers are peasants taken from the fields in Egypt, chained
in gangs; that others are Mahdists; that there is dissension between the
officers, and that everything is out of joint. But they march towards
Obeid, meet the Mahdi's legions, and are annihilated.
England at this time directs the affairs of Egypt with the consent of the
young Khedive, whom she has been instrumental in placing upon the almost
royal throne of Egypt, and whom she is interested in protecting. Her
soldiers are in Egypt; the new Egyptian army is under an English General;
her military police is under the command of an English ex-Colonel of
cavalry; her Diplomatic Agent directs the foreign policy; almost all the
principal offices of the State are in the hands of Englishmen.
The Soudan has been the scene of the most fearful sanguinary encounters
between the ill-directed troops of the Egyptian Government and the
victorious tribes gathered under the sacred banner of the Mahdi; and
unless firm resistance is offered soon to the advance of the Prophet, it
becomes clear to many in England that this vast region and fertile basin
of the Upper Nile will be lost to Egypt, unless troops and money be
furnished to meet the emergency. To the view of good sense it is clear
that, as England has undertaken to direct the government and manage the
affairs of Egypt, she cannot avoid declaring her policy as regards the
Soudan. To a question addressed to the English Prime Minister in
Parliament, as to whether the Soudan was regarded as forming a part of
Egypt, and if so, whether the British Government would take steps to
restore order there, Mr. Gladstone replied, that the Soudan had not been
included in the sphere of English operations, and that the Government was
not disposed to include it within the sphere of English responsibility.
As a declaration of policy no fault can be found with it; it is Mr.
Gladstone's policy, and there is nothing to be said against it as such;
it is his principle, the principle of his associates in the Government,
and of his party, and as a principle it deserves respect.
The Political Agent in Egypt, Sir Evelyn Baring, while the fate of Hicks
Pasha and his army was still unknown, but suspected, sends repeated
signals of warning to the English Government, and suggests remedies and
means of averting a final catastrophe. "If Hicks Pasha is defeated,
Khartoum is in danger; by the fall of Khartoum, Egypt will be menaced."
Lord Granville replies at various times in the months of November and
December, 1883, that the Government advises the abandonment of the Soudan
within certain limits; that the Egyptian Government must take the sole
responsibility of operations beyond Egypt Proper; that the Government has
no intention of employing British or Indian troops in the Soudan; that
ineffectual efforts on the part of the Egyptian Government to secure the
Soudan would only increase the danger.
Sir Evelyn Baring notified Lord Granville that no persuasion or argument
availed to induce the Egyptian Minister to accept the policy of
abandonment. Cherif Pasha, the Prime Minister, also informed Lord
Granville that, according to Valentine Baker Pasha, the means at the
disposal were utterly inadequate for coping with the insurrection in the
Soudan.
Then Lord Granville replied, through Sir Evelyn Baring, that it was
indispensable that, so long as English soldiers provisionally occupied
Egypt, the advice of Her Majesty's Ministers should be followed, and that
he insisted on its adoption. The Egyptian Ministers were changed, and
Nubar Pasha became Prime Minister on the 10th January, 1884.
On the 17th December, Valentine Baker departed from Egypt for Suakim, to
commence military operations for the maintenance of communication between
Suakim and Berber, and the pacification of the tribes in that region.
While it was absolutely certain in England that Baker's force would
suffer a crushing defeat, and suspected in Egypt, the General does not
seem to be aware of any danger, or if there be, he courts it. The
Khedive, fearful that to his troops an engagement will be most
disastrous, writes privately to Baker Pasha: "I rely on your prudence and
ability not to engage the enemy except under the most favourable
conditions." Baker possessed ability and courage in abundance; but the
event proved that prudence and judgment were as absent in his case as in
that of the unfortunate Hicks. His force consisted of 3746 men. On the
6th of February he left Trinkitat on the sea shore, towards Tokar. After
a march of six miles the van of the rebels was encountered, and shortly
after the armies were engaged. It is said "that the rebels displayed the
utmost contempt for the Egyptians; that they seized them by the neck and
cut their throats; and that the Government troops, paralysed by fear,
turned their backs, submitting to be killed rather than attempt to defend
their lives; that hundreds threw away their rifles, knelt down, raised
their clasped hands, and prayed for mercy."
The total number killed was 2373 out of 3746. Mr. Royle, the excellent
historian of the Egyptian campaigns, says: "Baker knew, or ought to have
known, the composition of the troops he commanded, and to take such men
into action was simply to court disaster." What ought we to say of
Hicks?
We now come to General Gordon, who from 1874 to 1876 had been working in
the Upper Soudan on the lines commenced by Sir Samuel Baker, conciliating
natives, crushing slave caravans, destroying slave stations, and
extending Egyptian authority by lines of fortified forts up to the
Albert Nyanza. After four months' retirement he was appointed
Governor-General of the Soudan, of Darfur, and the Equatorial Provinces.
Among others whom Gordon employed as Governors of these various provinces
under his Vice-regal Government was one Edward Schnitzler, a German born
in Oppeln, Prussia, 28th March, 1840, of Jewish parents, who had seen
service in Turkey, Armenia, Syria, and Arabia, in the suite of Ismail
Hakki Pasha, once Governor-General of Scutari, and a Mushir of the
Empire. On the death of his patron he had departed to Niesse, where his
mother, sister, and cousins lived, and where he stayed for several
months, and thence left for Egypt. He, in 1875, thence travelled to
Khartoum, and being a medical doctor, was employed by Gordon Pasha in
that capacity. He assumed the name and title of Emin Effendi Hakim--the
faithful physician. He was sent to Lado as storekeeper and doctor, was
afterwards despatched to King Mtesa on a political mission, recalled to
Khartoum, again despatched on a similar mission to King Kabba-Rega of
Unyoro, and finally, in 1878, was promoted to Bey, and appointed Governor
of the Equatorial Province of _Ha-tal-astiva_, which, rendered into
English, means Equatoria, at a salary of L50 per month. A mate of one of
the Peninsular and Oriental steamers, called Lupton, was promoted to the
rank of Governor of the Province of Bahr-el-Ghazal, which adjoined
Equatoria.
[Illustration: EMIN PASHA.]
On hearing of the deposition of Ismail in 1879, Gordon surrendered his
high office in the hands of Tewfik, the new Khedive, informing him that
he did not intend to resume it.
In 1880 he accepted the post of Secretary under the Marquis of Ripon, but
resigned it within a month.
In 1881 he is in Mauritius as Commandant of the Royal Engineers. In about
two months he abandons that post to proceed to the assistance of the Cape
authorities in their difficulty with the Basutos, but, after a little
experience, finds himself unable to agree with the views of the Cape
Government, and resigns.
Meantime, I have been labouring on the Congo River. Our successes in that
immense territory of Western Africa have expanded into responsibilities
so serious that they threaten to become unmanageable. When I visit the
Lower Congo affairs become deranged on the Upper Congo; if I confine
myself to the Upper Congo there is friction in the Lower Congo.
Wherefore, feeling an intense interest in the growth of the territory
which was rapidly developing into a State, I suggested to His Majesty
King Leopold, as early as September, 1882, and again in the spring of
1883, that I required as an associate a person of merit, rank, and
devotion to work, such as General Gordon, who would undertake either the
management of the Lower or Upper Congo, while I would work in the other
section, as a vast amount of valuable time was consumed in travelling up
and down from one to the other, and young officers of stations were so
apt to take advantage of my absence. His Majesty promised to request the
aid of General Gordon, but for a long time the replies were unfavourable.
Finally, in the spring of 1884, I received a letter in General Gordon's
well-known handwriting, which informed me I was to expect him by the next
mail.
It appears, however, that he had no sooner mailed his letter to me and
parted from His Majesty than he was besieged by applications from his
countrymen to assist the Egyptian Government in extricating the
beleaguered garrison of Khartoum from their impending fate. Personally I
know nothing of what actually happened when he was ushered by Lord
Wolseley into the presence of Lord Granville, but I have been informed
that General Gordon was confident he could perform the mission entrusted
to him. There is a serious discrepancy in the definition of this mission.
The Egyptian authorities were anxious for the evacuation of Khartoum
only, and it is possible that Lord Granville only needed Gordon's
services for this humane mission, all the other garrisons to be left to
their fate because of the supposed impossibility of rescuing them. The
Blue Books which contain the official despatches seem to confirm the
probability of this. But it is certain that Lord Granville instructed
General Gordon to proceed to Egypt to report on the situation of the
Soudan, and on the best measures that should be taken for the security of
the Egyptian garrisons (in the plural), and for the safety of the
European population in Khartoum. He was to perform such other duties as
the Egyptian Government might wish to entrust to him. He was to be
accompanied by Colonel Stewart.
Sir Evelyn Baring, after a prolonged conversation with Gordon, gives him
his final instructions on behalf of the British Government.
A precis of these is as follows:--
1. "Ensure retreat of the European population from 10,000 to 15,000
people, and of the garrison of Kartoum."[A]
2. "You know best the when and how to effect this."
3. "You will bear in mind that the main end (of your Mission) is
the evacuation of the Soudan."
4. "As you are of opinion it could be done, endeavour to make a
confederation of the native tribes to take the place of Egyptian
authority."
5. "A credit of L100,000 is opened for you at the Finance
Department."
Gordon has succeeded in infusing confidence in the minds of the Egyptian
Ministry, who were previously panic-stricken and cried out for the
evacuation of Khartoum only. They breathe freer after seeing and hearing
him, and according to his own request they invest him with the
Governor-Generalship. The firman, given him, empowers him to evacuate the
respective territories (of the Soudan) and to withdraw the troops, civil
officials, and such of the inhabitants as wish to leave for Egypt, and if
possible, after completing the evacuation (and this was an absolute
impossibility) he was to establish an organized Government. With these
instructions Lord Granville concurs.
I am told that it was understood, however, that he was to do what he
could--do everything necessary, in fact, if possible; if not all the
Soudan, then he was to proceed to evacuating Khartoum only, without loss
of time. But this is not on official record until March 23rd, 1884, and
it is not known whether he ever received this particular telegram.[B]
General Gordon proceeded to Khartoum on January 26th, 1884, and arrived
in that city on the 18th of the following month. During his journey he
sent frequent despatches by telegraph abounding in confidence. Mr. Power,
the acting consul and _Times_ correspondent, wired the following
despatch--"The people (of Khartoum) are devoted to General Gordon, whose
design is to save the garrison, and for ever leave the Soudan--as
perforce it must be left--to the Soudanese."
The English press, which had been so wise respecting the chances of
Valentine Baker Pasha, were very much in the condition of the people of
Khartoum, that is, devoted to General Gordon and sanguine of his success.
He had performed such wonders in China--he had laboured so effectually in
crushing the slave-trade in the Soudan, he had won the affection of the
sullen Soudanese, that the press did not deem it at all improbable that
Gordon with his white wand and six servants could rescue the doomed
garrisons of Senaar, Bahr-el-Ghazal and Equatoria--a total of 29,000 men,
besides the civil employees and their wives and families; and after
performing that more than herculean--nay utterly impossible
task--establish an organized Government.
On February 29th Gordon telegraphs, "There is not much chance of
improving, and every chance is getting worse," and on the 2nd of the
month "I have no option about staying at Khartoum, it has passed out of
my hands." On the 16th March he predicts that before long "we shall be
blocked." At the latter end of March he telegraphs, "We have provisions
for five months, and are hemmed in."
It is clear that a serious misunderstanding had occurred in the drawing
up of the instructions by Sir Evelyn Baring and their comprehension of
them by General Gordon, for the latter expresses himself to the former
thus:--
"You ask me to state cause and reason of my intention for my
staying at Khartoum. I stay at Khartoum because Arabs have shut us
up, and will not let us out."
Meantime public opinion urged on the British Government the necessity of
despatching an Expedition to withdraw General Gordon from Khartoum. But
as it was understood between General Gordon and Lord Granville that the
former's mission was for the purpose of dispensing with the services of
British troops in the Soudan, and as it was its declared policy not to
employ English or Indian troops in that region, the Government were
naturally reluctant to yield to the demand of the public. At last,
however, as the clamour increased and Parliament and public joined in
affirming that it was a duty on the country to save the brave man who had
so willingly volunteered to perform such an important service for his
country, Mr. Gladstone rose in the House of Commons on the 5th August to
move a vote of credit to undertake operations for the relief of Gordon.
Two routes were suggested by which the Relief Expedition could approach
Khartoum--the short cut across the desert from Suakim to Berber, and the
other by the Nile. Gordon expressed his preference for that up the Nile,
and it was this latter route that the Commanding General of the Relief
Expedition adopted.
On the 18th September, the steamer "Abbas," with Colonel Stewart
(Gordon's companion), Mr. Power, the _Times_ correspondent, Mr. Herbin,
the French Consul, and a number of Greeks and Egyptians on
board--forty-four men all told--on trying to pass by the cataract of Abu
Hamid was wrecked in the cataract. The Arabs on the shore invited them to
land in peace, but unarmed. Stewart complied, and he and the two Consuls
(Power and Herbin) and Hassan Effendi went ashore and entered a house, in
which they were immediately murdered.
On the 17th November, Gordon reports to Lord Wolseley, who was then at
Wady Halfa, that he can hold out for forty days yet, that the Mahdists
are to the south, south-west, and east, but not to the north of
Khartoum.
By Christmas Day, 1884, a great part of the Expeditionary Force was
assembled at Korti. So far, the advance of the Expedition had been as
rapid as the energy and skill of the General commanding could command.
Probably there never was a force so numerous animated with such noble
ardour and passion as this under Lord Wolseley for the rescue of that
noble and solitary Englishman at Khartoum.
On December 30th, a part of General Herbert Stewart's force moves from
Korti towards Gakdul Wells, with 2099 camels. In 46 hours and 50 minutes
it has reached Gakdul Wells; 11 hours later Sir Herbert Stewart with all
the camels starts on his return journey to Korti, which place was reached
January 5th. On the 12th Sir Herbert Stewart was back at Gakdul Wells,
and at 2 P.M. of the 13th the march towards Abu Klea was resumed. On the
17th, the famous battle of Abu Klea was fought, resulting in a hard-won
victory to the English troops, with a loss of 9 officers and 65 men
killed and 85 wounded, out of a total of 1800, while 1100 of the enemy
lay dead before the square. It appears probable that if the 3000 English
sent up the Nile Valley had been with this gallant little force, it would
have been a mere walk over for the English army. After another battle on
the 19th near Metammeh, where 20 men were killed and 60 wounded of the
English, and 250 of the enemy, a village on a gravel terrace near the
Nile was occupied. On the 21st, four steamers belonging to General Gordon
appeared. The officer in command stated that they had been lying for some
weeks near an island awaiting the arrival of the British column. The 22nd
and 23rd were expended by Sir Chas. Wilson in making a reconnaissance,
building two forts, changing the crews of the steamers, and preparing
fuel. On the 24th, two of the steamers started for Khartoum, carrying
only 20 English soldiers. On the 26th two men came aboard and reported
that there had been fighting at Khartoum; on the 27th a man cried out
from the bank that the town had fallen, and that Gordon had been killed.
The next day the last news was confirmed by another man. Sir Charles
Wilson steamed on until his steamers became the target of cannon from
Omdurman and from Khartoum, besides rifles from a distance of from 75 to
200 yards, and turned back only when convinced that the sad news was only
too true. Steaming down river then at full speed he reached Tamanieb when
he halted for the night. From here he sent out two messengers to collect
news. One returned saying that he had met an Arab who informed him that
Khartoum had been entered on the night of the 26th January through the
treachery of Farag Pasha, and that Gordon was killed; that the Mahdi had
on the next day entered the city and had gone into a mosque to return
thanks and had then retired, and had given the city up to three days'
pillage.
In Major Kitchener's report we find a summary of the results of the
taking of Khartoum. "The massacre in the town lasted some six hours, and
about 4000 persons at least were killed. The Bashi Bazouks and white
regulars numbering 3327, and the Shaigia irregulars numbering 2330, were
mostly all killed in cold blood after they had surrendered and been
disarmed." The surviving inhabitants of the town were ordered out, and as
they passed through the gate were searched, and then taken to Omdurman
where the women were distributed among the Mahdist chiefs, and the men
were stripped and turned adrift to pick a living as they could. A Greek
merchant, who escaped from Khartoum, reported that the town was betrayed
by the merchants there, who desired to make terms with the enemy, and not
by Farag Pasha.
Darfur, Kordofan, Senaar, Bahr-el-Ghazal, Khartoum, had been possessed by
the enemy; Kassala soon followed, and throughout the length and breadth
of the Soudan there now remained only the Equatorial Province, whose
Governor was Emin Bey Hakim--the Faithful Physician.
Naturally, if English people felt that they were in duty bound to rescue
their brave countryman, and a gallant General of such genius and
reputation as Gordon, they would feel a lively interest in the fate of
the last of Gordon's Governors, who, by a prudent Fabian policy, it was
supposed, had evaded the fate which had befallen the armies and garrisons
of the Soudan. It follows also that, if the English were solicitous for
the salvation of the garrison of Khartoum, they would feel a
proportionate solicitude for the fate of a brave officer and his little
army in the far South, and that, if assistance could be rendered at a
reasonable cost, there would be no difficulty in raising a fund to effect
that desirable object.
On November 16, 1884, Emin Bey informs Mr. A. M. Mackay, the missionary
in Uganda, by letter written at Lado, that "the Soudan has become the
theatre of an insurrection; that for nineteen months he is without news
from Khartoum, and that thence he is led to believe that the town has
been taken by the insurgents, or that the Nile is blocked "; but he
says:--
"Whatever it proves to be, please inform your correspondents and
through them the Egyptian Government that to this day we are well,
and that we propose to hold out until help may reach us or until we
perish."
A second note from Emin Bey to the same missionary, on the same date as
the preceding, contains the following:--
"The Bahr-Ghazal Province being lost and Lupton Bey, the governor,
carried away to Kordofan, we are unable to inform our Government of
what happens here. For nineteen months we have had no communication
from Khartoum, so I suppose the river is blocked up."
"Please therefore inform the Egyptian Government by some means that
we are well to this day, but greatly in need of help. We shall hold
out until we obtain such help or until we perish."
To Mr. Charles H. Allen, Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society, Emin Bey
writes from Wadelai, December 31, 1885, as follows:--
"Ever since the month of May, 1883, we have been cut off from all
communication with the world. Forgotten, and abandoned by the
Government, we have been compelled to make a virtue of necessity.
Since the occupation of the Bahr-Ghazal we have been vigorously
attacked, and I do not know how to describe to you the admirable
devotion of my black troops throughout a long war, which for them
at least, has no advantage. Deprived of the most necessary things
for a long time without any pay, my men fought valiantly, and when
at last hunger weakened them, when, after nineteen days of
incredible privation and sufferings, their strength was exhausted,
and when the last torn leather of the last boot had been eaten,
then they cut away through the midst of their enemies and succeeded
in saving themselves. All this hardship was undergone without the
least _arriere-pensee_, without even the hope of any appreciable
reward, prompted only by their duty and the desire of showing a
proper valour before their enemies."
This is a noble record of valour and military virtue. I remember the
appearance of this letter in the _Times_, and the impression it made on
myself and friends. It was only a few days after the appearance of this
letter that we began to discuss ways and means of relief for the writer.
The following letter also impressed me very strongly. It is written to
Dr. R. W. Felkin on the same date, December 31, 1885.
* * * * *
"You will probably know through the daily papers that poor Lupton,
after having bravely held the Bahr-Ghazal Province was compelled,
through the treachery of his own people, to surrender to the
emissaries of the late Madhi, and was carried by them to
Kordofan."
"My province and also myself I only saved from a like fate by a
stratagem, but at last I was attacked, and many losses in both men
and ammunition were the result, until I delivered such a heavy blow
to the rebels at Rimo, in Makraka, that compelled them to leave me
alone. Before this took place they informed us that Khartoum fell,
in January, 1885, and that Gordon was killed."
"Naturally on account of these occurrences I have been compelled to
evacuate our more distant stations, and withdraw our soldiers and
their families, still hoping that our Government will send us help.
It seems, however, that I have deceived myself, for since April,
1883, I have received no news of any kind from the north."
"The Government in Khartoum did not behave well to us. Before they
evacuated Fashoda, they ought to have remembered that Government
officials were living here (Equatorial Provinces) who had performed
their duty, and had not deserved to be left to their fate without
more ado. Even if it were the intention of the Government to
deliver us over to our fate, the least they could have done was to
have released us from our duties; we should then have known that we
were considered to have become valueless."
* * * * *
"Anyway it was necessary for us to seek some way of escape, and in
the first place it was urgent to send news of our existence in
Egypt. With this object in view I went south, after having made the
necessary arrangements at Lado, and came to Wadelai."
* * * * *
"As to my future plans, I intend to hold this country as long as
possible. I hope that when our letters arrive in Egypt, in seven or
eight months, a reply will be sent to me _via_ Khartoum or
Zanzibar. If the Egyptian Government still exists in the Soudan we
naturally expect them to send us help. If, however, the Soudan has
been evacuated, I shall take the whole of the people towards the
south. I shall then send the whole of the Egyptian and Khartoum
officials _via_ Uganda or Karagwe to Zanzibar, but shall remain
myself with my black troops at Kabba-Rege's until the Government
inform me as to their wishes."
This is very clear that Emin Pasha at this time proposed to relieve
himself of the Egyptian officials, and that he himself only intended to
remain until the Egyptian Government could communicate to him its wishes.
Those "wishes" were that he should abandon his province, as they were
unable to maintain it, and take advantage of the escort to leave Africa.
In a letter written to Mr. Mackay dated July 6th, 1886, Emin says:--
"In the first place believe me that I am in no hurry to break away
from here, or to leave those countries in which I have now laboured
for ten years."
* * * * *
"All my people, but especially the negro troops, entertain a strong
objection against a march to the south and thence to Egypt, and
mean to remain here until they can be taken north. Meantime, if no
danger overtakes us, and our ammunition holds out for sometime
longer, I mean to follow your advice and remain here until help
comes to us from some quarter. At all events, you may rest assured
that we will occasion no disturbance to you in Uganda."
"I shall determine on a march to the coast only in a case of dire
necessity. There are, moreover, two other routes before me. One
from Kabba-Rega's direct to Karagwe; the other _via_ Usongora to
the stations at Tanganika. I hope, however, that I shall have no
need to make use of either."
* * * * *
"My people have become impatient through long delay, and are
anxiously looking for help at last. It would also be most desirable
that some Commissioner came here from Europe, either direct by the
Masai route, or from Karagwe _via_ Kabba-Rega's country, in order
that my people may actually see that there is some interest taken
in them. I would defray with ivory all expenses of such a
Commission."
"As I once more repeat, I am ready to stay and to hold these
countries as long as I can until help comes, and I beseech you to
do what you can to hasten the arrival of such assistance. Assure
Mwanga that he has nothing to fear from me or my people, and that
as an old friend of Mtesa's I have no intention to trouble him."
In the above letters we have Emin Bey's views, wherein we gather that his
people are loyal--that is they are obedient to his commands, but that
none of them, judging from the tenour of the letters, express any
inclination to return to Egypt, excepting the Egyptians. He is at the
same time pondering upon the routes by which it is possible to
retreat--elsewhere he suggests the Monbuttu route to the sea; in these
letters he hints at Masai Land, or through Unyoro, and west of Uganda to
Usongora, and thence to Tanganika! If none of the black troops intended
to follow him, he certainly could not have done so with only the Egyptian
officials and their families.
From the following letters from the Consul-General, F. Holmwood, to Sir
Evelyn Baring, dated September 25th and September 27th, we gather Mr.
Holmwood's views, who, from his position and local knowledge, was very
competent to furnish information as to what could be done in the way of
the proposed relief.
"In Emin's letters to me he only reports his situation up to 27th
February, 1886, when he proposed evacuating his province by
detachments, the first of which he proposed to despatch at the
close of the rains toward the end of July; but both Dr. Junker and
Mr. Mackay inform me that they have since heard from Emin that the
majority of the 4000 loyal Egyptian subjects who have remained
faithful to Egypt throughout, and have supported him in the face of
the constant attacks from the Mahdi's adherents, aggravated by an
imminent danger of starvation, refuse to leave their country, and
he had therefore determined, if he could possibly do so, to remain
at his post, and continue to protect Egyptian interests till relief
arrived."
* * * * *
"Were Uganda freed from this tyrant (Mwanga), the Equatorial
Province, even should the present elementary system of
communication remain unmodified, would be within eight weeks' post
of Zanzibar, and a safe depot on the Albert Nyanza would provide a
base for any further operations that might be decided upon."
"Dr. Junker states that the country to the east of the Ripon
Falls[C] has proved impracticable, and that Emin has lost many
troops in endeavouring to open communication through it. If such be
the case the alternative line by which Dr. Fischer tried to relieve
Junker, and which I believe he still recommends, could not be
relied on for turning Uganda and its eastern dependency, and the
well-known route _via_ Uganda would be the only one available for
an Expedition of moderate size."
* * * * *
"As far as I am able to judge, without making any special
calculation, I consider that 1200 porters would be the smallest
number that would suffice, and a well-armed guard of at least 500
natives would be necessary."
* * * * *
"General Matthews, whom I had consulted as to the force necessary
for the safety of the Expedition, is of opinion that I have formed
far too low an estimate, but after weighing the testimony of many
experienced persons acquainted with Uganda, I must adhere to my
opinion that 500 native troops armed with modern rifles and under
experienced persons, would, if supplemented by the irregular force,
fully suffice."
An American officer of the Khedivial Government writes to Mr. Portal, and
suggests that communication with Emin might be opened by the Zanzibar
Arabs, but that to send stores and ammunition to him was impossible; that
the Arabs might manage for his passage, though his safest line of retreat
was westward to reach the Congo.
Mr. Fred Holmwood, in his despatch to the Foreign Office of September
23rd, 1886, writes that, "had it not been for the dangerous attitude of
the King of Uganda, the question of relieving Emin would have been merely
one of expenditure to be settled at Cairo; but under present
circumstances, many other serious considerations are involved in it which
will have to be referred to Her Majesty's Government."
"I would call attention to the account contained in Mr. Mackay's letter
regarding the alternative route to Wadelai which Dr. Fischer endeavoured
to take and, I believe, still recommends. If this statement be correct,
any attempt to turn Uganda or its Eastern dependency by this unexplored
line would probably fail."
Mr. A. M. Mackay writes from Uganda, May 14th, 1886:--
"From Dr. Junker's letter you will have seen that Emin Bey has had
the good fortune to have secured the loyalty of the people he
governs. Emin seems to have learned Gordon's secret of securing the
affection of his subjects, and has bravely stuck to them. There can
be no doubt at all but that had he been anxious to leave he would
with a few hundred of his soldiers have easily made a dash for the
coast either through the Masai Land or this way, asking no
permission from Mwanga (King of Uganda) or anyone else. He knows
that there is no power here able to stop him. In fact years ago he
wrote me that it would be nothing to him to storm this wretched
village and drive off the cattle."
"But what would be the fate of thousands of people who have
remained loyal on the Upper Nile? Dr. Junker speaks of thousands.
They do not want to be taken out of their own fertile country, and
taken to the deserts of Upper Egypt."
"Dr. Emin is on all hands allowed to be a wise and able Governor.
But he cannot remain for ever where he is, nor can he succeed
himself, even should the Mahdi's troops leave him undisturbed in
the future. His peculiar position should be taken advantage of by
our country, which undertook to rescue the garrisons of the
Soudan."
* * * * *
"Mwanga's action with respect to the letters forwarded him for Dr.
Emin, was as disrespectful as possible to the British Government
which had received with such kindness his father's envoys. We asked
him merely to forward the letters in the first place until he
should receive word from Emin as to whether or not he was prepared
to come this way, but he detained your packet altogether."
In Mr. Mackay's letter to Sir John Kirk, June 28th, 1886, he says:--
"Dr. Fischer's difficulties would also only really begin after
Kavirondo, as he then had the country of the dreaded Bakedi to
cross, and Dr. Junker tells me that whole parties of Dr. Emin's
soldiers have been repeatedly murdered by them."
Dr. Fischer, it will be remembered, was engaged to proceed to Equatoria
in search of Dr. Junker by that traveller's brother, and chose the road
_via_ East coast of the Victoria Lake. Arriving at the N.E. corner of the
Lake he returned to the coast.
Mr. Mackay proceeds:--
"Dr. Junker is living here with us. He brought me a letter from
Emin Bey dated the 27th January (1886). He then proposed sending
his people at once this way--some 4000--in small detachments. This
policy would be fatal. He also asked me to go to meet him with a
view to bringing here two steamers which otherwise he would have to
abandon. One of them he meant for the King, and the other for the
mission."
"Since then, however he finds that his people, officers and men,
refuse to leave the Soudan, hence he is prepared to remain some
years with them provided only he can get supplies of cloth, etc."
Mr. Mackay always writes sensibly. I obtained a great deal of solid
information from these letters.
Naturally he writes in the full belief that Emin's troops are loyal. We
all shared in this belief. We now see that we were grossly misled, and
that at no time could Emin have cut his way to the coast through Uganda
or any other country with men of such fibre as his ignorant and stolid
Soudanese.
Mr. Joseph Thomson, in a letter to the _Times_, suggested a route through
the Masai Land, and proposed to be responsible for the safe conduct of a
Relief Expedition through that country.
Mr. J. T. Wills suggested that the Mobangi-Welle would prove an excellent
way to Emin.
Mr. Harrison Smith expressed himself assured that a way by Abyssinia
would be found feasible.
Another gentleman interested in the African Lakes Company proposed that
the Expedition should adopt the Zambezi-Shire-Nyassa route, and thence
_via_ Tanganika north to Muta Nzige and Lake Albert, and a missionary
from the Tanganika warmly endorsed it, as not presenting more
difficulties than any other.
Dr. Felkin, in the 'Scottish Geographical Magazine,' after examining
several routes carefully, came to the conclusion that a road west of Lake
Victoria and Karagwe, through Usongora to Lake Albert, possessed some
advantages over any other.
Early in October, 1886, Sir William Mackinnon and Mr. J. F. Hutton,
ex-President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, had spoken with me
respecting the possibilities of conveying relief to Emin, with a view to
enable him to hold his own. To them it seemed that he only required
ammunition, and I shared their opinion, and they were very earnest in
their intention to collect funds for the support he required. But many of
their friends were absent from town, and they could not decide alone what
should be done without consultation. We discussed estimates and routes,
and Mr. Hutton informs me that the rough estimate I furnished him then
exceeds by L500 the actual cost of the Expedition.
As for routes, I intimated to them that there were four almost equally
feasible.
The first, _via_ Masai Land, was decidedly objectionable while carrying a
vast store of ammunition which absolutely must reach Emin. Mr. Thomson
had tried it, and his account of the extremities to which he was driven
on returning from the Lake Victoria, for want of water and grain, were
extremely unfavourable. In proceeding to the lake his people were
dispirited, and deserted in such numbers that he was obliged to return a
short distance, to Kilima Njaro, leave his camp there, and proceed with a
few men back to the coast to recruit more men. In case of a pressing
necessity like this it would be extremely unwise to return a mile after
commencing the march. The tendency of the Zanzibaris to desert also was
another disadvantage, and desertion of late from East Coast Expeditions
had assumed alarming proportions owing to the impunity with which they
could decamp with rifles and loads, and the number of opportunities
presented to them. Many of the Zanzibaris had become professional
advance-jumpers, and the greater the expedition the greater would be the
loss in money, rifles and stores.
The second, _via_ Victoria Nyanza and Uganda, which was naturally the
best, was rendered impossible for a small expedition because of the
hostility of Uganda. Even this hostility could be avoided if there were
any vessels on Lake Victoria capable of transporting across the lake such
an expedition as was needed. The danger of desertion was just as imminent
on this as on the first.
The third was _via_ Msalala, Karagwe and Ankori, and Unyoro and Lake
Albert. Immense loss of men and goods would assuredly follow any attempt
from the East Coast. Fifty per cent. loss was unavoidable, and no
precautions would avail to prevent desertion. Besides, Karagwe was
garrisoned by the Waganda, and no expedition could pass through that
country without persistent hostility from the Waganda. If fortunate
enough to force our way through Karagwe, we should have to reckon with
the Wanyankori, who number 200,000 spears, and if introduced to them by
fighting the Karagwe natives the outlook would be dismal in the extreme.
As for going through any country west of Karagwe to avoid the Waganda
that would be impossible, except at a cost that I did not suppose the
subscribers would contemplate paying.
"The whole question resolves itself into that of money. With money enough
every route is possible; but as I understand it, you propose to subscribe
a moderate amount, and therefore there is only one route which is safely
open for the money, and that is the Congo. This river has the
disadvantage of not having enough transport vessels in its upper portion.
I would propose then to supplement the Upper Congo flotilla with fifteen
whale-boats, which will take an Expedition to within 200 miles, at least,
of the Albert Nyanza. A heavy labour will be carrying the whale-boats
from the Lower Congo to the Upper, but we can easily manage it by sending
agents at once there to prepare carriers. There is one thing, however,
that must be done--which is to obtain the sanction of King Leopold.
"But it may be we are rather premature in discussing the matter at all.
You know I am aware of many projects mooted, and much 'talk' has been
expended on each and this may end in smoke--collect your funds, and then
call upon me if you want me. If you do not require me after this
exposition of my views, let Thomson take his Expedition through the Masai
Land, and put me down for L500 subscription for it."
As the middle of November drew near, Sir William Mackinnon requested me
to write him a letter upon the subject that he might show it to his
friends, who would soon be returning to town.
A few days after the despatch of the letter, I sailed for America, and on
arrival at New York, the lecture "Tour," as it is called, commenced. But
on the 11th December, the fifteenth day after arrival, I received the
following:--
"London.
"Your plan and offer accepted. Authorities approve. Funds provided.
Business urgent. Come promptly. Reply.
"Mackinnon."
A reply was sent from St. Johnsbury, Vermont, for thus far the lecture
tour had reached, as follows:--
Just received Monday's cablegram. Many thanks. Everything all
right. Will sail per _Eider_ 8 a.m. Wednesday morning. If good
weather and barring accidents arrive 22nd December, Southampton. It
is only one month's delay after all. Tell the authorities to
prepare Holmwood (Consul General) Zanzibar, and Seyyid Barghash
(Prince of Zanzibar). Best compliments to you.
"Stanley."
My agent was in despair--the audiences were so kind--the receptions were
ovations, but arguments and entreaties were of no avail.
I arrived in England the day preceding Christmas, and within a few hours
Sir William Mackinnon and myself were discussing the Expedition.
Of course, and without the least shade of doubt, I was firmly convinced
that the Congo River route was infinitely the best and safest, provided
that I should get my flotilla of whale-boats, and the permission of King
Leopold to pass through his territory with an armed force. I knew a route
from the East Coast, and was equally acquainted with that from the West
Coast. From the furthest point reached by me in 1876, along the East
Coast road, the distance was but 100 miles to Lake Albert--from Yambuya
Rapids the distance was 322 geographical miles in an air line to the
lake. Yet to the best of my judgment the Congo route was preferable. We
should have abundance of water--which was so scanty and bad along the
Eastern route; food there must be--it was natural to expect it from my
knowledge that unsurpassed fertility such as the Upper Congo regions
possesses would have been long ago discovered by the aborigines, whereas
we knew from Thomson, Fischer, and Hannington's experiences that food and
water was scanty in Masai Land; then again, that wholesale desertion so
frequent on the East Coast would be avoided on the West Coast.
Yet notwithstanding they admitted that I might be right, it was the
opinion of the Committee that it would be best to adopt the Eastern
route.
"Very good, it is perfectly immaterial to me. Let us decide on the
East Coast route, _via_ Msalala, Karagwe, Ankori, and Unyoro. If
you hear of some hard-fighting, I look to you that you will defend
the absent. If I could drop this ammunition in Emin's camp from a
balloon I certainly would do so, and avoid coming in contact with
those warlike natives, but it is decided that the means of defence
must be put into Emin's hands, and you have entrusted me with the
escort of it. So be it."
A Relief Fund was raised, the subscriptions to which were as follows:--
L
Sir William Mackinnon, Bart. 2,000
Peter Mackinnon, Esq. 1,000
John Mackinnon, Esq. 300
Baroness Burdett-Coutts 100
W. Burdett-Coutts, Esq. 400
James S. Jameson, Esq. 1,000
Countess de Noailles 1,000
Peter Denny, Esq., of Dumbarton 1,000
Henry Johnson Younger, Esq., of the
Scottish Geographical Society 500
Alexander L. Bruce, Esq., of the
Scottish Geographical Society 500
Messrs. Gray, Dawes & Co., of London 1,000
Duncan Mac Neil, Esq. 700
James F. Hutton, Esq., of Manchester 250
Sir Thos. Fowell Buxton 250
James Hall, Esq., of Argyleshire 250
N. McMichael, Esq., of Glasgow 250
Royal Geographical Society, London 1,000
Egyptian Government 10,000
------
L21,500[D]
In order to increase the funds and create a provision against
contingencies, I volunteered to write letters from Africa, which the
Committee might dispose of to the press as they saw fit, and accept
whatever moneys that might receive as my contribution to it.
The estimate of time required to reach Emin Pasha, after a careful
calculation, was formed on the basis that whereas I travelled in 1874-5 a
distance of 720 miles in 103 days, therefore:--
1st route.--By Masai Land, march to Wadelai and return to coast
14 months. Reserve for delays 4 months = 18 months.
2nd route.--By Msalala, Karagwe, Ankori, and Usongora to Lake
Albert. Land march to and return 16 months, delays
4 months = 20 months.
3rd route.--_Via_ Congo.
Zanzibar to Congo 1 mth. = 1st April, 1887
Overland route to Stanley Pool 1 " = 1st May "
By steam up the Congo 1-1/2 " = 15th June "
Halt 25th " "
Yambuya to Albert Nyanza 3 mths = 25th Sept., 1887
Halt 9th Jan., 1888
Albert Nyanza to Zanzibar,
land march 8 " = 8th Sept. "
Delays 3-1/2 " = 18 months.
The actual time, however, occupied by the Expedition is as follows:--
Arrive at Congo 18th Mar., 1887
" " Stanley Pool 21st Apr. "
" " Yambuya 15th June "
Halt at Yambuya 28th " "
Albert Nyanza 13th Dec. "
Return to Fort Bodo 8th Jan., 1888
Halt while collecting convalescents 2nd Apr. "
The Albert Nyanza, 2nd time 18th " "
Halt until 25th May "
Fort Bodo again 8th June "
Banalya 90 miles from Yambuya 17th Aug. "
Fort Bodo again 20th Dec. "
Albert Nyanza, 3rd time 26th Jan., 1889
Halt near Albert Nyanza until 8th May "
March to Zanzibar, 1400 miles, 6 months. 6th Dec. "
So that we actually occupied a little over 10-1/2 months from
Zanzibar to the Albert Nyanza, and
from the Nyanza to the Indian Ocean. 6 "
Halt at the Albert 1-1/2 "
-------
18 "
I was formally informed by letter on the 31st of December, 1886, that I
might commence my preparations.
The first order I gave in connection with the Expedition for the relief
of Emin Bey was by cable to Zanzibar to my agent, Mr. Edmund Mackenzie,
of Messrs. Smith, Mackenzie & Co., to engage 200 Wanyamwezi porters at
Bagamoyo to convey as many loads of rice (= 6 tons) to the missionary
station at Mpwapwa, which was about 200 miles east of Zanzibar, the cost
of which was 2,700 rupees.
The second order, after receiving the consent of His Highness the Seyyid
of Zanzibar, was to enlist 600 Zanzibari porters, and also the purchase
of the following goods, to be used for barter for native provisions, such
as grain, potatoes, rice, Indian corn, bananas, plantains, etc.
Yards.
400 pieces (30 yards each) of brown sheeting 12,000
865 " (8 " " ) of kaniki 6,920
99 " (8 " " ) handkerchiefs 792
80 " (8 " " ) tanjiri 640
214 " (8 " " ) dabwani 1,712
107 " (8 " " ) sohari 856
27 " (8 " " ) subaya 216
121 " (8 " " ) Barsati 968
58 " (24 " " ) Kunguru 1,392
48 " (8 " " ) ismaili 384
119 " (8 " " ) kikoi 952
14 " (4 " " ) daole 56
27 " (4 " " ) jawah 108
4 " (24 " " ) kanga 96
4 " (24 " " ) bindera 96
58 " (8 " " ) rehani 464
6 " (30 " " ) joho 180
24 " (4 " " ) silk kikoi 96
4 " (4 " " ) silk daole 96
24 " (4 " " ) fine dabwani 96
13 " (4 " " ) sohari 52
3 " (30 " " ) fine sheeting 90
24 long shirts, white
24 " " brown -------
Total yards 27,262
Also 3,600 lbs. of beads and 1 ton of wire, brass, copper, iron.
The third order was for the purchase of forty pack donkeys and ten riding
asses, which necessitated an order for saddles to match, at an expense of
L400.
Messrs. Forrest & Son received a design and order for the construction
of a steel boat 28 ft. long, 6 ft. beam, and 2 ft. 6 in. deep. It was to
be built of Siemens steel galvanized, and divided into twelve sections,
each weighing about 75 lbs. The fore and aft sections were to be decked
and watertight, to give buoyancy in case of accident.
From Egypt were despatched to Zanzibar 510 Remington rifles, 2 tons of
gunpowder, 350,000 percussion caps, and 100,000 rounds Remington
ammunition. In England the War Office furnished me with 30,000 Gatling
cartridges, and from Messrs. Kynoch & Co., Birmingham, I received 35,000
special Remington cartridges. Messrs. Watson & Co., of 4, Pall Mall,
packed up 50 Winchester repeaters and 50,000 Winchester cartridges. Hiram
Maxim, the inventor of the Maxim Automatic Gun, donated as a gift one of
his wonderful weapons, with shield attached mounted on a light but
effective stand.
We despatched to Zanzibar 100 shovels, 100 hoes, for forming breastworks,
100 axes for palisading the camp, 100 bill-hooks for building zeribas.
Messrs. Burroughs & Welcome, of Snowhill Buildings, London, the
well-known chemists, furnished gratis nine beautiful chests replete with
every medicament necessary to combat the endemic diseases peculiar to
Africa. Every drug was in tablets mixed with quick solvents, every
compartment was well stocked with essentials for the doctor and surgeon.
Nothing was omitted, and we all owe a deep debt of gratitude to these
gentlemen, not only for the intrinsic value of these chests and excellent
medicines, but also for the personal selection of the best that London
could furnish, and the supervision of the packing, by which means we were
enabled to transport them to Yambuya without damage.
Messrs. John Edgington & Co., of Duke Street, London, took charge of our
tents, and made them out of canvas dipped in a preservative of sulphate
of copper which preserved them for three years. Notwithstanding their
exposure to three hundred days of rain, for the first time in my
experience in Africa I possessed a tent which, after arrival at Zanzibar
in 1889, was well able to endure two hundred days more of rain.
Messrs. Fortnum & Mason, of Piccadilly, packed up forty carrier loads of
choicest provisions. Every article was superb, the tea retained its
flavour to the last, the coffee was of the purest Mocha, the Liebig
Company's Extract was of the choicest, and the packing of all was
excellent.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN NELSON.]
I need not enumerate what else was purchased. Four expeditions into
Africa, with my old lists of miscellanea before me, enabled me to choose
the various articles, and in Sir Francis de Winton and Captain Grant
Elliott I had valuable assistants who would know what magazines to
patronize, and who could check the deliveries.
Colonel Sir Francis de Winton was my successor on the Congo, and he gave
me gratuitously and out of pure friendship the benefit of his great
experience, and his masterly knowledge of business to assist me in the
despatch of the various businesses connected with the expedition,
especially in answering letters, and selecting out of the hundreds of
eager applicants for membership a few officers to form a staff.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT STAIRS.]
The first selected was Lieutenant W. Grant Stairs, of the Royal
Engineers, who had applied by letter. The concise style and directness of
the application appealed strongly in his favour. We sent for him, and
after a short interview enlisted him on condition that he could obtain
leave of absence. Lord Wolseley kindly granted leave.
[Illustration: MR. WILLIAM BONNY.]
The next was Mr. William Bonny, who, having failed in his epistolary
ventures on former expeditions, thought the best way was to present
himself in person for service in any capacity. The gentleman would not
take a mild negative. His breast was covered with medals. They spoke
eloquently, though dumb, for his merits. The end of it was Mr. Bonny was
engaged as medical assistant, he having just left service in a hospital
of the A.M.D.
The third was Mr. John Rose Troup, who had performed good service on the
Congo. He was intimate with Swahili, the vernacular of Zanzibar. He was
not dainty at work, was exact and methodical in preserving accounts. Mr.
Troup was engaged.
[Illustration: MR. A. J. MOUNTENEY JEPHSON.]
The fourth volunteer who presented himself was Major Edmund Musgrave
Barttelot, of the 7th Fusileers. He was accompanied by an acquaintance of
mine who spoke highly of him. What passed at the interview will be heard
later on. After a few remarks he was also engaged.
The fifth was Captain R. H. Nelson, of Methuen's Horse, fairly
distinguished in Zulu campaigns. There was merit in his very face.
Captain Nelson agreed to sign the articles of enlistment.
Our next volunteer was Mr. A. J. Mounteney Jephson, inexperienced as yet
in foreign travel, and quite unaccustomed to "roughing" in wilds. On some
members of the Committee Mr. Jephson made the impression that he was
unfitted for an expedition of this kind, being in their opinion of too
"high class." But the Countess de Noailles made a subscription in his
favour to the Relief Fund of L1,000, an argument that the Committee could
not resist, and Mr. Jephson signed the articles of agreement with
unshaken nerves. Poor young Jephson! he emerged out of Africa after
various severe trials which are herein related.
One of the latest to apply, and when the list was about to be closed, was
Mr. James S. Jameson. He had travelled in Mashona and Matabele lands in
South Africa to collect trophies of the wild chase, to study birds, and
to make sketches. He did not appear remarkably strong. We urged that, but
he as quickly defended his slight appearance, and argued that as he had
already spent a long time in Africa his experience disproved our fears.
Besides, he was willing to subscribe L1,000 for the privilege of
membership, and do faithful and loyal service, as though it was
indispensable for the Expedition to employ him. Mr. Jameson was firm, and
subscribed to the articles.
We were in the full swing of preparations to meet the necessities of the
overland march from Zanzibar, east to the Victoria Nyanza, when, as will
be shown by the tenor of the following letter, it became necessary to
reconsider our route.
"Palais de Bruxelles,
"7th January, 1887.
"Dear Mr. Stanley,
"The Congo State has nothing to gain by the Expedition for the
relief of Emin Pasha passing through its territory. The King has
suggested this road merely so as to lend your services to the
Expedition, which it would be impossible for him to do were the
Expedition to proceed by the Eastern coast. According to your own
estimate, the Expedition proceeding by the Eastern coast would
occupy about eighteen months. His Majesty considers that he would
be failing in his duty towards the State were he to deprive it of
your services, especially as the latter will be certainly needed
before the expiration of this lapse of time.
"If the Expedition proceeds by the Congo the State will promise to
show it all good will. The State likewise gratuitously places at
the disposal of the Expedition the whole of its naval stock,
inasmuch as will allow the working arrangements of its own
administration, which it is, above all, desirous of ensuring, as
you know. The _Stanley_ is the largest steamer on the Upper Congo.
We are forwarding a second one by the mail of the 15th inst., and
we will hasten as much as possible the launching of this steamer at
Stanley Pool; she will be a valuable and much-needed adjunct to our
flotilla. In the meanwhile the mission steamer _Peace_ would no
doubt gratuitously effect certain transports.
"Should the Expedition desire it, we would facilitate the
recruiting of Bangala; we are very pleased with the latter, as they
are excellent soldiers, and do not fear the Arabs like the
Zanzibaris.
"You will have remarked that the official documents, published this
week in Berlin, limit the territory of Zanzibar to a narrow strip
of land along the seashore. Beyond this strip the entire territory
is German. If the Germans allow the Expedition to cross their
territory, the Zanzibaris would be precisely as on the Congo, on
foreign soil.
"With kind regards, I am, dear Mr. Stanley,
"Yours very truly,
"Comte de Borchgrave."
That this was not a light matter to be hastily decided will be evident by
the following note which was sent me by Sir William Mackinnon:--
"Western Club, Glasgow,
"_January 4th, 1887_.
"My dear Stanley,
"I had a pleasant short letter from the King showing how anxious he
is the Congo route should be taken, and how unwilling to allow a
break in the continuity of your connection with the Congo State, as
he considers you a pillar of the State. He asks me to banish(?) any
divergent sentiments, and get all parties to agree to the Congo
route. I have explained fully all that has been done and is doing,
and the difficulties in the way of cancelling existing engagements,
and get the authorities, home and Egyptian and the Sultan of
Zanzibar, to acquiesce in making such a change. I also mentioned
the great additional charge involved by sending 600 men, even if
the Sultan should consent to their going from Zanzibar to the Congo
and bringing them back.
"I promised, however, to ascertain whether all interested in the
present arrangements would agree in taking the Congo route."
* * * * *
In my diary of January 5th I find written briefly the heads of businesses
despatched this day.
As suggested by Mackinnon, who has been written to by King Leopold upon
the subject of the Congo route, I saw Sir Percy Anderson, and revealed
the King's desire that the Expedition should proceed _via_ Congo. I was
requested to state what advantages the Congo route gave, and replied:--
1st. Certainty of reaching Emin.
2nd. Transport up the Congo River by state steamers to a point 320
geographical miles from Lake Albert.
3rd. Allaying suspicion of Germans that underlying our acts were
political motives.
4th. Allaying alleged fears of French Government that our Expedition
would endanger the lives of French Missionaries.
5th. If French Missionaries were endangered, then English Missionaries
would certainly share their fate.
6th. Greater immunity from the desertion of the Zanzibaris who were
fickle in the neighbourhood of Arab settlements.
Lord Iddesleigh writes me that the French ambassador has been instructed
to inform him that if the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition proceeds by a
route east of the Victoria Nyanza it will certainly endanger the lives of
their Missionaries in Uganda. He suggests that I consider this question.
Visited Admiralty, inquired of Admiral Sullivan respecting the
possibility of Admiralty supplying vessel to carry Expedition to Congo.
He said if Government ordered it would be easy, if not, impossible.
Wrote to the King urging him to acquaint me how far his assistance would
extend in transport on the Upper Congo.
_January 8th._--Received letters from the King. He lays claim to my
services. Offers to lend whole of his naval stock for transport except
such as may be necessary for uses of administration. Wired to Mackinnon
that I felt uneasy at the clause; that it was scarcely compatible with
the urgency required. Colonel de Winton wrote to the same effect.
Effects of Expedition are arriving by many cuts.
De Winton worked with me until late in the night.
_January 9th, 1887._--Colonel J. A. Grant, Colonel Sir F. de Winton, and
myself sat down to consider His Majesty's letter, and finally wrote a
reply requesting he would graciously respond with greater definiteness
respecting quantity of transport and time for which transport vessels
will be granted as so many matters depend upon quick reply, such as hire
of Soudanese, detention of mail steamer for shipment of ammunition, etc.
We therefore send special messenger.
_January 10th, 1887._--De Winton visited Foreign Office and was promised
as soon as possible to attend to the detention of mail steamer and
Government transport round the Cape of Good Hope.
Messrs. Gray, Dawes & Co. write Postmaster-General willing to detain
Zanzibar mail steamer at Aden to wait _Navarino_, which sails from London
on the 20th with the ammunition and officers. I overtake _Navarino_ at
Suez after settling matters of Expedition in Egypt.
_January 12th._--Answer arrived last night. Meeting was called by
Honourable Guy Dawnay, Colonel Sir Lewis Pelly, Colonel Sir F. de Winton
and self. The answer as regards Congo route being satisfactory was
decided upon, and this has now been adopted unanimously.
Was notified at 2 P.M. by the Earl of Iddesleigh that he would see me at
6 P.M. But at 3.13 P.M. the Earl died suddenly from disease of the
heart.
_January 13th._--Foreign office note received from Sir J. Pauncefote
transmitting telegram from Sir E. Baring, also letters concerning
Admiralty transport. No help from Admiralty.
Goods arriving fast. Will presently fill my house.
Went down with Baroness Burdett-Coutts to Guildhall, arriving there 12.45
P.M. I received Freedom of City of London, and am called youngest
citizen. Afterwards lunched at Mansion House, a distinguished party
present, and affair most satisfactory.
Telegraphed to Brussels to know if Friday convenient to King. Reply, "Yes
at 9.30 a.m."
_January 14th._--Crossed over Channel last night towards Brussels _via_
Ostend to see King Leopold. Saw King and gave my farewell. He was very
kind. Left for London in evening at 8 P.M.
Telegram arrived from Sandringham requesting visit.
_January 15th._--Sir Percy Anderson requested interview.
Mr. Joseph Thomson at this late hour has been writing to Geographical
Society wanting to go with Expedition.
Arranged with Ingham to collect Congo carriers. He goes out shortly.
Telegraphed Zanzibar to recall rice carriers from Mpwapwa. This will cost
2,500 rupees more.
Wrote some days ago to the donor of the _Peace_ Mission Steamer on the
Congo requesting loan of her for the relief of Emin Pasha. Received the
following quaint reply:--
"Leeds, _January 15th, 1887_.
"Dear Mr. Stanley,
"I have much regard for you personally, although I cannot, dare
not, sanction all your acts.
"I am very sorry if I cannot give assent to your request; but I
fully believe you will be no sufferer by the circumstance of not
having the s.s. _Peace_. Yesterday I was able to come to a
decision.
"Mr. Baynes, of the Baptist Missionary Society, Holborn, will, he
hopes, make to you any communication he judges proper. If you have
any reverential regard for 'the Man of Sorrows,' the 'King of
Peace' may He mercifully preserve and save your party.
"I have no doubt of the safety of Emin--till his work is done. I
believe he will be brought through this trial in perfect safety.
God seems to have given you a noble soul (covers for the moment, if
on your sad sin and mistakes), and I should like you should 'repent
and believe the Gospel'--with real sense, and live hereafter in
happiness, light, and joy--for ever. _Here_ delay in you is more
dangerous than delay for Emin.
"Your faithful friend,
"(Signed) Robert Arthington."
_January 16th._--Colonel J. A. Grant offered to arrange with Mr. J. S.
Keltie, Editor of _Nature_, to discuss Mr. Thomson's offer.
Letters accumulate by scores. All hands employed answering.
_January 17th._--Wrote Sir Percy Anderson would call Wednesday 2 P.M.
Correspondence increases.
Mr. Joseph Thomson's offer discussed. Mr. J. S. Keltie is to write to
him privately--decision of committee.
Arranged with G. S. Mackenzie about Zanzibar matters. He despatched two
telegrams. General Brackenbury wrote about coal being furnished requiring
Treasury sanction.
_January 18th._--Worked off morning's business.
Travelled to Sandringham with Colonel de Winton to see His Royal
Highness. With African map before us gave short lecture to their Royal
Highnesses respecting route proposed to reach Emin Pasha. Had a very
attentive audience.
_January 19th._--Sir William Mackinnon mustered his friends at the
Burlington Hotel at a farewell banquet to me.
Have said "good-bye" to a host of friends to-day.
_January 20th._--The S.S. _Navarino_ sailed this afternoon carrying goods
of Expedition and officers. Lieutenant Stairs, Captain Nelson, and Mr.
Mounteney Jephson. Mr. William Bonny started from my rooms with black boy
Baruti to Fenchurch Station at 8 a.m. Arriving there he leaves Baruti
after a while and proceeds to Tower of London! He says that returning to
station at 2 P.M. he found boat had gone. He then went to Gray, Dawes &
Co., shipping agents, and is discouraged to find that the matter cannot
be mended. Baruti found deserted in Fenchurch Station, very hungry and
cold. Colonel J. A. Grant finds him and brings him to me.
_January 21st._--Dispatch Mr. Bonny by rail to Plymouth to overtake a
steamer bound for India and instruct him to debark at Suez with boy and
await me.
Left London at 8.5 P.M. for Egypt. Quite a crowd collected to take a
final shake of the hands and to bid me a kindly "God speed."
-----
[A] No. 2 clashes with No. 3 somewhat. Khartoum and the
Soudan are not synonymous terms. To withdraw the
garrison of Khartoum is an easy task, to evacuate the
Soudan is an impossibility for a single person.
[B] This is the only clearly worded despatch that I have
been able to find in the Blue Book of the period.
[C] This route would be through Masai Land.
[D] See Appendix for full statement of Receipts and
Expenditure.
CHAPTER II.
EGYPT AND ZANZIBAR.
Surgeon T. H. Parke--Views of Sir Evelyn Baring, Nubar Pasha,
Professor Schweinfurth and Dr. Junker on the Emin Relief
Expedition--Details relating to Emin Pasha and his Province--General
Grenfell and the ammunition--Breakfast with Khedive Tewfik: message to
Emin Pasha--Departure for Zanzibar--Description of Mombasa
town--Visit to the Sultan of Zanzibar--Letter to Emin Pasha sent by
messenger through Uganda--Arrangements with Tippu-Tib--Emin Pasha's
Ivory--Mr. Mackenzie, Sir John Pender and Sir James Anderson's
assistance to the Relief Expedition.
_January 27th, 1887._--Arrived at Alexandria 6 A.M. Surgeon T. H. Parke
of the A.M.D. came to my hotel and applied for the position of surgeon to
the Expedition. It was the one vacancy not yet filled to my satisfaction.
I considered it a Godsend, though I appeared distant, as I had had two
most unpleasant experiences with medical men, both of whom were
crotchetty, and inconsistent in England. An extremely handsome young
gentleman--diffident somewhat--but very prepossessing. To try if he were
in earnest I said, "If you care to follow me to Cairo, I will talk
further with you. I have not the time to argue with you here."
Left Alexandria at 10 A.M. for Cairo. At the station I met Sir Evelyn
Baring, whom I had read of in Gordon's journals. We drove to Sir Evelyn's
house and was told in his straightforward and clearest manner that there
was a hitch somewhere. The Khedive and Nubar Pasha, the Prime Minister,
were doubtful as to the wisdom of the Congo route. Professor Schweinfurth
and Dr. Junker had both been struck with consternation, and by their
manner had expressed that the idea was absurd.
"Well, Sir Evelyn," I said, "do you not think that there are as clever
men in England as Messrs. Schweinfurth and Junker? On the Relief
Committee we have Colonel James Augustus Grant--companion of Speke.
Colonel Sir Francis de Winton, late Administrator General of the Congo,
Colonel Sir Lewis Pelly--late Political Agent at Zanzibar, the Honourable
Guy Dawnay of the War Office, Sir John Kirk--late Consul-General at
Zanzibar, the Rev. Horace Waller and several other distinguished and
level-headed men. Nothing has been settled without the concurrence and
assent of the Foreign Office. We have considered everything, and I have
come thus far resolved to carry the project out as the committee and
myself have agreed."
[Illustration: SURGEON PARKE, A. M. D.]
And then I gave Sir Evelyn the pros and cons of the routes, which
satisfied him. We then drove to the Prime Minister, Nubar Pasha, and the
same explanations had to be entered into with him. Nubar, with a kindly
benevolent smile, deferred to Sir Evelyn's superior judgment. Nubar
assented to the wisdom and discretion of the change, and as a reward I
was invited to breakfast for the morrow.
[Illustration: NUBAR PASHA.]
_January 28th_, Cairo.--I breakfasted with Nubar Pasha. He introduced me
to Mason Bey--the circumnavigator of Lake Albert in 1877, Madame Nubar
and three daughters, Tigrane Pasha, his son-in-law, Mr. Fane, formerly
Secretary of Legation at Brussels. During breakfast Nubar Pasha conversed
upon many things, principally Egypt, Soudan, Africa and Gordon. Of Gordon
he is clearly no admirer. He accredits the loss of the Soudan to him. His
views of Baker were that he was a fighter--an eager pioneer--a man of
great power.
Showed map to Nubar after breakfast. He examined the various routes
carefully, and was convinced the Congo route was the best. He proposes to
write instructions to Emin to return to Egypt on the ground that Egypt
cannot afford to retain the Soudan under present circumstances. He
permits us the use of the Egyptian Flag as the banner of the Expedition.
He says he would like to see Emin return with as much ivory as possible
and bringing his Makrakas with him. Should any ivory be brought out he
will lay claim to some of the money on behalf of the Egyptian
Government--because of the L10,000 furnished by it. Uniforms are being
ordered for Emin Pasha and principal officers, for which the Relief Fund
will have to pay. Rank and pay due to each officer assured.
I saw Schweinfurth and Junker, who have been considered experts here, and
I have had a long and interesting conversation, the pith of which I here
embody.
Schweinfurth and Junker, it seems, had formed the curious idea that
because the Expedition was to be armed with several hundred Remingtons
and a machine gun of the latest invention, it was to be an offensive
force conducted after strict military rules.
If they had reflected at all the very title of the Expedition ought to
have warned them that they were astray; the character of the people who
subscribed the major portion of the fund ought to have still more assured
them that their conception of the Expedition was wide of the mark. It is
the relief of Emin Pasha that is the object of the Expedition, the said
relief consisting of ammunition in sufficient quantity to enable him to
withdraw from his dangerous position in Central Africa in safety, or to
hold his own if he decides to do so for such length of time as he may see
fit. Considering the quality of the escort, being mainly Zanzibaris or
freed slaves, it would be rash to expect too much from them. It is
already known in Zanzibar that Uganda is hostile, that Mwanga massacred
some sixty of the followers of Bishop Hannington, that the Masai route
has its dangers, that Karagwe is tributary to Mwanga, that the Wahha are
numerous and aggressive, that Ruanda has never yet been penetrated, that
beyond a certain line whether on the Masai route or the Karagwe route
there is certain danger; and no matter with what cheerfulness they would
assert at Zanzibar their readiness to defy all and every belligerent,
African travellers remember how weak they are proved to be when in actual
presence of danger. Assuming, however, that this band of 600 Zanzibaris
were faithful, consider their inexperience of these new rifles, their
wild, aimless, harmless firing, their want of discipline and tone, their
disposition to be horrified at sight of the effects of fighting--remember
that in reality they are only porters and do not pretend to be
warriors--and you will see how very unequal such men are to the duties of
defending munitions of war in the face of an enemy. It was only by
stratagem that I secured their services for the desperate work of
discovering the issue of the great river along which we had travelled
with Tippu-Tib, when that now famous Arab deserted me in mid-Africa. It
was only that there were no other means of escape that enabled me with
their help to obtain a quiet retreat from savage Ituru. In many other
instances they proved that when menaced with instant death they could be
utilized to assist in the preservation of their own lives; but to expect
them to march faithfully forward to court the dangers of fighting with
the seductions of Unyamwezi and Zanzibar in their rear would be too much.
In this Expedition we cannot turn aside as formerly in presence of a
pronounced hostility and seek more peaceful countries; but our objective
point must be reached, and risk must be run, and the ammunition must be
deposited at the feet of Emin Pasha. Therefore to arm these people with
Remingtons or machine guns is not enough--you must cut off their means of
retreat, allow no avenue of escape--then they will stand together like
men, and we may expect the object of the Expedition to be attained, even
if we have now and again to meet bows and spears or guns.
Regarding Emin Pasha my information is various.
From Dr. Junker I learn that Emin Pasha is tall,[E] thin and exceedingly
short-sighted; that he is a great linguist, Turkish, Arabic, German,
French, Italian and English being familiar to him; to these languages may
be added a few of the African dialects. He does not seem to have
impressed Junker with his fighting qualities, though as an administrator,
he is sagacious, tactful and prudent. His long isolation seems to have
discouraged him. He says, "Egypt does not care for us and has forgotten
us; Europe takes no interest in what we do." He is German by birth, and
is about forty-seven years old.
His force is distributed among eight stations, from 200 to 300 men in
each, say about 1,800 in all. The garrisons of the four northernmost
stations were discontented and mutinous at last accounts. They answered
Emin's advice to consolidate with reproaches; his suggestions that they
should all withdraw from the equatorial province _via_ Zanzibar, were
responded to by accusations that he intended only to sell them to
Zanzibar as slaves.
Junker cannot give an exact figure of the force itself, or of the
Egyptians or clerks or Dongolese with Emin, but being questioned closely
as to details replied that the approximate number of those likely to
return with the Expedition would be as follows:--
White Egyptian Officers, 10; non-commissioned (black), 15; white clerks
(Copts), 20; blacks from Dongola, Wady Halfa, etc., 300, =men 345,
White-women, 22; blackwomen, 137, =women 159, children of officers, 40;
soldiers' children, 60=children 100=Total 604.
[Illustration: THE KHEDIVE TEWFIK.]
Besides these the native troops on perceiving a general withdrawal, may
also desire to return with their friends and comrades to Egypt. It is
impossible to state what may be the effect on their minds of the
appearance of the Relief Expedition. The decision of Emin Pasha, to
remain or withdraw, will probably influence the majority.
I expect my men from Wady Halfa to be here this afternoon. They will be
armed, equipped and rationed at the Citadel, and on Thursday will
accompany me to Suez. The _Navarino_ is supposed to arrive at Suez the
day following, when we will embark and be off.
Received telegrams from London. Reports from a well-known person at Cairo
has reached newspapers that Emin Pasha had fought his way through Uganda
after some desperate struggles, and that the Egyptian Government had
placed difficulty in way of Expedition. Replied that such facts were
unknown in Cairo.
_February 1st._--Saw Sir Evelyn Baring at 10.45 A.M. Accompanied him to
Khedive Tewfik. His Highness is most amiable and good-looking. Fine
palace within, abundance of room, a host of attendants, &c. Am invited to
breakfast with Khedive at noon to-morrow.
Taken later by Sir Evelyn to General Grenfell's office respecting
suggestion made to me last night, at General Stephenson's by Valentine
Baker Pasha, that I must assure myself that the Remington ammunition
furnished by Egyptian Government was sound, as his experience of it was
that 50 per cent. was bad. "You must think then" said he, "if the
ammunition is so poor already what it will be about a year hence when you
meet Emin, after humidity of tropics." General Grenfell said he had
already tested the ammunition, and would make another trial, since
Valentine Baker Pasha entertained such an opinion of it.
_February 2nd._--Breakfast with Khedive Tewfik. He protests his
patriotism, and loves his country. He is certainly most unaffected and
genial.
Before leaving Khedive, the following Firman or High Order, was given to
me open with the English translation.
Translation.
_Copy of a High Arabic Order to Emin Pasha, dated 8th, Gamad Awal 1304,
(1st February, 1887. No. 3)._
"We have already thanked you and your officers for the plucky and
successful defence of the Egyptian Equatorial provinces entrusted to
your charge, and for the firmness you have shown with your
fellow-officers under your command.
And we therefore have rewarded you in raising your rank to that of Lewa
Pasha (Brigadier-General). We have also approved the ranks you thought
necessary to give to the officers under your charge. As I have already
written to you on the 29 November, 1886, No. 31, and it must have reached
you with other documents sent by His Excellency Nubar Pasha, President of
the Council of Ministers.
And, since it is our sincerest desire to relieve you with your officers
and soldiers from the difficult position you are in, our Government have
made up their mind in the manner by which you may be relieved with
officers and soldiers from your troubles.
And as a mission for the relief has been formed under the command of Mr.
Stanley, the famous and experienced African Explorer, whose reputation is
well known throughout the world; and as he intends to set out on his
Expedition with all the necessary provisions for you so that he may bring
you here with officers and men to Cairo, by the route which Mr. Stanley
may think proper to take. Consequently we have issued this High Order to
you, and it is sent to you by the hand of Mr. Stanley to let you know
what has been done, and as soon as it will reach you, I charge you to
convey my best wishes to the officers and men--and you are at full
liberty with regard to your leaving for Cairo or your stay there with
officers and men.
Our Government has given a decision for paying your salaries with that of
the officers and men.
Those who wish to stay there from the officers and men they may do it on
their own responsibility, and they may not expect any assistance from the
Government.
Try to understand the contents well, and make it well-known to all the
officers and men, that they may be aware of what they are going to do.
(Signed) Mehemet Tewfik."
In the evening Tigrane Pasha brought to me Nubar Pasha's--the Prime
Minister--letter of recall to Emin. It was read to me and then sealed.
We stand thus, then; Junker does not think Emin will abandon the
Province; the English subscribers to the fund hope he will not, but
express nothing; they leave it to Emin to decide; the English Government
would prefer that he would retire, as his Province under present
circumstances is almost inaccessible, and certainly he, so far removed,
is a cause of anxiety. The Khedive sends the above order for Emin to
accept of our escort, but says, "You may do as you please. If you decline
our proffered aid you are not to expect further assistance from the
Government." Nubar Pasha's letter conveys the wishes of the Egyptian
Government which are in accordance with those of the English Government,
as expressed by Sir Evelyn Baring.
_February 3rd._--Left Cairo for Suez. At the station to wish me success
were Sir Evelyn and Lady Baring, Generals Stephenson, Grenfell, Valentine
Baker, Abbate Pasha, Professor Schweinfurth and Dr. Junker. The latter
and sixty-one soldiers (Soudanese) from Wady Haifa accompanied me. At
Zagazig, Surgeon T. H. Parke, now an enrolled member of the Expedition,
joined me. At Ismailia our party were increased by Giegler Pasha. At Suez
met Mr. James S. Jameson, the naturalist of the Expedition. Mr. Bonny of
the Hospital Staff Corps, and Baruti, will arrive to-morrow per _Garonne_
of the Orient line.
_February 6th._--Breakfasted with Captain Beyts, Agent of the British
India Steam Navigation Company. At 2 P.M. Capt. Beyts embarked with us on
board _Rob Roy_, a new steamer just built for him, and we steamed out to
the Suez harbour where the _Navarino_ from London is at anchor. At 5
P.M., after friendly wishes from Captain Beyts and my good friend Dr.
Junker, to whom I had become greatly attached for the real worth in him,
the _Navarino_ sailed for Aden.
_February 8th._--Weather grows warm. Ther. Fah. 74 deg. at 8 A.M. in
Captain's cabin. My European servant asked me if this was the Red Sea
through which we were sailing. "Yes," I replied. "Well, sir, it looks
more like a black sea than a red one," was his profound remark.
_February 12th._--Reached Aden at 2 A.M. We now change steamers.
_Navarino_ proceeds to Bombay. The B.I.S.N. steamer _Oriental_ takes us
to Zanzibar. On board the latter steamer we met Major Barttelot. Cabled
to Zanzibar following:--
"Mackenzie, Zanzibar.
"Your telegram very gratifying. Please engage twenty young lads as
officers' servants at lower rate than men. We leave to-day with
eight Europeans, sixty-one Soudanese, two Syrians, thirteen
Somalis. Provision transport steamer accordingly."
The first-class passengers include self, Barttelot, Stairs, Jephson,
Nelson, Parke, Bonny, Count Pfeil, and two German companions bound for
Rufiji River.
_February 19th._--Arrived off Lamu at 3 P.M. Soon after S.S. _Baghdad_
came in with Dr. Lenz, the Austrian traveller, who had started to proceed
to Emin Bey, but failing, came across to Zanzibar instead. He is on his
way home. Having failed in his purpose, he will blame Africa and abuse
the Congo especially. It is natural with all classes to shift the blame
on others, and I feel assured Lenz will be no exception.
_February 20th._--Arrived at Mombasa. Was told that a great battle had
been fought lately between the Gallas and Somalis. The former are for the
Germans, the latter are declared enemies to them. We also hear that
Portugal has declared war against Zanzibar, or something like it.
Best place for commercial depot is on right hand of northern entrance,
first point within harbour; it is bluffy, dips sheer down into deep
water, with timber floated along base of bluff, and long-armed derricks
on edge of bluff, steamers might be unloaded and loaded with ease.
Cocoa-nut palms abundant. Good view of sea from it. If Mombasa becomes an
English port--as I hope it will shortly--the best position of new town
would be along face of bluff fronting seaward on island just where old
Portuguese port is; a light railway and some draught mules would land on
train all goods from harbour.
_February 22nd._--Arrived at Zanzibar. Acting Consul-General Holmwood
warmly proffered hospitality.
Instructed officers to proceed on board our transport, B.I.S.N. Co.
_Madura_, and to take charge of Somalis and Soudanese, and Mackenzie to
disembark forty donkeys and saddles from _Madura_--route being changed
there was no need for so many animals.
Received compliments from the Sultan of Zanzibar; visits from the famous
Tippu-Tib, Jaffar, son of Tarya Topan, his agent, and Kanji the Vakeel of
Tarya.
Zanzibar is somewhat changed during my eight years' absence. There is a
telegraphic cable, a tall clock-tower, a new Sultan's palace, very lofty
and conspicuous, with wide verandahs. The Custom House has been enlarged.
General Lloyd Mathews has new barracks for his Military Police; the
promenade to Fiddler's grave has been expanded into a broad carriage-way,
which extends to Sultan's house beyond Mbwenni. There are horses and
carriages, and steam-rollers, and lamp-posts, at convenient distances,
serve to bear oil-lamps to light the road when His Highness returns to
city from a country jaunt.
There are six German war-vessels in port, under Admiral Knorr, H.B.M.S.
_Turquoise_ and _Reindeer_, ten merchant steamers, and a few score of
Arab dhows, Baggalas, Kanjehs, and boats.
_February 23rd._--Paid what is called a State visit to His Highness. As a
special mark of honour the troops, under stout General Lloyd Mathews,
were drawn up in two lines, about 300 yards in length. A tolerable
military band saluted us with martial strains, while several hundreds of
the population were banked behind the soldiers. The most frequent words I
heard as I passed through with Consul Holmwood were: "Ndio huyu"--"Yes,
it is he!" by which I gathered that scattered among the crowds must have
been a large number of my old followers, pointing me out to their
friends.
State visits are nearly always alike. The "Present arms!" by General
Mathews, the martial strains, the large groups of the superior Arabs at
the hall porch, the ascent up the lofty flights of stairs--the Sultan at
the head of the stairs--the grave bow, the warm clasp, the salutation
word, the courteous wave of the hand to enter, the slow march towards the
throne--another ceremonious inclination all round--the Prince taking his
seat, which intimates we may follow suit, the refreshments of sherbet
after coffee, and a few remarks about Europe, and our mutual healths.
Then the ceremonious departure, again the strains of music,--Mathews'
sonorous voice at "Present arms!" and we retire from the scene to doff
our London dress-suits, and pack them up with camphor to preserve them
from moths, until we return from years of travel "Through the Dark
Continent" and from "Darkest Africa."
In the afternoon, paid the business visit, first presenting the following
letter:--
"To His Highness Seyyid Barghash bin Said,
"Sultan of Zanzibar.
"Burlington Hotel,
"Old Burlington Street, London, W.
"_28th January, 1887._
"Your Highness,
"I cannot allow another mail to pass without writing to express to
you my grateful appreciation of the kindly response you made to my
telegram in regard to assisting the Expedition, which proceeds
under the leadership of Mr. H. M. Stanley to relieve Emin Pasha.
The cordiality with which you instructed your officers to assist in
selecting the best men available is indeed a most important service
to the Expedition, and I have reason to know that it has given
great satisfaction in England. Mr. Stanley will reach Zanzibar in
about four weeks. He is full of enthusiasm as the leader of his
interesting Expedition, and his chief reasons for selecting the
Congo route are that he may be able to convey the men your Highness
has so kindly assisted him in procuring without fatigue or risk by
sea to the Congo, and up the river in boats in comparative comfort,
and they will arrive within 350 miles of their destination fresh
and vigorous instead of being worn out and jaded by the fatigue of
a long march inland. His services will be entirely devoted to the
Expedition during its progress, and he cannot deviate from its
course to perform service for the Congo State.
"It is probable also he will return by the east coast land route,
and as I know him to be deeply interested in your Highness's
prosperity and welfare, I am sure if he can render any service to
Your Highness during his progress back to the coast, he will do so
most heartily. I have had many conversations with him, and have
always found him most friendly to Your Highness's interests, and I
believe also the confidence of our mutual good friend. I pray you
in these circumstances to communicate freely with Mr. Stanley on
all points--as freely as if I had the honour of being there to
receive the communications myself.
"With the repeated assurance of my hearty sympathy in all the
affairs that concern Your Highness's interests.
"I remain,
"Your very obedient servant and friend,
"W. Mackinnon."
We then entered heartily into our business; how absolutely necessary it
was that he should promptly enter into an agreement with the English
within the limits assigned by Anglo-German treaty. It would take too long
to describe the details of the conversation, but I obtained from him the
answer needed.
"Please God we shall agree. When you have got the papers ready we
shall read and sign without further delay and the matter will be
over."
At night, wrote the following letter to Emin Pasha, for transmission
to-morrow by couriers overland, who will travel through Uganda into
Unyoro secretly.
"To His Excellency Emin Pasha,
"Governor of the Equatorial Provinces.
"H. B. Majesty's Consulate, Zanzibar.
"_February 23rd, 1887._
"Dear Sir,
"I have the honour to inform you that the Government of His
Highness the Khedive of Egypt, upon the receipt of your urgent
letters soliciting aid and instructions, have seen fit to depute me
to equip an Expedition to proceed to Wadelai to convey such aid as
they think you require, and to assist you in other ways agreeably
with the written instructions which have been delivered to me for
you.
"Having been pretty accurately informed of the nature of your
necessities from the perusal of your letters to the Egyptian
Government, the Expedition has been equipped in such a manner as
may be supposed to meet all your wants. As you will gather from the
letters of His Highness and the Prime Minister of Egypt to you, and
which I bring with me, all that could possibly be done to satisfy
your needs has been done most heartily. From the translation of the
letters delivered to me, I perceive that they will give you immense
satisfaction. Over sixty soldiers from Wady Halfa have been
detailed to accompany me in order that they may be able to
encourage the soldiers under your command, and confirm the letters.
We also march under the Egyptian standard.
"The Expedition includes 600 Zanzibari natives, and probably as
many Arab followers from Central Africa.
"We sail to-morrow from Zanzibar to the Congo, and by the 18th June
next we hope to be at the head of navigation on the Upper Congo.
From the point where we debark to the southern end of Lake Albert
is a distance of 320 miles in a straight line, say 500 miles by
road, which will probably occupy us fifty days to march to the
south-western or southern end, in the neighbourhood of Kavalli.
"If your steamers are in that neighbourhood, you will be able to
leave word perhaps at Kavalli, or in its neighbourhood, informing
me of your whereabouts.
"The reasons which have obliged me to adopt this route for the
conveyance of your stores are various, but principally political. I
am also impressed with the greater security of that route and the
greater certainty of success attending the venture with less
trouble to the Expedition and less annoyance to the natives. Mwanga
is a formidable opponent to the south and south-east. The Wakedi
and other warlike natives to the eastward of Fatiko oppose a
serious obstacle, the natives of Kishakka and Ruanda have never
permitted strangers to enter their country. En route I do not
anticipate much trouble, because there are no powerful chiefs in
the Congo basin capable of interrupting our march.
"Besides abundance of ammunition for your needs, official letters
from the Egyptian Government, a heavy mail from your numerous
friends and admirers, I bring with me personal equipments for
yourself and officers suitable to the rank of each.
"Trusting that I shall have the satisfaction of finding you well
and safe, and that nothing will induce you to rashly venture your
life and liberty in the neighbourhood of Uganda, without the ample
means of causing yourself and men to be respected which I am
bringing to you,
"I beg you to believe me,
"Yours very faithfully,
"(Signed) Henry M. Stanley."
_February 24th and 25th._--On arriving at Zanzibar, I found our Agent,
Mr. Edmund Mackenzie, had managed everything so well that the Expedition
was almost ready for embarkation. The steamer _Madura_, of the British
India Steam Navigation Company, was in harbour, provisioned and watered
for the voyage. The goods for barter, and transport animals, were on
board. There were a few things to be done, however--such as arranging
with the famous Tippu-Tib about our line of conduct towards one another.
Tippu-Tib is a much greater man to-day than he was in the year 1877, when
he escorted my caravan, preliminary to our descent down the Congo. He has
invested his hard-earned fortune in guns and powder. Adventurous Arabs
have flocked to his standard, until he is now an uncrowned king of the
region between Stanley Falls and Tanganika Lake, commanding many
thousands of men inured to fighting and wild Equatorial life. If I
discovered hostile intentions, my idea was to give him a wide berth; for
the ammunition I had to convey to Emin Pasha, if captured and employed by
him, would endanger the existence of the infant State of the Congo, and
imperil all our hopes. Between Tippu-Tib and Mwanga, King of Uganda,
there was only a choice of the frying-pan and the fire. Tippu-Tib was the
Zubehr of the Congo Basin--just as formidable if made an enemy, as the
latter would have been at the head of his slaves. Between myself and
Gordon there had to be a difference in dealing with our respective
Zubehrs; mine had no animus against me personally; my hands were free,
and my movements unfettered. Therefore, with due caution, I sounded
Tippu-Tib on the first day, and found him fully prepared for any
eventuality--to fight me, or be employed by me. I chose the latter, and
we proceeded to business. His aid was not required to enable me to reach
Emin Pasha, or to show the road. There are four good roads to Wadelai
from the Congo; one of them was in Tippu-Tib's power, the remaining three
are clear of him and his myriads. But Dr. Junker informed me that Emin
Pasha possessed about 75 tons of ivory. So much ivory would amount to
L60,000, at 8_s_. per lb. The subscription of Egypt to the Emin Pasha
Fund is large for her depressed finance. In this quantity of ivory we had
a possible means of recouping her Treasury--with a large sum left towards
defraying expenses, and perhaps leaving a handsome present for the
Zanzibari survivors.
Why not attempt the carriage of this ivory to the Congo? Accordingly, I
wished to engage Tippu-Tib and his people to assist me in conveying the
ammunition to Emin Pasha, and on return to carry this ivory. After a good
deal of bargaining I entered into a contract with him, by which he agreed
to supply 600 carriers at L6 per loaded head--each round trip from
Stanley Falls to Lake Albert and back. Thus, if each carrier carries 70
lbs. weight of ivory, one round trip will bring to the Fund L13,200 nett
at Stanley Falls.
On the conclusion of this contract, which was entered into in presence of
the British Consul-General, I broached another subject in the name of His
Majesty King Leopold with Tippu-Tib. Stanley Falls station was
established by me in December 1883. Various Europeans have since
commanded this station, and Mr. Binnie and Lieut. Wester of the Swedish
Army had succeeded in making it a well-ordered and presentable station.
Captain Deane, his successor, quarrelled with the Arabs, and at his
forced departure from the scene set fire to the station. The object for
which the station was established was the prevention of the Arabs from
pursuing their devastating career below the Falls, not so much by force
as by tact, or rather the happy combination of both. By the retreat of
the officers of the State from Stanley Falls, the floodgates were opened
and the Arabs pressed down river. Tippu-Tib being of course the guiding
spirit of the Arabs west of Tanganika Lake, it was advisable to see how
far his aid might be secured to check this stream of Arabs from
destroying the country. After the interchange of messages by cable with
Brussels--on the second day of my stay at Zanzibar--I signed an
engagement with Tippu-Tib by which he was appointed Governor of Stanley
Falls at a regular salary, paid monthly at Zanzibar, into the British
Consul-General's hands. His duties will be principally to defend Stanley
Falls in the name of the State against all Arabs and natives. The flag of
the station will be that of the State. At all hazards he is to defeat and
capture all persons raiding territory for slaves, and to disperse all
bodies of men who may be justly suspected of violent designs. He is to
abstain from all slave traffic below the Falls himself, and to prevent
all in his command trading in slaves. In order to ensure a faithful
performance of his engagement with the State, an European officer is to
be appointed Resident at the Falls. On the breach of any article in the
contract being reported, the salary is to cease.
Meantime, while I was engaged with these negotiations, Mr. Mackenzie had
paid four months' advance pay--$12,415--to 620 men and boys enlisted in
the Relief Expedition, and as fast as each batch of fifty men was
satisfactorily paid, a barge was hauled alongside and the men were duly
embarked, and a steam launch towed the barge to the transport. By 5 P.M.
all hands were aboard, and the steamer moved off to a more distant
anchorage. By midnight Tippu-Tib and his people and every person
connected with the Expedition was on board, and at daybreak next day, the
25th February, the anchor was lifted, and we steamed away towards the
Cape of Good Hope.
So far there had not been a hitch in any arrangement. Difficulties had
been smoothed as if by magic. Everybody had shown the utmost sympathy,
and been prompt with the assistance required. The officers of the
Expedition were kept fully employed from morning to evening at laborious
tasks connected with the repacking of the ammunition for Emin Pasha's
force.
Before concluding these entries, I ought to mention the liberal
assistance rendered to the Relief Expedition by Sir John Pender,
K.C.M.G., and the Eastern Telegraph Company. All my telegrams from Egypt,
Aden and Zanzibar, amounting in the aggregate to several hundred words
were despatched free, and as each word from Zanzibar to Europe ordinarily
costs eight shillings per word, some idea of the pecuniary value of the
favour conferred may be obtained. On my return from Africa this great
privilege was again granted, and as I received a score of cablegrams per
day for several days, and answers were expected, I should speedily have
paid dearly for the fortunate rescue of Emin Pasha, and most probably my
stirring career had ended in the Bankruptcy Court had not Sir John Pender
and Sir James Anderson quickly reassured me. Among the contributors to
the Relief Fund to a very generous amount I therefore may fairly place
the names of Sir John Pender and Sir James Anderson in behalf of the
Eastern Telegraph Company. I should also state that they were prepared to
lend me the Telegraph steamer at Zanzibar to convey my force of carriers
and soldiers to the Congo had there been any difficulty in the way of
engaging the B.I.S.N. Company's s.s. _Madura_.
-----
[E] We consequently bade the tailor make long pantaloons,
and they were quite six inches too long.
CHAPTER III.
BY SEA TO THE CONGO RIVER.
The Sultan of Zanzibar--Tippu-Tib and Stanley Falls--On board s.s.
_Madura_--"Shindy" between the Zanzibaris and Soudanese--Sketches
of my various officers--Tippu-Tib and Cape Town--Arrival at the
mouth of the Congo River--Start up the Congo--Visit from two of the
Executive Committee of the Congo State--Unpleasant thoughts.
The following private letter to a friend will explain some things of
general interest:--
SS. _Madura_, March 9th, 1887,
Near Cape of Good Hope.
My dear ----,
Apart from the Press letters which are to be published for the benefit of
the Relief Fund, and which will contain all that the public ought to know
just now, I shall have somewhat to say to you and other friends.
The Sultan of Zanzibar received me with unusual kindness, much of which I
owe to the introduction of Mr. William Mackinnon and Sir John Kirk. He
presented me with a fine sword, a shirazi blade I should say, richly
mounted with gold, and a magnificent diamond ring, which quite makes
Tippu-Tib's eyes water. With the sword is the golden belt of His
Highness, the clasp of which bears his name in Arabic. It will be useful
as a sign, if I come before Arabs, of the good understanding between the
Prince and myself; and if I reach the Egyptian officers, some of whom are
probably illiterate, they must accept the sword as a token that we are
not traders.
You will have seen by the papers that I have taken with me sixty-one
soldiers--Soudanese. My object has been to enable them to speak for me
to the Soudanese of Equatoria. The Egyptians may affect to disbelieve
firmans and the writing of Nubar, in which case these Soudanese will be
pushed forward as living witnesses of my commission.
[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF TIPPU-TIB.]
I have settled several little commissions at Zanzibar satisfactorily. One
was to get the Sultan to sign the concessions which Mackinnon tried to
obtain a long time ago. As the Germans have magnificent territory east of
Zanzibar, it was but fair that England should have some portion for the
protection she has accorded to Zanzibar since 1841. The Germans appeared
to have recognized this, as you may see by the late Anglo-German
Agreement. France had already obtained an immense area in West Africa.
All the world had agreed to constitute the domain of King Leopold, on
which he had spent a million sterling, as the Independent State of the
Congo. Portugal, which is a chronic grumbler, and does little, and that
little in a high-handed, illiberal manner, has also been graciously
considered by the European Powers; but England, which had sent out her
explorers, Livingstone, Burton, Speke, Grant, Baker, Keith Johnston,
Thomson, Elton, &c., had obtained nothing, and probably no people had
taken such interest in the Dark Continent, or had undergone such
sacrifices in behalf of the aborigines, as the English. Her cruisers for
the last twenty years had policed the ocean along the coast to suppress
slave-catching; her missions were twenty-two in number, settled between
East and West Africa. This concession that we wished to obtain embraced a
portion of the East African coast, of which Mombasa and Melindi were the
principal towns. For eight years, to my knowledge, the matter had been
placed before His Highness, but the Sultan's signature was difficult to
obtain.
Arriving at Zanzibar, I saw the Sultan was aging, and that he had not
long to live.[F] Englishmen could not invest money in the reserved
"sphere of influence" until some such concessions were signed.
"Please God," said the Sultan, "we shall agree; there will be no further
doubt about the matter." But his political anxieties are wearing him
fast, and unless this matter is soon completed it will be too late.
The other affair was with Tippu-Tib. He had actually in his possession
three Krupp shells, unloaded, which he had brought with him from Stanley
Falls, on the Upper Congo, to Zanzibar, to exhibit to his friends as the
kind of missiles which the Belgians pelted his settlements with--and he
was exceedingly wroth, and nourished a deep scheme of retaliation. It
took me some time to quiet his spasms of resentment. People very furious
must be allowed time to vent their anger. When he had poured out his
indignation some time, I quietly asked him if he had finished, saying, in
a bland way, that I knew well how great and powerful he was, etc., and I
told him that it was scarcely fair to blame all the Europeans and King
Leopold because an officer at Stanley Falls had been pleased to heave
Krupp shells at his settlements; that this trouble had been caused by the
excess of zeal of one man in defending a slave woman who had sought his
protection, in the same way that Rashid, his nephew, had been carried
away by the fury of youth to defend his rights. The Governor of the Congo
State was absent nearly 1500 miles down the river, and Tippu-Tib, the
owner of the settlements, was several hundred miles eastward on the way
to Zanzibar. Now I look upon this affair as the result of a match between
one young white man and a young Arab. The gray heads are absent who would
have settled the trouble without fighting: youths are always "on their
muscle," you know.
"Do you know," I continued, "that that station has given us a great deal
of trouble. We sent Amelot, you remember. Well, he just left the station
without orders, and died somewhere near Nyangwe; then the next, Gleerup,
a Swede, followed suit, and travelled across Africa instead; then we sent
Deane, and for a change he would have war with the Arabs. King Leopold is
not to blame for all this. It is a difficult thing to get men who are
always wise, and understand thoroughly what their orders are. If King
Leopold had sent Deane to fight you, he would not have sent him with
thirty men, you may be sure."
Now, look here. He proposes that you try your hand at governing that
station. He will pay you every month what he would pay an European
officer. There are certain little conditions that you must comply with
before you become Governor.
Tippu-Tib opened his eyes and snapped them rapidly, as his custom is, and
asked, "Me?"
"Yes, you. You like money; I offer you money. You have a grudge against
white men being there. Well, if you do your work rightly there will be no
need for any white men, except him whom we shall have to place under you,
to see that the conditions are not broken."
"Well, what are they?"
"You must hoist the flag of the State. You must allow a Resident to be
with you, who will write your reports to the King. You must neither trade
in slaves, nor allow anybody else to trade in them below Stanley Falls.
Nor must there be any slave-catching; you understand. Such trade as you
make in ivory, gums, rubber, cattle, and anything else, you may do as
much as you please. But there is to be no pillaging native property of
any description whatever below your station. A monthly allowance will be
paid into the hands of your Agent at Zanzibar. Don't answer right away.
Go and discuss it with your friends, and think of what I offer you. My
ship sails on the third day. Give me your answer to-morrow."
A favourable answer was given, a proper agreement was drawn up before the
Consul-General, and we both signed.
I made another agreement with him about the engagement of carriers to
carry ammunition to Lake Albert from the Congo. If there is no ivory I
shall be indebted to Tippu-Tib for the sum of L3,600. But there must be
some, as both Emin Pasha and Dr. Junker declare there is a large store of
it. At the same time I shall not risk the Expedition for the sake of the
ivory.
In consideration of these services which Tippu-Tib has solemnly
contracted to perform, I permitted him free passage for himself and
ninety-six of his kinsmen from Zanzibar to the Congo, with board
included. I also undertook the responsibility of conveying the entire
party safely to Stanley Falls, thus incurring not a small expense, but
which if faithfully performed will be amply paid for by the services
mentioned in the articles of agreement. These negotiations with Tippu-Tib
also ensure for us a peaceful march from the Congo through his
territory, a thing that would have been by no means possible without
him--as his various hordes of raiders will be widely scattered throughout
the region; and it is scarcely likely that we should be allowed to pass
in peace, resenting, as they must naturally do, their late rupture with
Deane. Having bound Tippu-Tib to me I feel somewhat safe against that
constant fear of desertion of the Zanzibaris. No Arab will now persuade
the people to desert, as is their custom when a white man's Expedition
passes near their settlements. Tippu-Tib dare not countenance such
proceedings in this case.
The _Madura_ is a comfortable steamer. On the _Oriental_ and _Navarino_
we were uncomfortably crowded. Tween decks abreast of the boilers is
rather a hot place for the people; but we have had agreeable weather, and
the men have preferred to stow themselves in the boats, and among the
donkeys, and on deck, to the baking heat below.
Two hours from Zanzibar, what is called a "shindy" took place between the
Zanzibaris and Soudanese. For a short time it appeared as though we
should have to return to Zanzibar with many dead and wounded. It rose
from a struggle for room. The Soudanese had been located directly in the
way of the Zanzibaris, who, being ten times more numerous, required
breathing space. They were all professed Moslems, but no one thought of
their religion as they seized upon firewood and pieces of planking to
batter and bruise each other. The battle had raged some time before I
heard of it. As I looked down the hatchway the sight was fearful--blood
freely flowed down a score of faces, and ugly pieces of firewood flew
about very lively. A command could not be heard in that uproar, and some
of us joined in with shillelaghs, directing our attacks upon the
noisiest. It required a mixture of persuasiveness and sharp knocks to
reduce the fractious factions to order, especially with the Soudanese
minority, who are huge fellows. The Soudanese were marched out of their
place and located aft, and the Zanzibaris had all the forward half of
the ship to themselves. After we had wiped the blood and perspiration
away I complimented the officers, especially Jephson, Nelson, and Bonny,
for their share in the fray. They had behaved most gallantly. The result
of the scrimmage is ten broken arms, fifteen serious gashes with spears
on the face and head, and contusions on shoulders and backs not worth
remark, and several abrasions of the lower limbs.
Surgeon Parke has been very busy vaccinating the entire community on
board ship. Fortunately I had procured a large supply of lymph for this
purpose, because of the harsh experience of the past.
We also divided the people into seven companies of about ninety men
each.
I have ordered my Agent to send me 200 loads of various goods to meet the
Expedition at Msalala, south end of Lake Victoria. They will be sent
about October or November, 1887, arriving at Msalala in February or
March, 1888, because if everything proceeds as I should wish, we shall be
somewhere near there not very long after that date.
* * * * *
I have been in the company of my officers since I left Aden, and I have
been quietly observing them. I will give you a sketch of them as they
appear to me now.
Barttelot is a little too eager, and will have to be restrained. There is
abundance of work in him, and this quality would be most lovely if it
were always according to orders. The most valuable man to me would be he
who had Barttelot's spirit and "go" in him, and who could come and ask if
such and such a work ought to be done. Such a course suggests
thoughtfulness and willingness, besides proper respect.
There is a great deal in Mounteney Jephson, though he was supposed to be
effeminate. He is actually fierce when roused, and his face becomes
dangerously set and fixed. I noted him during the late battle aboard, and
I came near crying out "Bravo, Jephson!" though I had my own stick, "big
as a mast," as the Zanzibaris say, to wield. It was most gallant and
plucky. He will be either made or marred if he is with this Expedition
long enough.
Captain Nelson is a fine fellow, and without the ghost of a hobby: he is
the same all round, and at all hours.
Stairs, of the Royal Engineers, is a splendid fellow, painstaking, ready,
thoughtful, and industrious, and is an invaluable addition to our staff.
Jameson is still the nice fellow we saw; there is not an atom of change
in him. He is sociable and good.
Bonny is the soldier. He is not initiative. He seems to have been under a
martinet's drill.
* * * * *
_March 16th, 1887._
At Cape Town, Tippu-Tib, after remarking the prosperity and business stir
of the city, and hearing its history from me, said that he formerly had
thought all white men to be fools.
"Really," I said; "Why?"
"That was my opinion."
"Indeed! and what do you think of them now?" I asked.
"I think they have something in them, and that they are more enterprising
than Arabs."
"What makes you think so, particularly now?"
"Well, myself and kinsmen have been looking at this town, these big ships
and piers, and we have thought how much better all these things appear
compared to Zanzibar, which was captured from the Portuguese before this
town was built, and I have been wondering why we could not have done as
well as you white people. I begin to think you must be very clever."
"If you have discovered so much, Tippu-Tib, you are on the high road to
discover more. The white men require a deal of study before you can
quite make them out. It is a pity you never went to England for a
visit."
"I hope to go there before I die."
"Be faithful to us on this long journey, and I will take you there, and
you will see more things than you can dream of now."
"Inshallah! if it is the will of Allah we shall go together."
* * * * *
On the 18th March the _Madura_ entered the mouth of the Congo River, and
dropped her anchor about 200 yards abreast of the sandy point, called
Banana.
In a few minutes I was in the presence of Mr. Lafontaine Ferney, the
chief Agent of the Dutch Company, to whom our steamer was consigned.
Through some delay he had not been informed of our intending to arrive as
soon. Everybody professed surprise, as they did not expect us before the
25th, but this fortunate accident was solely due to the captain and the
good steamer. However, I succeeded in making arrangements by which the
Dutch Company's steamer _K. A. Nieman_--so named after a fine young man
of that name, who had lately died at St. Paul de Loanda--would be placed
at my disposal, for the transport to Mataddi of 230 men next day.
On returning to the ship, I found my officers surrounding two English
traders, connected with the British Congo Company of Banana. They were
saying some unpleasant things about the condition of the State steamers.
"There is a piece of the _Stanley_ on shore now, which will give you an
idea of that steamer. The _Stanley_ is a perfect ruin, we are told.
However, will you leave the Pool? The State has not one steamer in
service. They are all drawn up on the banks for repairs, which will take
months. We don't see how you are to get away from here under six weeks!
Look at that big steamer on the sands! she has just come out from Europe;
the fool of a captain ran her on shore instead of waiting for a pilot.
She has got the sections of a steamer in her hold. The _Heron_ and
_Belgique_, both State steamers, have first, of course, to float that
steamer off. You are in for it nicely, we can tell you."
Naturally, this news was very discouraging to our officers and two of
them hastened to comfort me with the disastrous news. They were not so
well acquainted with the manners of the "natives" of the Lower Congo as I
was. I only marvelled why they had not been politely requested to
accompany their new aquaintances to the cemetery, in order that they
might have the exquisite gratification of exhibiting the painted
headboards, which record the deaths of many fine young men, as promising
in appearance as they.
I turned to the Agent of the British Congo, and requested permission to
charter his steamer, the _Albuquerque_. The gentleman graciously acceded.
This assured me transport for 140 men and 60 tons cargo. I then begged
that he and his friend would negotiate for the charter of the large
paddle boat the _Serpa Pinto_. Their good offices were entirely
successful, and before evening I knew that we should leave Banana Point
with 680 men and 160 tons cargo on the next day. The State steamer
_Heron_ I was told would not be able to leave before the 20th.
On the 19th the steamers _K. A. Kieman_, _Albuquerque_, and _Serpa
Pinto_, departed from Banana Point, and before night had anchored at
Ponta da Lenha. The next day the two former steamers steamed straight up
to Mataddi. The _Serpa Pinto_ hauled into the pier at Boma, to allow me
to send an official intimation of the fact that the new Governor of
Stanley Falls was aboard, and to receive a hurried visit from two of the
Executive Committee charged with the administration of the Congo State.
We had but time to exchange a few words, but in that short time they
managed to inform me that there was a "famine in the country"; that "the
villages along the road to the Pool were abandoned"; that "the _Stanley_
was seriously damaged"; that "the Mission steamers _Peace_ and _Henry
Reed_ were in some unknown parts of the Upper Congo"; that "the _En
Avant_ was on shore without machinery or boiler;" that "the _A. I. A._
was 500 miles above Stanley Pool"; and that "the _Royal_ was perfectly
rotten;" and had not been employed for a year; in fact, that the whole of
the naval stock promised did not exist at all except in the imagination
of the gentlemen of the Bureau at Brussels; and, said one, who seemed to
be the principal of the Executive Committee, with deliberate emphasis:
"The boats were only to assist you if they could be given without
prejudice to the service of the State."
The gruff voice of the Portuguese captain of the _Serpa Pinto_ ordered
the gentlemen on shore, and we proceeded on our way up the Congo.
My thoughts were not of the pleasantest. With my flotilla of fifteen
whale boats I might have been independent; but there was an objection to
the Congo route, and therefore that plan was abandoned. We had no sooner
adopted the East Coast route than the Sovereign of the Congo State
invited the Expedition to pass through his territory; the Germans had
murmured, and the French Government protested at the idea of our marching
through East Africa. When it was too late to order the flotilla of whale
boats from Forrest and Son we then accepted the Congo route, after
stipulating for transport up the Lower Congo, for porterage to Stanley
Pool, and the loan of the steamers on the Upper Congo which were now said
to be wrecked, rotten, or without boilers or engines, or scattered
inaccessible. In my ears rang the cry in England: "Hurry up, or you may
be too late!" and singing through my memory were the words of Junker:
"Emin will be lost unless immediate aid be given him;" and Emin's appeal
for help; for, if denied, "we shall perish."
"Well, the aspect of our work is ominous. It is not my fault, and what we
have to do is simple enough. We have given our promise to strive our
level best. It is no time for regret, but to struggle and "steer right
onward." Every article of our verbal bond, having accepted this
responsibility, we must perform, and it is the manner of this
performance that I now propose to relate.
I shall not delay the narration to give descriptions of the route
overland to the Pool, or of the Upper Congo and its banks, as these have
been sufficiently treated of in 'Through the Dark Continent,' and 'The
Congo and the Founding of its Free State'; and I now propose to be very
brief with the incidents of our journey to Yambuya, at the head of
navigation on the Aruwimi."
-----
[F] Seyyid Barghash died six months later.
CHAPTER IV.
TO STANLEY POOL.
Details of the journey to Stanley Pool--The Soudanese and the
Somalis--Meeting with Mr. Herbert Ward--Camp at Congo la
Lemba--Kindly entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Richards--Letters from up
river--Letters to the Rev. Mr. Bentley and others for
assistance--Arrival at Mwembi--Necessity of enforcing
discipline--March to Vombo--Incident at Lukungu Station--The
Zanzibaris--Incident between Jephson and Salim at the Inkissi
River--A series of complaints--The Rev. Mr. Bentley and the steamer
_Peace_--We reach Makoko's village--Leopoldville--Difficulties
regarding the use of the Mission steamers--Monsieur Liebrichts sees
Mr. Billington--Visit to Mr. Swinburne at Kinshassa--Orders to and
duties of the officers.
On the 21st of March the Expedition debarked at the landing-place of the
Portuguese trading-house of Senor Joda Ferrier d'Abren, situate at
Mataddi, at a distance of 108 miles from the Atlantic. As fast as the
steamers were discharged of their passengers and cargo they cast off to
return to the seaport of Banana, or the river port below.
About noon the Portuguese gunboat _Kacongo_ hove in sight. She brought
Major Barttelot, Mr. Jephson, and a number of Soudanese and Zanzibaris;
and soon after the state steamer _Heron_ brought up the remainder of the
cargo left on board the _Madura_.
We set up the tents, stored the immense quantity of rice, biscuits,
millet, salt, hay, etc., and bestirred ourselves like men with unlimited
work before us. Every officer distinguished himself--the Zanzibaris
showed by their celerity that they were glad to be on shore.
Our European party now consisted of Messrs. Barttelot, Stairs, Nelson,
Jephson, Parke, Bonny, who had voyaged with me from Aden, Mr. Walker, an
engineer, who had joined us at the Cape, Mr. Ingham, an ex-Guardsman,
who was our Congo Agent for collection of native carriers, Mr. John Rose
Troup, who had been despatched to superintend native porterage to the
Pool from Manyanga, and a European servant.
On the following day 171 porters, carrying 7 boxes biscuits = 420 lbs.,
157 bags of rice = 10,205 lbs., and beads, departed from Mataddi to
Lukungu as a reserve store for the Expedition on arrival. There were 180
sacks of 170 lbs. each = 30,600 lbs. besides, ready to follow or precede
us as carriers offered themselves, and which were to be dropped at
various places _en route_, and at the Pool. Couriers were also sent to
the Pool with request to the Commandant to hurry up the repairs of all
steamers.
On the second day of arrival, Mr. Ingham appeared with 220 carriers,
engaged at a sovereign per load for conveying goods to the Pool.
Lieutenant Stairs practised with the Maxim automatic gun, which fired 330
shots per minute, to the great admiration of Tippu-Tib and his
followers.
On the 25th the trumpets sounded in the Soudanese camp at 5.15 A.M. By 6
o'clock tents were folded, the companies were ranged by their respective
captains, and near each company's stack of goods, and by 6.15 A.M. I
marched out with the vanguard, behind which streamed the Expedition,
according to their company, in single file, bearing with us 466 separate
"charges" or porterloads of ammunition, cloth, beads, wire, canned
provisions, rice, salt, oil for engines, brass rods, and iron wire. The
setting out was admirable, but after the first hour of the march the
mountains were so steep and stony, the sunshine was so hot, the loads so
heavy, the men so new to the work after the glorious plenty on board the
_Madura_, and we ourselves were in such an overfed condition, that the
Expedition straggled in the most disheartening manner to those not
prepared for such a sight. Arriving at the first river, the Mpozo, the
_Advance_ was already jointed, and we were ferried over to the other bank
by fifties, and camped.
[Illustration: THE STEEL BOAT ADVANCE.]
The Soudanese were a wretched sight. The Somalis were tolerable, though
they had grumbled greatly because there were no camels. The former showed
remarkably bad temper. Covered with their hooded great-coats, they had
endured a terrible atmosphere, and the effects of heat, fatigue, and
little worries were very prominent.
[Illustration: MAXIM AUTOMATIC GUN.]
The next day we camped in the grounds of Palaballa, belonging to the
Livingstone Inland Mission, and were most hospitably treated by Mr.
Clarke, the superintendent, and ladies. As our men were so new to their
work, we halted the next day. By the officers' returns I found that nine
had died since leaving Zanzibar, and seventeen were so ill that we were
compelled to leave them at Palaballa to recuperate.
We resumed the march on the 28th, and reached Maza Mankengi. On the road
Mr. Herbert Ward was met, and volunteered as a member of the Expedition.
He was engaged, and sent to Mataddi to assist Mr. Ingham with the native
transport. Mr. Ward had been of late years in the service of the Congo
State, and previously had wandered in New Zealand and Borneo, and was
always regarded by me as a young man of great promise.
We were in camp by noon of the 29th at Congo la Lemba, on the site of a
place I knew some years ago as a flourishing village. The chief of it was
then in his glory, an undisputed master of the district. Prosperity,
however, spoiled him, and he began to exact tolls from the State
caravans. The route being blocked by his insolence, the State sent a
force of Bangalas, who captured and beheaded him. The village was burnt,
and the people fled elsewhere. The village site is now covered with tall
grass, and its guava, palm, and lemon-trees are choked with reeds.
There was a slight improvement in the order of the march, but the
beginning of an Expedition is always a trying time. The Zanzibaris carry
65 lbs. of ammunition, 9 lbs. per rifle, four days' rations of rice, and
their own kit, which may be from 4 to 10 lbs. weight of cloth and bedding
mats. After they have become acclimated this weight appears light to
them; but during the first month we have to be very careful not to make
long marches, and to exercise much forbearance.
A heavy rain detained us the early part of next day, but soon after nine
we moved on and reached the Lufu River. It was a terribly fatiguing
march. Until midnight the people came streaming in, tired, footsore, and
sour. The officers slept in my tent, and supped on biscuits and rice.
Near the Mazamba Wood we passed Baron von Rothkirch supervising a party
of Kabindas, who were hauling the _Florida's_ shaft. At the rate of
progress they would probably reach the Pool about August next; and at the
Bembezi Ford a French trader was met descending with a fine lot of ivory
tusks.
We passed the Mangola River on the 31st, when I was myself disabled by a
fit of sickness from indulging in the guavas of Congo la Lemba, and on
the 1st April we travelled to Banza Manteka. At the L. I. Mission Mr. and
Mrs. Richards most kindly entertained us. At this place a few years'
mission work has produced a great change. Nearly all the native
population had become professed Christians, and attended Divine service
punctually with all the fervour of revivalists. Young men whom I had
known as famous gin-drinkers had become sober, decent men, and most
mannerly in behaviour.
I received three letters from up river, one from Troup at Manyanga,
Swinburne at Kinshassa, and Glave at Equator Station, all giving a
distressing account of the steamers _Stanley_, _Peace_, _Henry Reed_, and
_En Avant_. The first is damaged throughout according to my informants,
the Mission steamers require thorough overhauling, the _En Avant_ has
been reduced to a barge. Mr. Troup suggests that we carry a lighter or
two from Manyanga to the Pool, a thing utterly impossible. We were
already overloaded because of the rice we carried to feed nearly 800
people through the starving country. In order to lighten our work
slightly Messrs. Jephson and Walker were despatched with our steel boat,
the _Advance_, by the Congo to Manyanga.
We passed by the Lunionzo River on the 3rd, and the next day camped on
the site of the abandoned village of Kilolo. During the march I passed a
Soudanese trying to strangle a Zanzibari because the wearied man had
slightly touched his shoulder with his box. The spleen the Soudanese show
is extremely exasperating, but we must exercise patience yet awhile.
A march of three hours brought us to the Kwilu River, with the usual ups
and downs of hills, which tire the caravan. At the river, which is 100
yards wide and of strong current, was a canoe without an owner. We took
possession of it, and began to cross the Advance Company by tens.
The opportunity afforded by the ferriage was seized by me to write
appealing letters to the Commandant at Stanley Pool to interpret the
orders of the Minister of the Interior, Strauch, according to the
generous spirit expressed by King Leopold when he invited us to seek Emin
Pasha _via_ the Congo. Another was directed to the Rev. Mr. Bentley, of
the Baptist Mission, requesting him to remember the assistance I gave the
Baptists in 1880-84, and to be prepared to lead the steamer _Peace_ that
I might hurry the Expedition away from the poverty-stricken region around
Stanley Pool. Another was despatched to Mr. Billington, superintendent of
the _Henry Reed_, in similar terms, reminding him that it was I who had
given them ground at Stanley Pool. Another to the Commandant of Lukungu
Station, requesting him to collect 400 carriers to lighten the labours of
my men.
On reaching Mwembi the 6th April, I was particularly struck with the
increase of demoralization in the caravan. So far, in order not to press
the people, I had been very quiet, entrusting the labour of bringing the
stragglers to the younger men, that they might become experienced in the
troubles which beset Expeditions in Africa; but the necessity of
enforcing discipline was particularly demonstrated on this march. The
Zanzibaris had no sooner pitched the tents of their respective officers
than they rushed like madmen among the neighbouring villages, and
commenced to loot native property, in doing which one named Khamis bin
Athman was shot dead by a plucky native. This fatal incident is one of
these signal proofs that discipline is better than constant forbearance,
and how soon even an army of licentious, insubordinate, and refractory
men would be destroyed.
It had probably been believed by the mass of the people that I was rather
too old to supervise the march, as in former times; but on the march to
Vombo, on the 7th, everyone was undeceived, and the last of the lengthy
caravan was in camp by 11 A.M., and each officer enjoyed his lunch at
noon, with his mind at ease for duty done and a day's journey well made.
There is nothing more agreeable than the feeling one possesses after a
good journey briefly accomplished. We are assured of a good day's rest;
the remainder of the day is our own to read, to eat, to sleep, and be
luxuriously inactive, and to think calmly of the morrow; and there can
scarcely be anything more disagreeable than to know that, though the
journey is but a short one, yet relaxation of severity permits that cruel
dawdling on the road in the suffocating high grass, or scorched by a
blistering sun--the long line of carriers is crumpled up into perspiring
fragments--water far when most needed; not a shady tree near the road;
the loads robbed and scattered about over ten miles of road; the carriers
skulking among the reeds, or cooling themselves in groves at a distance
from the road; the officers in despair at the day's near close, and
hungry and vexed, and a near prospect of some such troubles to recur
again to-morrow and the day after. An unreflecting spectator hovering
near our line of march might think we were unnecessarily cruel; but the
application of a few cuts to the confirmed stragglers secure eighteen
hours' rest to about 800 people and their officers, save the goods from
being robbed--for frequently these dawdlers lag behind purposely for such
intentions--and the day ends happily for all, and the morrow's journey
has no horrors for us.
On the 8th the Expedition was welcomed at Lukungu Station by Messrs.
Francqui and Dessauer. These hospitable Belgians had of their own impulse
gathered four days' rations for our 800 people, of potatoes, bananas,
brinjalls, Indian corn, and palm nuts.
No sooner had we all assembled than the Soudanese gathered in a body to
demand more food. In fifteen days they had consumed each one 40 lbs. of
biscuit and rice; and they announced their intention of returning to the
Lower Congo if more rations were not served out. The four days' rations
of vegetables they disdained to touch. I had resolved to be very patient;
and it was too early yet to manifest even the desire to be otherwise.
Extra rations of rice and biscuits were accordingly served out.
Fortunately for me personally there were good officers with me who could
relieve me of the necessity of coming into conflict with wilful fellows
like these sulky, obstinate Soudanese. I reserved for myself the _role_
of mediator between exasperated whites and headstrong, undisciplined
blacks. Provided one is not himself worn out by being compelled
throughout the day to shout at thick-headed men, it is a most agreeable
work to extenuate offences and soothe anger. Probably the angry will turn
away muttering that we are partial; the other party perhaps thirsts for
more sympathy on its side; but the mediator must be prepared to receive a
rub or two himself.
Thinking that there would be less chance of the Soudanese storming so
furiously against the Zanzibaris on the road, I requested Major Barttelot
to keep his Soudanese a day's march ahead of the Zanzibaris.
It will not be surprising that we all felt more sympathy for the loaded
Zanzibaris. These formed our scouting parties, and foragers, and food
purveyors; they pitched our tents, they collected fuel, they carried the
stores; the main strength of the Expedition consisted of them; without
them the Europeans and Soudanese, if they had been ten times the number,
would have been of no use at all for the succour of Emin. The Soudanese
carried nothing but their rifles, their clothing, and their rations. By
the time they would be of actual utility we should be a year older; they
might perhaps fail us when the hour of need came, but we hoped not; in
the meantime, all that was necessary was to keep them moving on with as
little trouble as possible to themselves, the Zanzibaris, and us. The
Major, however, without doubt was sorely tempted. If he was compelled to
strike during these days, I must admit that the Soudanese were uncommonly
provoking. Job would have waxed wrathful, and become profane.
The heat was terrible the day we left Lukungu--the 10th. The men dropped
down on all sides; chiefs and men succumbed. We overtook the Soudanese
again, and the usual scuffling and profanity occurred as an unhappy
result.
On Easter Monday, the 11th, the Soudanese Company was stricken down with
fever, and lamentation was general, and all but two of the Somalis were
prostrated. Barttelot was in a furious rage at his unhappy Company, and
expressed a wish that he had been doing Jephson's duty with the boat. I
received a letter from Jephson in the evening, wherein he wrote that he
wished to be with us, or anywhere rather than on the treacherous and
turbulent Congo.
The following day saw a foundering caravan as we struggled most
wretchedly into camp. The Soudanese were miles from each other, the
Somalis were all ill; one of those in the boat with Mr. Jephson had died.
Liebig, and meat soups, had to be prepared in sufficient quantities to
serve out cupfuls to each weakened man as he staggered in.
Lutete's was reached the next day, and the experiences of the march were
similar. We suffer losses on every march--losses of men by desertion, by
illness, of rifles, boxes of canned provisions, and of fixed ammunition.
At Nselo, on the Inkissi River, we encountered Jephson, who has seen some
novelties of life during his voyage up the Congo rapids to Manyanga.
The sun has commenced to paint our faces a vermilion tint, for I see in
each officer's face two inflamed circles glowing red and bright under
each eye, and I fancy the eyes flash with greater brilliancy. Some of
them have thought it would be more picturesque, more of the ideal
explorer type, to have their arms painted also, and have bared their
milk-white arms until they seem bathed in flame.
The 16th April we employed in ferrying the Expedition across the Inkissi
River, and by 5.30 P.M. every soul was across, besides our twenty donkeys
and herd of Cape goats.
During the ferriage some hot words were exchanged between Salim, son of
Massoud, a brother-in-law of Tippu-Tib, and Mr. Mounteney Jephson, who is
the master of the boat. Salim, since he has married a sister of
Tippu-Tib, aspires to be beyond censure; his conceit has made him
abominably insolent. At Mataddi's he chose to impress his views most
arrogantly on Lieutenant Stairs; and now it is with Mr. Jephson, who
briefly told him that if he did not mind his own business he would have
to toss him into the river. Salim savagely resented this, until Tippu-Tib
appeared to ease his choler.
At the next camp I received some more letters from Stanley Pool.
Lieutenant Liebrichts, the commissaire of the Stanley Pool district,
wrote that the steamer _Stanley_ would be at my disposition, and also a
lighter! The _En Avant_ would not be ready for six weeks. Another was
from Mr. Billington, who declined most positively to lend the _Henry
Reed_.
One of my most serious duties after a march was to listen to all sorts of
complaints--a series of them were made on this day. A native robbed by a
hungry Zanzibari of a cassava loaf required restitution; Binza, the
goat-herd, imagined himself slighted because he was not allowed to
participate in the delicacy of goat tripe, and solicited my favour to
obtain for him this privilege; a Zanzibari weakling, starving amidst a
well-rationed camp and rice-fed people, begged me to regard his puckered
stomach, and do him the justice to see that he received his fair rations
from his greedy chief. Salim, Tippu-Tib's henchman, complained that my
officers did not admire him excessively. He said, "They should remember
he no Queen man now he Tippu-Tib's brudder-in-law" (Salim was formerly an
interpreter on board a British cruiser). And there were charges of thefts
of a whinstone, a knife, a razor, against certain incorrigible
purloiners.
At our next camp on the Nkalama River, which we reached on the 18th
April, I received a letter by a courier from Rev. Mr. Bentley, who
informed me that no prohibition had been received by him from England of
the loan of the Baptist mission steamer _Peace_, and that provided I
assured him that the Zanzibaris did nothing contrary to missionary
character, which he as a missionary was desirous of maintaining, that he
would be most happy to surrender the _Peace_ for the service of the "Emin
Pasha Relief Expedition." Though very grateful, and fully impressed with
his generosity, in this unnecessary allusion to the Zanzibaris, and to
this covert intimation that we are responsible for their excesses, Mr.
Bentley has proved that it must have cost him a struggle to grant the
loan of the _Peace_. He ought to have remembered that the privilege he
obtained of building his stations at Leopoldville, Kinshassa, and
Lukolela was gained by the labours of the good-natured Zanzibaris, who
though sometimes tempted to take freedoms, were generally well behaved,
so much so that the natives preferred them to the Houssas, Kabindas,
Kruboys, or Bangalas.
On the 19th we were only able to make a short march, as each day
witnessed a severe downpour of rain, and the Luila near which we camped
had become dangerously turbulent.
On the 20th we reached Makoko's village. The Zanzibaris were observed to
be weakening rapidly. They have been compelled to live on stinted rations
lately, and their habit of indulging in raw manioc is very injurious. A
pound of rice per day is not a large ration for working men, but if they
had contrived to be contented on this scanty but wholesome fare for a
while they would not be in a robust condition, it is true, but there
certainly would be less illness. During this march from the Lower Congo
we had consumed up to date 27,500 lbs. of rice--about 13 tons--so that
the resources of the entire region had been severely taxed to obtain this
extra carriage. The natives having fled from the public paths, and our
fear that the Zanzibaris, if permitted to forage far from the camp, would
commit depredations, have been the main cause of their plucking up the
poisonous manioc tubers, and making themselves wretchedly sick. There
were about a hundred men on this date useless as soldiers or carriers.
Arriving at Leopoldville on the 21st to the great delight of all, one of
my first discoveries was the fact that the _Stanley_, a small lighter,
our steel boat the _Advance_, and the mission steamer _Peace_ were the
only boats available for the transport of the Expedition up the Congo. I
introduce the following notes from my diary:--
_Leopoldville, April 22nd._--We are now 345 miles from the sea in view of
Stanley Pool, and before us free from rapids are about 1100 miles of
river to Yambuya on the Aruwimi whence I propose resuming the land
journey to Lake Albert.
Messrs. Bentley and Whitley called on me to-day. We spoke concerning the
_Peace_. They said the vessel required many repairs. I insisted that the
case was urgent. They finally decided after long consultation that the
repairs could be finished by the 30th.
In the afternoon I took Major Barttelot and Mr. Mounteney Jephson into my
confidence, and related to them the difficulties that we were in,
explained my claims on the consideration of the missionaries and the
urgent necessity of an early departure from the foodless district, that
provisions were so scarce that the State were able to procure only 60
full rations for 146 people, and that to supply the others the State
officers had recourse to hunting the hippopotami in the Pool, and that we
should have to pursue the same course to eke out the rice. And if 60
rations can only be procured for 146 people by the State authorities, how
were we to supply 750 people? I then directed them to proceed to Mr.
Billington and Dr. Sims, and address themselves to the former
principally--inasmuch as Dr. Sims was an unsuccessful applicant for a
position on this Expedition--and explain matters fairly to him.
They were absent about an hour and a half, and returned to me
crestfallen,--they had failed. Poor Major! Poor Jephson!
Monsieur Liebrichts, who had formerly served with me on the Congo at
Bolobo, was now the Governor of the Stanley Pool district. He dined with
me this evening and heard the story as related by Major Barttelot and Mr.
Mounteney Jephson. Nothing was kept back from him. He knew much of it
previously. He agreed heartily with our views of things and acknowledged
that there was great urgency. Jephson said, "I vote we seize the _Henry
Reed_."
"No, my friend Jephson. We must not be rash. We must give Mr. Billington
time to consider, who would assuredly understand how much his mission was
indebted to me, and would see no difficulty in chartering his steamer at
double the price the Congo State paid to him. Those who subsist on the
charity of others naturally know how to be charitable. We will try again
to-morrow, when I shall make a more formal requisition and offer liberal
terms, and then if she is not conceded we must think what had best be
done under the circumstances."
_April 23rd._--Various important matters were attended to this morning.
The natives from all parts in this neighbourhood came to revive
acquaintance, and it was ten o'clock before I was at liberty.
Ngalyema was somewhat tedious with a long story about grievances that he
had borne patiently, and insults endured without plaint. He described the
change that had come over the white men, that of late they had become
more imperious in their manner, and he and other chiefs suspecting that
the change boded no good to them had timidly absented themselves from the
stations, the markets had been abandoned, and consequently food had
become scarce and very dear.
Having given my sympathy to my old friends I called Barttelot and Jephson
and read to them a statement of former kindnesses shown to the
'Livingstone Inland Mission.' "When you have spoken, request in the name
of charity and humanity, and all good feeling, that Mr. Billington allow
me to offer liberal terms for the charter of the _Henry Reed_ for a
period of sixty days."
Barttelot was inspired to believe that his eloquence would prevail, and
asked permission to try in his way once more.
"Very good, Major, go, and success attend you."
"I'm sure I shall succeed like a shot," said the Major confidently.
The Major proceeded to the Mission House, and Mr. Jephson accompanied him
as a witness of the proceedings. Presently I received a characteristic
note from the Major, who wrote that he had argued ineffectually with the
missionaries, principally with Mr. Billington, but in the presence of Dr.
Sims, who sat in a chair contenting himself with uttering remarks
occasionally.
Lieutenant Liebrichts was informed of the event, and presented himself,
saying that this affair was the duty of the State.
Monsieur Liebrichts, who is undoubtedly one of the most distinguished
officers in the Congo State, and who has well maintained the high
character described in a former book of mine, devoted himself with ardour
to the task of impressing Mr. Billington with the irrationality of his
position, and of his obstinacy in declining to assist us out of our
difficulties in which we had been placed by the fault of circumstances.
To and fro throughout the day he went demanding, explaining, and
expostulating, and finally after twelve hours prevailed on Mr. Billington
to accept a charter upon the liberal terms offered; namely, L100 per
month.
_April 24th._--Mustered Expedition and discovered we are short of 57 men,
and 38 Remington rifles. The actual number now is 737 men and 496 rifles.
Of bill-hooks, axes, shovels, canteens, spears, &c., we have lost over 50
per cent.--all in a twenty-eight days' march.
Some of the men, perhaps, will return to their duties, but if such a
large number deserts 3000 miles from their native land, what might have
been expected had we taken the East Coast route. The Zanzibar headmen
tell me with a cynical bitterness that the Expedition would have been
dissolved. They say, "These people from the clove and cinnamon
plantations of Zanzibar are no better than animals--they have no sense of
feeling. They detest work, they don't know what silver is, and they have
no parents or homes. The men who have homes never desert, if they did
they would be so laughed at by their neighbours that they could not
live." There is a great deal of truth in these remarks, but in this
Expedition are scores of confirmed bounty-jumpers who are only awaiting
opportunities. In inspecting the men to-day I was of the opinion that
only about 150 were free men, and that all the remainder were either
slaves or convicts.
Mr. J. S. Jameson has kindly volunteered to proceed to shoot hippopotami
to obtain meat. We are giving 1 lb. of rice to each man--just half
rations. For the officers and our Arab guests I have a flock of goats,
about thirty in number. The food presents from the various chiefs around
have amounted to 500 men's rations and have been very acceptable.
Capt. Nelson is busy with the axemen preparing fuel for the steamers. The
_Stanley_ must depart to-morrow with Major Barttelot and Surgeon Parke's
companies, and debark them at a place above the Wampoko, when they will
then march to Mswata. I must avail myself of every means of leaving
Stanley Pool before we shall be so pinched by hunger that the men will
become uncontrollable.
_April 25th._--The steamer _Stanley_, steamed up river with 153 men under
Major Barttelot and Surgeon Parke.
I paid a visit to Kinshassa to see my ancient secretary, Mr. Swinburne,
who is now manager of an Ivory Trading Company, called the "Sanford
Exploring Company." The hull of his steamer, _Florida_, being completed,
he suggested that if we assisted him to launch her he would be pleased to
lend her to the Expedition, since she was of no use to anybody until her
machinery and shaft came up with Baron von Rothkirch, who probably would
not arrive before the end of July. I was only too glad, and a number of
men were at once ordered up to begin the operations of extending the slip
to the river's edge.
Our engineer, Mr. John Walker, was detailed for service on the _Henry
Reed_, to clean her up and prepare her for the Upper Congo.
One Soudanese and one Zanzibari died to-day.
_April 27th._--Thirteen Zanzibaris and one Soudanese, of those left
behind from illness, at stations on the way have arrived. They report
having sold their rifles and sapper's tools!
_April 28th._--Struck camp and marched Expedition overland to Kinshassa
that I might personally superintend launching of hull of steamer,
_Florida_, which we hope to do the day after to-morrow, when the ship is
finished. We are being hospitably entertained meanwhile by Mr. Antoine
Greshoff, of the Dutch Company, and Mr. Swinburne of the Sanford
Company.
[Illustration: LAUNCHING THE STEAMER "FLORIDA."]
_April 29th._--In camp at Kinshassa under the baobabs. The steamers
_Stanley_ and _Henry Reed_, towing-barge _En Avant_ arrived.
_April 30th._--The hull of the _Florida_ was launched this morning. Two
hundred men pulled her steadily over the extended slip into the river.
She was then taken to the landing-place of the Dutch Company and fastened
to the steamer _Stanley_.
Each officer was furnished with the plan of embarkation, and directed to
begin work of loading the steamers according to programme.
The following orders were also issued:--
The Officers commanding companies in this Expedition are--
Company
E. M. Barttelot Major No. 1, Soudanese.
W. G. Stairs Captain " 2, Zanzibaris.
R. H. Nelson " " 3 "
A. J. Mounteney Jephson " " 4 "
J. S. Jameson " " 5 "
John Rose Troup " " 6 "
T. H. Parke Captain and Surgeon " 7, Somalis and
Zanzibaris.
Mr. William Bonny takes charge of transport and riding animals and
live stock, and assists Surgeon Parke when necessary.
"Each officer is personally responsible for the good behaviour of his
company and the condition of arms and accoutrements."
"Officers will inspect frequently cartridge-pouches of their men, and
keep record to prevent sale of ammunition to natives or Arabs."
"For trivial offences--a slight corporal punishment only can be
inflicted, and this as seldom as possible. Officers will exercise
discretion in this matter, and endeavour to avoid irritating the men, by
being too exacting, or showing unnecessary fussiness."
"It has been usual for me to be greatly forbearing--let the rule be,
three pardons for one punishment."
"Officers will please remember that the labour of the men is severe,
their burdens are heavy, the climate hot, the marches fatiguing, and the
rations poor and often scanty. Under such conditions human nature is
extremely susceptible, therefore punishments should be judicious, not
vexatious, to prevent straining patience too much. Nevertheless
discipline must be taught, and when necessary enforced for the general
well-being."
"Serious offences affecting the Expedition generally will be dealt with
by me."
"While on shipboard one officer will be detailed to perform the duties of
the day. He must see to the distribution of rations, ship cleaned, and
that no fighting or wrangling occurs, as knifing soon follows unless
checked, that the animals are fed and watered regularly. For all petty
details apply to the senior officer, Major Barttelot."
CHAPTER V.
FROM STANLEY POOL TO YAMBUYA.
Upper Congo scenery--Accident to the _Peace_--Steamers reach
Kimpoko--Collecting fuel--The good-for-nothing _Peace_--The
_Stanley_ in trouble--Arrival at Bolobo--The Relief Expedition
arranged in two columns--Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson chosen for
command of Rear Column--Arrival at Equator and Bangala
Stations--The Basoko villages: Baruti deserts us--Arrival at
Yambuya.
As I have already expatiated at large upon the description of scenes of
the Upper Congo, I intend to expunge altogether any impressions made on
us according to our varying moods during our river voyage of about 1100
miles to Yambuya. I will confine myself to the incidents.
The days passed quickly enough. Their earlier hours presented to us every
morning panoramas of forest-land, and myriads of forest isles, and broad
channels of dead calm water so beshone by the sun that they resembled
rivers of quicksilver. In general one might well have said that they were
exceedingly monotonous, that is if the traveller was moving upward day by
day past the same scenes from such a distance as to lose perception of
the details. But we skirted one bank or the other, or steered close to an
island to avail ourselves of the deep water, and therefore were saved
from the tedium of the monotony.
Seated in an easy-chair scarcely 40 feet from the shore, every revolution
of the propeller caused us to see new features of foliage, bank, trees,
shrubs, plants, buds and blossoms. We might be indifferent to, or
ignorant of the character and virtues of the several plants and varied
vegetation we saw, we might have no interest in any portion of the
shore, but we certainly forgot the lapse of time while observing the
outward forms, and were often kindled into livelier interest whenever an
inhabitant of the air or of the water appeared in the field of vision.
These delightful views of perfectly calm waters, and vivid green forests
with every sprig and leaf still as death, and almost unbroken front line
of thick leafy bush sprinkled with butterflies and moths and insects, and
wide rivers of shining water, will remain longer in our minds than the
stormy aspects which disturbed the exquisite repose of nature almost
every afternoon.
[Illustration: STANLEY POOL.]
From the middle of March to the middle of May was the rainy season, and
daily, soon after 2 P.M., the sky betokened the approach of a lowering
tempest; the sun was hidden by the dark portents of storms, and soon
after the thunderbolts rent the gloom, lightning blazed through it, the
rain poured with tropical copiousness, and general misery prevailed and
the darkness of the night followed.
Nature and time were at their best for us. The river was neither too high
nor too low. Were it the former we should have had the difficulty of
finding uninundated ground; had it been the latter we should have been
tediously delayed by the shallows. We were permitted to steer generally
about 40 yards from the left bank, and to enjoy without interruption over
1000 miles of changing hues and forms of vegetable life, which for their
variety, greenness of verdure, and wealth and scent of flowers, the world
cannot equal. Tornadoes were rare during the greater portion of the day,
whereby we escaped many terrors and perils; they occurred in the evening
or the night oftener, when we should be safely moored to the shore.
Mosquitoes, gadflies, tsetse and gnats were not so vicious as formerly.
Far more than half the journey was completed before we were reminded of
their existence by a few incorrigible vagrants of each species. The
pugnacious hippopotami and crocodiles were on this occasion well-behaved.
The aborigines were modest in their expectations, and in many instances
they gave goats, fowls, and eggs, bananas and plantains, and were content
with "chits" on Mr. John Rose Troup, who would follow us later. Our
health was excellent, indeed remarkably good, compared with former
experiences; whether the English were better adapted physically, or
whether they declined to yield, I know not, but I had fewer complaints on
this than on any previous expedition.
On the 1st of May the start up the Congo was commenced with the departure
of the _Henry Reed_ and two barges, with Tippu-Tib and 96 followers and
35 of our men. Soon after her followed the _Stanley_ and her consort the
_Florida_, with 336 people, besides 6 donkeys, and cargoes of goods; and
half-an-hour later the _Peace_ attempted to follow, with 135 passengers
on board; but the good wishes of the people on shore had scarcely died
away, and we were breasting the rapid current, when her rudder snapped in
two. Her captain commanded the anchors to be dropped, which happened to
be over exceedingly rugged ground where the current was racing six knots.
The boat reeled to her beam ends, the chains tore her deck, and as the
anchors could not be lifted, being foul among the rocks below, we had to
cut ourselves loose and to return to Kinshassa landing-place. Captain
Whitley and Mr. David Charters the engineer set to to repair the rudder,
and at 8 P.M. their task was completed.
The next morning we had better fortune, and in due time we reached
Kimpoko at the head of the Pool, where the other steamers awaited us.
The _Peace_ led the advance up river on the 3rd; but the _Stanley_ drew
up, passed us, and reached camp an hour and a half ahead of us. The
_Henry Reed_ was last because of want of judgment on the part of her
captain.
The _Peace_ was spasmodic. She steamed well for a short time, then
suddenly slackened speed. We waited half an hour for another spurt. Her
boiler was a system of coiled tubes, and her propellers were enclosed in
twin cylindrical shells under the stern, and required to be driven at a
furious rate before any speed could be obtained. She will probably give
us great trouble.
As soon as we camped, which we generally did about 5 P.M., each officer
mustered his men, for wood cutting for the morrow's fuel. This was
sometimes very hard work, and continued for hours into the night. The
wood of dead trees required to be sought by a number of men and conveyed
to the landing-place for the cutters. For such a steamer as the _Stanley_
it would require fifty men to search for and carry wood for quite two
hours; it would require a dozen axemen to cut it up into 30-inch lengths
for the grates. The _Peace_ and _Henry Reed_ required half as many axes
and an equal amount of time to prepare their fuel. It must then be stored
on board the steamers that no delay might take place in the morning, and
this required some more work before silence, which befits the night,
could be obtained, and in the meantime the fires were blazing to afford
light, and the noise of crashing, cutting, and splitting of logs
continued merrily.
The good-for-nothing _Peace_ continued to provoke us on the 4th May. She
was certainly one of the slowest steamers any shipbuilder could build. We
halted every forty-five minutes or so to "oil up," and sometimes had to
halt to clear out the cylinders of the propellers, had to stop to raise
steam, to have the grate cleared out of charcoal, while five minutes
after raising steam up to 60 deg., she fell to 40 deg., and then 35 deg., and the
poor miserable thing floated down stream at the rate of a knot an hour.
We lost seven days at Stanley Pool through her; a day was lost when the
rudder broke; we were fated to be belated.
The next day, the 5th, we made fast to the landing-place of Mswata. The
Major and Dr. Parke had arrived four days previously. They had prepared
quantities of fuel, and had purchased a large pile of provisions--loaves
of bread from the manioc root and Indian corn.
On the 6th the Major and his companions received orders to march their
men to Kwamouth, and await the steamer. The _Stanley_ was ordered to
proceed to Bolobo, debark her passengers, and descend to Kwamouth to
convey Barttelot and men, while we reorganized companies at Bolobo.
On the 7th we observed the _Stanley_ steamer ashore on the left bank near
Chumbiri, and proceeding to her to inquire into the delay discovered that
she was badly injured by running on a rocky reef. The second section had
been pierced in four separate places and several rivets knocked out and
others loosened. We therefore set to with the engineers of all the other
steamers to repair her, but Messrs. Charters and Walker, both Scotchmen,
were the most effective at the repairs. We cut up some old sheet iron oil
drums, formed plates of them, and screwed them in from the outside. This
was a very delicate labour, requiring patience and nicety of touch, as
there were two feet of water in the hold, and the screws required to be
felt to place the nuts on, as well as the punching of holes through the
bottom of the steamer. The engineer was up to his waist in water, and
striking his chisel through an element that broke the blow, then there
was the preparation of the plate to correspond with the holes in the
steamer, spreading the minium, then a layer of canvas, and another layer
of minium. When everything was ready for fixing the iron plate, a diver
was sent down, the iron plate with its canvas patch and minium layers in
one hand, and the end of a string attached to a hole in the plate in the
other hand. The diver outside had to feel for the corresponding hole in
the steamer, and the engineer up to his hips in water within the hold
felt for the end of the twine, which when found, was drawn in gently, and
the plate carefully guided, or the bolt was slipped in, and the engineer
placed the nut on. For hours this tedious work went on, and by evening of
the 7th, one large rent in the steel hull had been repaired; the 8th and
9th were passed before the steamer was able to continue her voyage.
On the 10th the _Stanley_ caught the asthmatic _Peace_ up, and passed us
in company with the _Henry Reed_. A few hours later the _Peace_ sulked
altogether, and declined to proceed. Only 30 lbs. steam could be
maintained. We were therefore compelled to make fast to the shore. At
this period Mr. Charters' face possessed more interest than anything else
in the world. We hung on his words as though they were decrees of Fate.
He was a sanguine and cheerful little man, and he comforted us
exceedingly. He was sure we would arrive in Bolobo in good time, though
we did not appear to be proceeding very rapidly while tied to the shore.
The next day we tried again, starting at 4 A.M., resolved to distinguish
ourselves. For an hour the _Peace_ behaved nobly, but finally she showed
symptoms of relapse. The steam descended lower and lower, and could not
retain 5 lbs., and we therefore cast anchor. At 10 A.M. the case
appearing hopeless, I despatched Mr. Ward in the whale boat to obtain
assistance from the _Henry Reed_, and at eight at night she appeared and
anchored sixty yards from us, and all the day we had been idly watching
the dark brown current flow by, anchored in mid-stream at least 500 yards
from either shore or island, seeing nothing but hippopotami, grassy
clumps, weeds, and debris of woods floating by. On the 12th we arrived
ignominiously at Bolobo in tow of the _Henry Reed_.
When the traveller reaches Uyanzi such a thing as famine is scarcely
possible, and one of the best river ports for abundance and variety of
food is Bolobo. Here, then, after reaching a district where the people
could recuperate and forget the miseries of limited rations endured since
leaving Lukungu, was the place to form the Relief Expedition into two
columns.
It was decided that as the force could not be transported on one voyage
to the Upper Congo, that the healthiest men should be selected to proceed
to Yambuya, and that the weakly should remain in Bolobo as a portion of
Major Barttelot's column under Messrs. Herbert Ward, and William Bonny,
until the _Stanley_ should return from Yambuya. We had started from
England with the cry of "urgency" in our ears and memories, and it
behoved us to speed on as well as circumstances would permit in obedience
to the necessity, trusting that the rear column would be able to follow
on our tracks some six or seven weeks later.
We accordingly selected 125 men who appeared weakest in body, and left
them at Bolobo to fatten up on the bananas and excellent native bread and
fish that were easily procurable here. The _Stanley_ in the meantime had
descended to Kwamouth with Major Barttelot, Dr. Parke, and 153 men.
The vexed question was also settled here as to who should take charge of
the rear column. It being the most important post next to mine, all eyes
were naturally directed to the senior officer, Major Barttelot. It was
said that he had led a column of a thousand men from Kosseir on the Red
Sea to Keneh on the Nile, and that he had distinguished himself in
Afghanistan and in the Soudan Campaign. If these facts were true, then
undoubtedly he was the fittest officer for the office of commanding the
rear column. Had there been a person of equal rank with him, I should
certainly have delegated this charge to another, not because of any known
unfitness, but because he was so eager to accompany the advance column.
On reflecting on the capacities and rank of the other gentlemen, and
their eagerness being too well known to me, I informed the Major that I
could not really undertake the responsibility of appointing youthful
lieutenants to fill a post that devolved on him by rank, experience, and
reputation.
"One more steamer like the _Stanley_ would have done it, Major,
completely," I said, cheerfully, for the young officer was sorely
depressed. "Only 125 men and a cargo of goods left of the Expedition. All
the rest are on board comfortably. If you can discover some better person
than yourself to take your place between here and Yambuya, I would gladly
know him. I hope you will not take it too much to heart. For what does it
matter after all? You who bring up the rear are as much entitled to
credit as we in the advance. If Tippu-Tib will only be faithful, you will
only be six weeks behind us, and you may overtake us, for we shall be
naturally delayed a great deal, finding the track and boring our way
through all kinds of obstacles. You will follow an indicated path, and
frequently you may be able to make two of our marches in one day. If
Tippu-Tib does not join us, you will be master of your own column, and
you will be so occupied with your task that the days will slip by you
fast enough. And I tell you another thing for your comfort, Major; there
is plenty of work ahead of us, wherein you shall have the most important
part. Now tell me, who would you wish for your second?"
"Oh, I would rather leave it to you."
"Nay, I would prefer you would select some one friend as your companion,
to share your hopes and thoughts. We all of us have our partialities, you
know."
"Well, then, I choose Jameson."
"Very well, Mr. Jameson shall be appointed. I will speak to him myself. I
will then leave Mr. Rose Troup, who is a capital fellow, I have reason to
believe, and young Ward and Bonny. Both Troup and Ward speak Swahili, and
they will be of vast service to you."
In this manner the matter was arranged, and on the 15th of May the
flotilla resumed the up-river voyage, conveying 511 persons of the
Expedition, and Tippu-Tib and ninety of his followers.
We made a fair journey on the 16th, the repairs on the _Peace_ having
greatly improved her rate of progress, and on the 19th made fast to the
shore near the Baptist Mission of Lukolela, though the _Stanley_ did not
make her appearance until late on the 19th.
We halted on the 20th at Lukolela, to purchase food for our journey to
Equator Station, and we were extremely grateful for the kind hospitality
shown to us by the missionaries at this station.
On the 24th of May we arrived at Equator Station, now owned by the
Sanford Company, which was represented by Mr. E. J. Glave, a young and
clever Yorkshireman. Captain Van Gele was also here, with five Houssa
soldiers lately returned from a futile effort to ascend the Mobangi
higher than Mr. Grenfell, the missionary, had succeeded in doing some
months previously.
We reached Bangala Station on the 30th May. This place was now a very
large and prosperous settlement. There was a garrison of sixty men and
two Krupps, for defence. Bricks were made, of excellent quality; 40,000
had already been manufactured. The establishment was in every way very
creditable to Central Africa. The chief, Van Kirkhoven, was absent at
Langa-Langa. He had lately succeeded in releasing twenty-nine Houssa
soldiers from slavery. During the escape of Deane from Stanley Falls,
these Houssas had precipitately retreated into a canoe, and had floated
as far as Upoto when they were captured as runaways by the natives of the
district.
Among other good qualities of Bangala, there is a never-failing supply of
food. The station possessed 130 goats and a couple of hundred fowls,
which supplied the officers with fresh eggs. Ten acres were green with a
promising rice crop. The officers enjoyed wine of palm and banana, and
fermented beer made of sugar-cane, and exceedingly potent I found the
latter to be.
At Bangala I instructed Major Barttelot to proceed with Tippu-Tib and
party direct to Stanley Falls, having first taken out thirty-five
Zanzibaris from the boats, and replaced them with forty Soudanese, that
none of the Zanzibaris might become acquainted with the fact that Stanley
Falls was but a few days' march from Yambuya.
With the exception of certain irregularities in the behaviour of the
steamer _Stanley_, which by some mysterious manoeuvres disappeared amid
intricate passages, on the plea that sufficient fuel of a right quality
could be found, we steamed up to the Aruwimi River without any incident,
and arrived at our ancient camp, opposite the Basoko villages, on June
12th.
The Basoko were the countrymen of Baruti, or "Gunpowder," who had been
captured by Karema when a child, in 1883, and had been taken to England
by Sir Francis de Winton, with a view of impressing on him the
superiority of civilized customs. From Sir Francis' care Baruti passed
into mine, and here we were at last in view of his natal village and
tribe, from which he had been absent six years.
Seeing Baruti eyeing with excessive interest the place of his birth, he
was encouraged by me to hail the Basoko, and invite them to visit us. My
previous attempts at winning the confidence of these forest natives had
been failures, though in time I was sure there would be no difficulty.
For a long period it had been an interesting question to me why
aborigines of the forest were more intractable and coy than natives of
the open country. The same methods had been applied, the dangling of some
bright or gaudy article of barter, the strings of beads of dazzling
colour, suspended patiently, the artful speech, the alluring smile and
gesture, all were resorted to for long hours, but always ending with
disappointment and postponement to a more leisurely occasion. But the
reason is that the forest has been always a handy fastness for retreat,
the suspicion of the stranger, and the convenient depth of trackless
woods plead strongly against some indefinite risk. The least advance
causes a precipitate backward movement until he gains the limits of the
forest, and then he stands to take a last survey, and finally disappears
into the gloom with an air of "It won't do, you know; you can't come
over me." Whereas in the open country the native has generally some coign
of vantage, some eminence, a tree or an ant-hill, from the crest of which
he has taken his observations, and been warned and informed of the
character of the strangers, in the forest the stranger meets the tenant
of the woods abruptly; he has advanced out of the unknown, with purpose
unfathomed. Surprise is in the face of one, terror marks the face of the
other.
[Illustration: BARUTI FINDS HIS BROTHER.]
Baruti hailed, and the canoes advanced towards us with a tediously slow
process, but finally they approached within easy hearing. He recognized
some of the canoemen, and informed them that they had no cause for fear.
He asked for a person whose name he uttered, and the wild men hallooed
the word with splendid lung-power across the river, until some one
responded, and embarked in a canoe and approached. This turned out to be
Baruti's elder brother. Baruti demanded to know how his brother fared,
after so many year of absence. The brother eyed him vacantly, could not
recognize any feature in him, and grunted his doubt.
Baruti mentioned the name of his parents, that of his father, and
afterwards that of his mother. Great interest now manifested itself in
his brother's face, and he skilfully drew his canoe nearer.
"If you are my brother, tell me some incident, that I may know you."
"Thou hast a scar on thy arm--there, on the right. Dost thou not remember
the crocodile?"
This was enough; the young, broad-chested native gave a shout of joy, and
roared out the discovery to his countrymen on the further bank, and
Baruti for the first time shed tears. The young fellow drew near to the
ship, forgot his fears of the strangers, and gave Baruti a frantic hug,
and the other canoes advanced to participate in the joy of the two
restored brothers.
In the evening Baruti was offered his choice of staying in his village
among his tribe, or of following our adventures; at the same time he was
advised not to leave us, as life among the Basoko would be very insecure
with the Arabs in such close proximity as Stanley Falls.
The lad appeared to think so too, and so declined to be restored to his
native land and tribe; but a day or two after reaching Yambuya he altered
his mind, came into my tent in the dead of night, armed himself with my
Winchester rifle and a brace of Smith and Wesson revolvers, a supply of
rifle and revolver cartridges, took possession of a silver road-watch, a
silver pedometer, a handsome belt with fitted pouches, a small sum of
money, and, possessing himself of a canoe, disappeared down river to some
parts unknown, most probably to his tribe. At any rate, we have never
seen or heard of him since. Peace be with him!
On the 15th of June we arrived opposite Yambuya villages, situated on the
left bank of the Aruwimi, 96 miles above the confluence of the Aruwimi
and the Congo.
CHAPTER VI.
AT YAMBUYA.
We land at Yambuya villages--The _Stanley_ leaves for Equator
Station--Fears regarding Major Barttelot and the _Henry Reed_--Safe
arrival--Instructions to Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson respecting
the Rear Column--Major Barttelot's doubts as to Tippu-Tib's good
faith--A long conversation with Major Barttelot--Memorandum for the
officers of the Advance Column--Illness of Lieutenant Stairs--Last
night at Yambuya--Statements as to our forces and accoutrements.
We were now over 1300 miles from the sea. Opposite to us were the
villages which we hoped, with the goodwill of the natives, to occupy
temporarily as a depot for the men and stores left at Bolobo and
Leopoldville, 125 men and about 600 porter-loads of impedimenta; if not
with the natives' goodwill by fair purchase of the privilege, then by
force.
On an exploring visit in 1883 I had attempted to conciliate them without
any permanent result. We had a very serious object in view now. In
prospective we saw only the distant ports of the Nile and the Albert
Nyanza, defended by men ever casting anxious glances to every cardinal
point of the compass, expectant of relief, as they must by this time be
well informed by our couriers from Zanzibar; but between us and them was
a broad region justly marked with whiteness on the best maps extant.
Looking at that black wall of forest which had been a continuous bank of
tall woods from Bolobo hitherto, except when disparted by the majestic
streams pouring their voluminous currents to the parent river, each of us
probably had his own thoughts far hidden in the recesses of the mind.
Mine were of that ideal Governor in the midst of his garrisons, cheering
and encouraging his valiant soldiers, pointing with hand outstretched to
the direction whence the expected relief would surely approach if it were
the will of God, and in the distance beyond I saw in my imagination the
Mahdist hordes advancing with frantic cries and thrilling enthusiasm
crying out, "Yallah, Yallah," until from end to end of the swaying lines
the cry was heard rolling through the host of fervid and fanatical
warriors, and on the other sides multitudes of savages vowed to
extermination biding their time, and between them and us was this huge
area of the unknown without a track or a path.
[Illustration: A TYPICAL VILLAGE ON THE LOWER ARUWIMI.]
Ammunition was served out by the captains of the companies, and
instructions were issued to them to have steam up on board their
respective steamers that we might commence the first most important move
preparatory to marching towards the Albert Nyanza.
At six o'clock in the morning of the 16th of June the _Peace_ glided from
her berth until she was abreast of the _Stanley_, and when near enough to
be heard, I requested the officers to await my signal. Then, steaming
gently across the river, we attempted to soothe the fears and quiet the
excitement of the natives by remaining abreast of the great crowd that
stood upon the bluffy bank fifty feet above us, regarding us with wonder
and curiosity. Our interpreter was well able to make himself understood,
for the natives of the lower Aruwimi speak but one language. After an
hour's interchange of compliments and friendly phrases, they were induced
to send a few of the boldest down to the river's edge, and by a slight
movement of the helm the current pushed the steamer close to the bank,
where another hour was passed in entreaty and coaxing on our part,
denials and refusals on the other. We succeeded in the purchase of one of
their knives for a liberal quantity of beads! Encouraged by this, we
commenced to negotiate for leave to reside in their village for a few
weeks at a price in cloth, beads, wire, or iron, but it was met with
consistent and firm denial for another hour.
[Illustration: OUR LANDING AT YAMBUYA.]
It was now nine o'clock, my throat was dry, the sun was getting hot, and
I signalled to the steamer _Stanley_ to come across and join us, and
when near enough, according to agreement a second signal caused the steam
whistles to sound, and under cover of the deafening sounds, pent up as
they were by the lofty walls of the forest, both steamers were steered to
the shore, and the Zanzibaris and Soudanese scramble up the steep sides
of the bluff like monkeys, and when the summit was gained not a villager
was in sight.
We found Yambuya settlement to consist of a series of villages of conical
huts extending along the crest of the bank, whence far-reaching views of
the Aruwimi up and down stream could be obtained. The companies were
marched to their respective quarters. Guards were set at the end of every
path leading out. Some of the men were detailed to cut wood for a
palisade, others to collect fuel, and several squads were despatched to
ascertain the extent of the fields and their locality.
In the afternoon two natives from a village below Yambuya made their
appearance with a flattering confidence in their demeanour. They belonged
to the Baburu tribes, to which these various fragments of tribes between
Stanley Falls and the Lower Aruwimi belong. They sold us a few bananas,
were well paid in return, and invited to return with more food, and
assurance was given that they need be under no alarm.
On the next day men were sent to collect manioc from the fields, others
were sent to construct a palisade, a ditch was traced, workers were
appointed to dig a trench for sinking the stockade poles, woodcutters
were sent to work to prepare to load the steamers with fuel, that with
their weakened crews they might not be surprised on their return journey
to the Pool, and everywhere was life and activity.
Several captures were made in the woods, and after being shown
everything, the natives were supplied with handfuls of beads to convey
the assurance that no fear ought to be entertained of us and no harm done
to them.
On the 19th fuel sufficient had been cut for six days' steaming for the
_Stanley_ with which she could proceed to Equator Station. A cheque was
drawn for L50 in favour of the Captain, and another for a similar amount
for the engineer, on Ransom, Bouverie & Co., and both were handed in
their presence to Mr. Jameson to be presented to them on their return
from Stanley Pool, provided they safely reached Yambuya about the middle
of August. A valuable jewel was sent to Lieutenant Liebrichts as a token
of my great regard for him. The _Stanley_ left next morning with my
letters to the Emin Relief Committee.
The _Peace_ was detained for the sake of accompanying her consort, the
_Henry Reed_, which was now hourly expected from Stanley Falls according
to the instructions given to Major Barttelot, as she ought to have
reached us on the 19th.
In a wild country like this, cannibals in the forest on either hand, and
thousands of slave raiders in such a close vicinity as Stanley Falls, we
were naturally prone to suspect the occurrence of serious events, if
one's expectations were not promptly and punctually realized. Major
Barttelot had passed the mouth of the Aruwimi on the 11th inst. in
command of the steamer _Henry Reed_, conveying Tippu-Tib and party to a
settlement from which an English commandant and garrison had been
precipitately ousted. True, the Arab chief had been very confident in his
manner, and earnest in the assurance that in nine days after arriving at
his settlement he would present himself at Yambuya with 600 carriers in
accordance with his agreement, and I was loth to believe that he was in
any way responsible for this detention of the Major. Yet the Major should
have reached Stanley Falls on the 13th, on the evening of the 14th he
should have been at the mouth of the Aruwimi again, and on the 16th at
Yambuya; that is, provided the Major was gifted with the spirit of
literal performance and permitted nothing to tempt him to delay. It was
now the 21st. The officers were confident that nothing had occurred but
the delays natural to circumstances of existence in Africa, but hourly I
found myself straying to the edge of the bluff sweeping the view down
river with my glass.
On the 22nd my uneasiness was so great that I penned an order to
Lieutenant Stairs to take fifty of the best men, and the Maxim machine
gun, to proceed down river on the morning of the 23rd with the _Peace_ to
search for the _Henry Reed_, and if all other eventualities mentioned and
explained had not transpired to proceed to Stanley Falls. On arriving
before this settlement if the vessel was seen at the landing-place, and
his friendly signals as he advanced were not responded to, he was to
prepare everything for assault and re-capture of the steamer, and to
hurry back to me with the news if unsuccessful.
At 5 P.M., however, the Zanzibaris rang out the welcome cry of "Sail ho!"
Barttelot was safe, no accident had occurred. Tippu-Tib had not captured
the vessel, the Soudanese had not mutinied against the Major, the natives
had not assaulted the sleeping camp by night, the steamer had not been
sunk by a snag nor had she been run aground, and the boat for which we
were morally responsible to the Mission was in as good order and
condition as when she left Stanley Pool. But in Africa it is too wearing
to be the victim of such anxieties.
The Major had been simply detained by various mischances--fighting with
natives, palaver with Tippu-Tib and men, &c. &c.
Two days later the steamers _Peace_ and _Henry Reed_ were loaded with
fuel and despatched homeward down river, and we had severed the last link
with civilization for many a month to come.
On this day I delivered the following letter of instructions to Major
Barttelot, and a copy of it to Mr. J. S. Jameson his second in command.
_June 24th, 1887._
_To_ Major Barttelot, &c., &c., &c.
Sir,--As the senior of those officers accompanying me on the Emin
Pasha Relief Expedition, the command of this important post
naturally devolves on you. It is also for the interest of the
Expedition that you accept this command, from the fact that your
Soudanese company, being only soldiers, and more capable of
garrison duty than the Zanzibaris, will be better utilized than on
the road.
The steamer _Stanley_ left Yambuya on the 22nd of this month for
Stanley Pool. If she meets with no mischance she ought to be at
Leopoldville on the 2nd of July. In two days more she will be
loaded with about 500 loads of our goods, which were left in charge
of Mr. J. R. Troup. This gentleman will embark, and on the 4th of
July I assume that the _Stanley_ will commence her ascent of the
river, and arrive at Bolobo on the 9th. Fuel being ready, the 125
men in charge of Messrs. Ward and Bonny, now at Bolobo, will
embark, and the steamer will continue her journey. She will be at
Bangala on the 19th of July, and arrive here on the 31st of July.
Of course, the lowness of the river in that month may delay her a
few days, but, having great confidence in her captain, you may
certainly expect her before the 10th of August.[G]
It is the non-arrival of these goods and men which compel me to
appoint you as commander of this post. But as I shall shortly
expect the arrival of a strong reinforcement of men,[H] greatly
exceeding the advance force which must, at all hazards, push on to
the rescue of Emin Pasha, I hope you will not be detained longer
than a few days after the departure of the _Stanley_ on her final
return to Stanley Pool in August.
Meantime, pending the arrival of our men and goods, it behoves you
to be very alert and wary in the command of this stockaded camp.
Though the camp is favourably situated and naturally strong, a
brave enemy would find it no difficult task to capture if the
commander is lax in discipline, vigour and energy. Therefore I feel
sure that I have made a wise choice in selecting you to guard our
interests here during our absence.
The interests now entrusted to you are of vital importance to this
Expedition. The men you will eventually have under you consist of
more than an entire third of the Expedition. The goods that will be
brought up are the currency needed for transit through the regions
beyond the Lakes; there will be a vast store of ammunition and
provisions, which are of equal importance to us. The loss of these
men and goods would be certain ruin to us, and the Advance Force
itself would need to solicit relief in its turn. Therefore,
weighing this matter well, I hope you will spare no pains to
maintain order and discipline in your camp, and make your defences
complete, and keep them in such a condition, that however brave an
enemy may be he can make no impression on them. For this latter
purpose I would recommend you to make an artificial ditch 6 feet
wide, 3 feet deep, leading from the natural ditch, where the spring
is round the stockade. A platform, like that on the southern side
of the camp, constructed near the eastern as well as the western
gate, would be of advantage to the strength of the camp. For
remember, it is not the natives alone who may wish to assail you,
but the Arabs and their followers may, through some cause or other,
quarrel with you and assail your camp.
Our course from here will be due east, or by magnetic compass east
by south as near as possible. Certain marches that we may make may
not exactly lead in the direction aimed at. Nevertheless, it is the
south-west corner of Lake Albert, near or at Kavalli, that is our
destination. When we arrive there we shall form a strong camp in
the neighbourhood, launch our boat, and steer for Kibero, in
Unyoro, to hear from Signor Casati, if he is there, of the
condition of Emin Pasha. If the latter is alive, and in the
neighbourhood of the Lake, we shall communicate with him, and our
after conduct must be guided by what we shall learn of the
intentions of Emin Pasha. We may assume that we shall not be longer
than a fortnight with him before deciding on our return towards the
camp along the same road traversed by us.
We will endeavour, by blazing trees and cutting saplings along our
road, to leave sufficient traces of the route taken by us. We shall
always take, by preference, tracks leading eastward. At all
crossings where paths intersect, we shall hoe up and make a hole a
few inches deep across all paths not used by us, besides blazing
trees when possible.
It may happen, should Tippu-Tib have sent the full number of adults
promised by him to me, viz., 600 men (able to carry loads), and the
_Stanley_ has arrived safely with the 125 men left by me at Bolobo,
that you will feel yourself sufficiently competent to march the
column, with all the goods brought by the _Stanley_, and those left
by me at Yambuya, along the road pursued by me. In that event,
which would be very desirable, you will follow closely our route,
and before many days we should most assuredly meet. No doubt you
will find our bomas intact and standing, and you should endeavour
to make your marches so that you could utilise these as you
marched. Better guides than those bomas of our route could not be
made. If you do not meet them in the course of two days' march, you
may rest assured that you are not on our route.
It may happen, also, that though Tippu-Tib has sent some men, he
has not sent enough to carry the goods with your own force. In that
case you will, of course, use your discretion as to what goods you
can dispense with to enable you to march. For this purpose you
should study your list attentively.
1st. Ammunition, especially fixed, is most important.
2nd. Beads, brass wire, cowries and cloth, rank next.
3rd. Private luggage.
4th. Powder and caps.
5th. European provisions.
6th. Brass rods as used on the Congo.
7th. Provisions (rice, beans, peas, millet, biscuits).
Therefore you must consider, after rope, sacking, tools, such as
shovels (never discard an axe or bill-hook), how many sacks of
provisions you can distribute among your men to enable you to
march--whether half your brass rods in the boxes could not go also,
and there stop. If you still cannot march, then it would be better
to make two marches of six miles twice over, if you prefer marching
to staying for our arrival, than throw too many things away.
With the _Stanley's_ final departure from Yambuya, you should not
fail to send a report to Mr. William Mackinnon, c/o Gray, Dawes and
Co., 13, Austin Friars, London, of what has happened at your camp
in my absence, or when I started away eastward; whether you have
heard of or from me at all, when you do expect to hear, and what
you purpose doing. You should also send him a true copy of this
order, that the Relief Committee may judge for themselves whether
you have acted, or propose to act, judiciously.
Your present garrison shall consist of 80 rifles, and from 40 to 50
supernumeraries. The _Stanley_ is to bring you within a few weeks
50 more rifles and 75 supernumeraries, under Messrs. Troup, Ward
and Bonny.
I associate Mr. J. S. Jameson with you at present. Messrs. Troup,
Ward and Bonny, will submit to your authority. In the ordinary
duties of the defence, and the conduct of the camp or of the march,
there is only one chief, which is yourself; but, should any vital
step be proposed to be taken, I beg you will take the voice of Mr.
Jameson also. And when Messrs, Troup and Ward are here, pray admit
them to your confidence, and let them speak freely their opinions.
I think I have written very clearly upon everything that strikes me
as necessary. Your treatment of the natives, I suggest, should
depend entirely upon their conduct to you. Suffer them to return to
the neighbouring villages in peace, and if you can in any manner by
moderation, small gifts occasionally of brass rods, &c., hasten an
amicable intercourse, I should recommend you doing so. Lose no
opportunity of obtaining all kinds of information respecting the
natives, the position of the various villages in your
neighbourhood, &c., &c.
I have the honour to be, your obedient servant,
Henry M. Stanley.
_Commanding Expedition._
The Major withdrew to read it, and then requested Mr. Jameson to make a
few copies.
About two o'clock the Major returned to me and asked for an interview. He
said he desired to speak with me concerning Tippu-Tib.
"I should like to know, sir, something more regarding this Arab. When I
was delayed a few days ago at the Falls, you were pleased to deliver some
rather energetic orders to Lieutenant Stairs. It strikes me that you are
exceedingly suspicious of him, and if so, I really cannot see why you
should have anything to do with such a man."
"Well, sir, I shall be pleased to discuss him with you, or any other
subject," I replied.
"Three days before your steamer was sighted coming up river, I must
confess to have been very anxious about you. You were in command of a
steamer which belonged to other parties to whom we were pledged to return
her within a certain time. You had a company of forty soldiers,
Soudanese, as your escort. The vessel was well fitted and in perfect
order. We knew the time you ought to have occupied, provided no accident
occurred, and as your instructions were positively to depart from Stanley
Falls, as soon as the cow promised by our friend Ngalyema was aboard, and
if she was not forthcoming within an hour you were to slip away down
river. Assuming that no accident happened and that you obeyed orders, you
should have been here on the evening of the 16th, or on the 17th at the
latest. You did not arrive until 5 P.M. on the 22nd.
"We have no telegraphs here, or posts. As we could gain no intelligence
of you, my anxiety about you created doubts. As one day after another
passed, doubts became actual dread that something unaccountable had
occurred. Had you struck a snag, run aground, like the _Stanley_ and
_Royal_ did, as almost all steamers do, had you been assaulted by natives
in the night like Captain Deane in the A. I. A. at Bunga, had your
Soudanese mutinied as they threatened to do at Lukungu, had you been shot
as a Soudanese regiment shot all their white officers in the Soudan once,
had you been detained by force because Tippu-Tib had been over persuaded
to do by those young fire-eaters of Arabs at the Falls, had you
quarrelled with those young fellows, the two Salims, as Stairs and
Jephson did below Stanley Pool. If not, what had occurred? Could I, could
anybody suggest anything else?"
"But I was obliged----"
"Never mind, my dear Major, say no more about it. Don't think of
defending yourself. I am not mentioning these things to complain of you,
but replying to your question. All is well that ends safely.
"Now as to Tippu-Tib. I have nothing to do with Tippu-Tib, but from
necessity, for your sake as well as mine. He claims this is his
territory. We are on it as his friends. Supposing we had not made
agreement with him, how long should we be left to prepare for the march
to the Albert, or how long would you be permitted to remain here, before
you had to answer the question why you were on his territory? Could I
possibly leave you here, with my knowledge of what they are capable
of--alone? With eighty rifles against probably 3000, perhaps 5000 guns?
Why, Major, I am surprised that you who have seen Stanley Falls, and some
hundreds of the Arabs should ask the question?
"You have accompanied Tippu-Tib and nearly a hundred of his followers
from Zanzibar. You have seen what boyish delight they took in their
weapons, their Winchesters, and valuable double-barrelled rifles. You
know the story of Deane's fight at Stanley Falls. You know that Tippu-Tib
is vindictive, that his fiery nephews would like a fight better than
peace. You know that he meditated war against the Congo State, and that I
had to pass on a relief mission through a portion of his territory. Why
how can you--grown to the rank of Major--ask such questions, or doubt the
why and wherefore of acts which are as clear as daylight?
"Our transport the _Madura_ was in Zanzibar harbour. The owner of this
district, as he calls himself, was preparing munitions against all white
men on the Congo, resenting and resentful. Would it have been prudent for
me to have left this man in such a state? That he prepared for war
against the State did not materially affect me, but that he intended
doing so while I had to pass through his territory, and in his
neighbourhood on a humane mission was everything. Therefore I was as much
interested in this affair of patching up a peace between the Congo State
and King Leopold as His Majesty himself was, and more so indeed.
"And I suppose you will ask me next how does it affect your personal
interests? Have you not told me over and over again that you are burning
to accompany us, that you would infinitely prefer marching to waiting
here? And is it not understood according to your letter of
instructions--that failing Tippu-Tib's appearance with his 600 carriers,
you are to make double-stages, or triple-stages rather than stay at
Yambuya?
"Look at these pencilled calculations on this paper--nay, you can keep
it, if you please. They represent what you can do with your own men, and
what you can do assuming that Tippu-Tib really keeps to the letter of his
contract.
"Now I have grounded my instructions principally on your impetuous answer
to me at Bolobo. 'By Jove! I will not stay a day at Yambuya after I get
my column together!'
"See here! The letter says--'It may happen that Tippu-Tib has sent some
men, but not sent enough; therefore, you know, use your discretion;
dispense with No. 7, provisions, such as rice, beans, peas, millet,
biscuits. See how many sacks of provisions you can issue out to your
men--they will eat them fast enough, I warrant you.'
"It goes on--'If you still cannot march, then it would be better to make
marches of six miles twice over--that is, to go one march of six miles,
and then return to fetch another lot, and march forward again. Such as my
work was on the Congo, when with 68 men I made 33 round trips on the
stretch of 52 miles to take 2000 loads--5 immense waggons and make a
waggon road, building bridges, etc.' That pencilled paper in your hand
informs you how many miles you can do in this fashion in six months.
"But this is how my pact with Tippu-Tib affects you personally. If
Tippu-Tib performs his contract faithfully, then on the arrival of the
_Stanley_ with Messrs. Ward, Troup, and Bonny, and their men, you can set
out from Yambuya within a day or two, and perhaps overtake us, or on our
return from the Albert we shall meet before many days.
"Now which would you personally prefer doing? Travelling backwards and
forwards from camp to camp, twice, or perhaps thrice, or have Tippu-Tib
with 600 carriers to help your 200 carriers, and march at a swinging pace
through the woods on our track, straight for the Albert Nyanza?"
"Oh, there is not a doubt of it. I should prefer marching straight away
and try and catch up with you. Naturally."
"Well, do you begin to understand why I have been sweet, and good, and
liberal to Tippu-Tib? Why I have given him free passage and board for
himself and followers from Zanzibar to Stanley Falls? Why I have shared
the kid and the lamb with him?"
"Quite."
"Not quite yet, I am afraid, Major, otherwise you would not have doubted
me. There is still a serious reason.
"Assuming, for instance, that I had not brought Tippu-Tib here, that the
Arabs at Stanley Falls were not wrathy with white men for Deane's affair,
or that they would fear attacking you. They had but to affect friendship
with you, sell you goats and food, and then tell your Zanzibaris that
their settlement was but six or seven days away--where they had plenty of
rice and fish and oil to tempt three-fourths of your men to desert in a
few days, while you were innocently waiting for the Bolobo contingent;
and no sooner would the other fellows have reached here than they would
hear of the desertion of their comrades for the Falls, and follow suit
either wholesale or by twos and threes, sixes and tens, until you would
have been left stranded completely. Is it not the fear of this desertion
that was one of the reasons I chose the Congo? Having Tippu-Tib as my
friend and engaged to me, I have put a stop to the possibility of any
wholesale desertion.
"Let these reasons sink into your mind, Major, my dear fellow. Yet
withal, your column may be ruined if you are not very careful. Be tender
and patient with your people, for they are as skittish as young colts.
Still, it was with these people, or men like them, that I crossed
Africa--followed the course of the Congo to the sea, and formed the Congo
State."
"Well, now, say do you think Tippu-Tib will keep his contract, and bring
his 600 people?" asked the Major.
"You ought to know that as well as I myself. What did he say to you
before you left him?"
"He said he would be here in nine days, as he told you at Bangala.
Inshallah!" replied the Major, mimicking the Arab.
"If Tippu-Tib is here in nine days, it will be the biggest wonder I have
met."
"Why?" asked the Major, looking up half wonderingly.
"Because to provide 600 carriers is a large order. He will not be here in
fifteen days or even twenty days. We must be reasonable with the man. He
is not an European--taught to be rigidly faithful to his promise.
Inshallah! was it he said? To-morrow--Inshallah means the day after--or
five days hence, or ten days. But what does it matter to you if he does
not come within twenty days? The _Stanley_ will not be here until the
10th, or perhaps the middle of August; that will be about seven
weeks--forty-two days--hence. He has abundance of time. What do you want
to look after 600 men in your camp doing nothing, waiting for the
steamer? Idle men are mischievous. No; wait for him patiently until the
_Stanley_ comes, and if he has not appeared by that time he will not come
at all."
"But it will be a severe job for us if he does not appear at all, to
carry 500 or 600 loads with 200 carriers, to and fro, backwards and
forwards, day after day!
"Undoubtedly, my dear Major, it is not a light task by any means. But
which would you prefer; stay here, waiting for us to return from the
Albert, or to proceed little by little--gaining something each day--and
be absorbed in your work?"
"Oh, my God! I think staying here for months would be a deuced sight the
worse."
"Exactly what I think, and, therefore, I made these calculations for you.
I assure you, Major, if I were sure that you could find your way to the
Albert, I would not mind doing this work of yours myself, and appoint you
commander of the advance column, rather than have any anxiety about
you."
"But tell me, Mr. Stanley, how long do you suppose it will be before we
meet?"
"God knows. None can inform me what lies ahead here, or how far the
forest extends inland. Whether there are any roads, or what kind of
natives, cannibals, incorrigible savages, dwarfs, gorillas. I have not
the least idea. I wish I had; and would give a handsome sum for the
knowledge even. But that paper in your hand, on which I have calculated
how long it will take me to march to the Albert Nyanza, is based on this
fact. In 1874 and 1875 I travelled 720 miles in 103 days. The distance
from here to the Albert Nyanza is about 330 geographical miles in a
straight line. Well, in 1874-75, I travelled 330 geographical
miles--Bagamoyo to Vinyata, in Ituru, in 64 days; from Lake Uhimba to
Ujiji, 330 miles, in 54 days. These were, of course, open countries, with
tolerably fair roads, whereas this is absolutely unknown. Is it all a
forest?--then it will be an awful work. How far does the forest reach
inland? A hundred--two hundred--three hundred miles? There is no answer.
Let us assume we can do the journey to the Albert in three months; that I
am detained a fortnight, and that I am back in three months afterwards.
Well, I shall meet you coming toward me, if Tippu-Tib is not with you,
the latter part of October or November. It is all down on that paper.
"But it is immaterial. The thing has to be done. We will go ahead, we
will blaze the trees, and mark our track through the forest for you. We
will avail ourselves of every advantage--any path easterly will suit me
until I bore through and through it, and come out on the plains or
pastureland. And where we go, you can go. If we can't go on, you will
hear from us somehow. Are you now satisfied?"
"Perfectly," he replied. "I have it all here," touching his
forehead--"and this paper and letter will be my reminders. But there is
one thing I should like to speak about, it refers to something you said
to me in London."
"Ah, indeed. What was said that was in any way peculiar?" I asked.
"Well"--here there was a little hesitation--"do you remember when Mr.
----, of the India Office, introduced me to you? The words you used
sounded strangely, as though someone had been warning you against me."
"My dear Barttelot, take my word for it, I don't remember to have heard
the name of Barttelot before I heard your name. But you interest me. What
could I have possibly said that was any way peculiar to cling to your
memory like this? I remember the circumstance well?"
"The fact is," he said, "you said something about 'forbearance,' which
reminded me that I had heard that word before, when General ---- pitched
into me about punishing a Somali mutineer in the desert during the Soudan
campaign. I was all alone with the Somalis when they turned on me, and I
sprang upon the ringleader at last when there was no other way of
reducing them to order and pistolled him, and at once the Somalis became
quiet as lambs. I thought that General ----, who is not remarkable for
goodwill to me, had mentioned the affair to you."
"Indeed. I never heard the story before, and I do not understand how
General ---- could have warned me, considering he could not have known
you were going to apply for membership. It was your own face which
inspired the word forbearance. Your friend introduced you to me as a
distinguished officer full of pluck and courage; upon which I said that
those qualities were common characteristics of British officers, but I
would prefer to hear of another quality which would be of equal value for
a peculiar service in Africa--and that was forbearance. You will excuse
me now, I hope, for saying that I read on your face immense determination
and something like pugnacity. Now a pugnacious fellow, though very useful
at times, you know, is not quite so useful for an expedition like
this--which is to work in an atmosphere of irritability--as a man who
knows not only how and when to fight, but also how to forbear. Why, a
thousand causes provoke irritation and friction here between himself and
fellow-officers his own followers and natives, and frequently between
himself and his own person. Here is bad food always, often none at all, a
miserable diet at the best, no stimulant, incessant toil and worry,
intense discomfort, relaxed muscles, weariness amounting to fainting,
and, to cap all, dreadful racking fevers, urging one to curse the day he
ever thought of Africa. A pugnacious man is naturally ill-tempered, and
unless he restrains his instincts, and can control his impulses, he is in
hot water every minute of his existence, and will find cross rubs with
every throb of his heart. To be able to forbear, to keep down rigorously
all bitter feelings, to let the thoughts of his duty, his position, plead
against the indulgence of his passions. Ah, that quality, while it does
not diminish courage, prevents the waste of natural force; but I don't
wish to preach to you, you know what I mean.
"And now to close--one word more about Tippu-Tib. Do you see that Maxim
out there with its gaping muzzle. I regard Tippu-Tib somewhat as I do
that. It is an excellent weapon for defence. A stream of bullets can be
poured out of it, but it may get jammed, and its mechanism become
deranged from rust or want of good oil. In that event we rely on our
Remingtons, and Winchester Repeaters. If Tippu-Tib is disposed to help
us--he will be a most valuable auxiliary--failure becomes impossible, we
shall complete our work admirably. If he is not disposed, then we must do
what we can with our own men, and goodwill covers a multitude of errors.
"Do you remember that in 1876 Tippu-Tib broke his contract with me, and
returned to Nyangwe, leaving me alone. Well, with about 130 of my own
men, I drove my way down the Congo despite his sneer. You said you met
Dr. Lenz, the Austrian traveller, at Lamu, after having failed to reach
Emin Pasha. Why did he fail? He relied on Tippu-Tib alone; he had no
private reserve of force to fall back upon. You have over 200 carriers
and 50 soldiers, besides servants and efficient companions. On the Congo
work I was promised a contingent of natives to assist me. Only a few
came, and those deserted; but I had a faithful reserve of sixty-eight
men--they were the fellows who made the Congo State. You remember my
letter to the _Times_, where I said, 'We do not want Tippu-Tib to assist
us in finding Emin Pasha. We want him to carry ammunition, and on his
return to bring away ivory to help pay the expenses of the Mission.'
Then, as a last proof of how I regard Tippu-Tib, do not forget that
written order to Lieutenant Stairs a few days ago, to rake his settlement
with the machine gun upon the least sign of treachery. You have read that
letter. You ought to know that the gage of battle is not thrown in the
face of a trusted friend.
"Now, Major, my dear fellow, don't be silly. I know you feel sore because
you are not to go with us in the advance. You think you will lose some
_kudos_. Not a bit of it. Ever since King David, those who remain with
the stuff, and those who go to the war, receive the same honours.
Besides, I don't like the word 'kudos.' The kudos impulse is like the pop
of a ginger-beer bottle, good for a V.C. or an Albert medal, but it
effervesces in a month of Africa. It is a damp squib, Major. Think rather
of Tennyson's lines:--
"Not once or twice in our fair island story
Has the path of duty been the way to glory."
There, shake hands upon this, Major. For us the word is 'Right Onward';
for you 'Patience and Forbearance.' I want my tea. I am dry with
talking."
On the 25th the stockade was completed all round the camp, the ditch was
approaching completion. Barttelot superintended the works on one side;
Jephson, in shirt-sleeves, looked over another. Nelson was distributing
the European provisions--share and share alike; our Doctor, cheery,
smiling, anxious as though he were at a surgical operation, was
constructing a gate, and performed the carpenter's operation in such a
manner that I wrote in my diary that evening, "He is certainly one of the
best fellows alive." Jameson was busy copying the letter of instructions.
Stairs was in bed with a severe bilious fever.
A Soudanese soldier, as innocent as a lamb cropping sweet grass before a
fox's covert, trespassed for the sake of loot near a native village, and
was speared through the abdomen. It is the second fatal case resulting
from looting. It will not be our last. We place a Soudanese on guard;
his friend comes along, exchanges a word or two with him, and passes on,
with the completest unconsciousness of danger that can be imagined. If
not slain outright, he returns with a great gash in his body and a look
of death in his face. The Zanzibari is set to labour at cutting wood or
collecting manioc; he presently drops his task, utters an excuse for
withdrawing for a moment--a thought glances across his vacuous mind, and
under the impulse he hastes away, to be reported by-and-by as missing.
On the 26th I drew out a memorandum for the officers of the Advance
Column, of which the following is a copy:--
We propose to commence our march the day after to-morrow, the 28th
of June, 1887.
The distance we have to traverse is about 330 geographical miles in
an air line--or about 550 miles English, provided we do not find a
path more than ordinarily winding.
If we make an average of ten miles per day we ought to be able to
reach the Albert within two months.
In 1871 my Expedition after Livingstone performed 360 English miles
in 54 days = about 6-1/2 miles per day.
In 1874 my Expedition across Africa performed 360 English miles in
64 days, viz., from Bagamoyo to Vinyata = 5-3/4 miles per day.
In 1874-75 the same Expedition reached Lake Victoria from Bagamoyo,
720 miles distance in 103 days = 7 miles per day.
In 1876 the same Expedition traversed 360 miles, the distance from
Lake Uhimba to Ujiji in 59 days = 6-1/10 miles per day.
Therefore if we travel the distance to Kavalli, say 550 miles at an
average of 6 miles per day, we should reach Lake Albert about the
last day of September.
A conception of the character of more than half of the country to
be traversed may be had by glancing at our surroundings. It will be
a bush and forested country with a native path more or less crooked
connecting the various settlements of the tribes dwelling in it.
The track now and then will be intersected by others connecting the
tribes north of our route and those south of it.
The natives will be armed with shields, spears and knives, or with
bows and arrows.
As our purpose is to march on swiftly through the country, we take
the natives considerably by surprise. They cannot confederate or
meet us in any force, because they will have no time. Whatever
hostilities we may meet will be the outcome of impulse, and that
naturally an angry one. Officers must therefore be prompt to resist
these impulsive attacks, and should at all times now see that their
Winchester magazines are loaded, and their bearers close to them.
Side arms should not be dispensed with on any account.
The order of the march will be as follows:
At dawn the _reveille_ will sound as usual.
First by the Soudanese trumpeter attached to No. 1 Company.
Second by the bugle attached to Captain Stairs's Company, No.
2--Captain Stairs.
Third by the trumpeter attached to the No. 3 Company--Captain
Nelson.
Fourth by the drummer attached to Captain Jephson's No. 4 Company.
Officers will feed early on coffee and biscuit, and see that their
men are also strengthening themselves for the journey.
At 6 A.M. the march of the day will begin, led by a band of 50
pioneers armed with rifles, bill-hooks and axes, forming the
advance guard under myself.
The main body will then follow after 15 minutes, led by an officer
whose turn it is to be at the head of it, whose duty will be
specially to see that he follows the route indicated by "blazing"
or otherwise.
This column will consist of all bearers, and all men sick or well
who are not detailed for rear guard. The major part of three
companies will form the column. Close to the rear of it, keeping
well up, will be the officer whose turn it is to maintain order in
rear of the main body.
The rear guard will consist of 30 men under an officer selected for
the day to protect the column from attacks in the rear. These men
will not be loaded with anything beyond their private kits. No
member of the Expedition must be passed by the rear guard. All
stragglers must be driven on at all costs, because the person left
behind is irretrievably lost.
At the head of the main body will be the head-quarter tents and
private luggage, immediately succeeding the officer in command.
This officer will also have to be on the alert for signals by
trumpets, to communicate them to those in the rear, or be ready to
receive signals from the front and pass the word behind.
The advance guard will "blaze" the path followed, cut down
obstructing creepers, and, on arrival at camp, set to at once for
building the boma or bushfence. As fast as each company arrives
assistance must be given for this important work of defence. No
camp is to be considered complete until it is fenced around by bush
or trees. Those unemployed in this duty will erect tents.
The boma must be round with two gates well masked by at least five
yards of bush.
The diameter of the camp should be about 250 feet. Tents and
baggage piled in the centre, the huts will range around an inner
circle of about 200 feet in diameter.
[Illustration: DIAGRAM OF OUR FOREST CAMPS.]
The above relates only to the circumstances attending the transit
of a caravan through a dangerous country, unattended by more than
the troubles naturally arising from the impulsive attacks of
savages.
The pulse of the country which we shall traverse will be felt by
the advance guard, of course. If the obstacles in the front are
serious, and threaten to be something more than a mere impulse, or
temporary, messages will be sent to the main body announcing their
character.
Wherever practicable we shall camp in villages, if the natives have
deserted them, for the sake of obtaining food, but such villages
must be rendered defensive at once. Officers should remember that
it is in the nature of their black soldiers, Soudanese, Somalis or
Zanzibaris, to be thoughtless and indifferent, to scatter
themselves about in the most heedless manner. They must take my
assurance that more lives are lost in this manner than by open
warfare. Therefore their men's lives I consider are in the hands of
their officers, and the officer who will not relax his energy and
rigid enforcement of orders until everything is made snug and tight
for the night, will be the most valuable assistant in this
Expedition for me. Arriving at the intended halting place for the
night, if a village, the officer should first cast his eyes about
for lodgment of his people; select such as will be uniform with
those already occupied by the preceding company, and those to be
occupied by the succeeding company or companies; then turn to and
destroy all those lying without the occupied circle, or use their
timbers, all material in the vicinity to defend his quarters from
night attack by fire or spear. A cue will be given when and how to
do things by the conduct of the advance guard, but the officer must
not fail to ascertain what this cue is, nor wait to be told every
petty detail. He must consider himself as the Father of his
Company, and act always as a wise leader should act.
At all such village camps, Lieutenant Stairs will see to the
nightly guards being placed at the more accessible points, every
company serving out details as may be necessary.
During the first week we will not attempt any very long marches,
that the people and ourselves may be broken in gently, but after a
fourth of the distance has been made the marches will sensibly
lengthen, and I anticipate that, before the half of the journey has
been performed, we shall be capable of making wonderful progress.
Further memoranda will be furnished when necessary.
Yambuya. (Signed) Henry M. Stanley.
_June 26th, 1887._ _Commanding Expedition_.
I close this chapter with a quotation from my diary made on the last
evening.
"_Yambuya, June 27th._--Our men claimed a holiday to-day because it had
been deferred until the steamers were despatched, and the camp was
fortified for the protection of the garrison. Numbers of things had also
to be done. Companies had to be re-organized, since several had sickened
since leaving Bolobo, the weak had to be picked out, and the four
companies selected for the march ought to be in as perfect condition as
possible. Our pioneer's tools required numbering. Out of one hundred
bill-hooks there were only twenty-six, out of one hundred axes there were
left twenty-two, out of one hundred hoes there were only sixty-one, out
of one hundred shovels there were but sixty-seven. All the rest had been
stolen, and sold to the natives or thrown away. It is a trying work to
look after such reckless people.
"Three hundred and eighty-nine souls will march to-morrow--God
permitting--into the absolutely unknown. From a native I have heard of
names of tribes, or sections of tribes, but of their strength or
disposition I know nothing.
"Yesterday we made blood-brotherhood with one of the chiefs of Yambuya.
As the Major was Commandant of the post, he went bravely through the
ceremony, which was particularly disgusting. On the flowing blood a pinch
of dirty salt was placed, and this had to be licked. The chief performed
his part as though he loved it. The Major looked up and saw the cynical
faces of his friends and was mortified.
"'To ensure peace!'
"'Even so,' replied the Major, and sacrificed his taste.
"These forest natives have not been able to win any great regard from me
yet. They are cowardly, and at the same time vicious. They lie oftener
than any open country folk. I do not credit any statement or profession
made by them. At the same time I hope that after better acquaintance
there will be a change. This chief received a liberal gift from the hand
of the Major, and in return he received a fortnight-old chick and a
feathered bonnet of plaited cane. The oft-promised goat and ten fowls had
not yet been seen. And the blood of a Soudanese soldier has been spilled,
and we have not avenged it. We are either so poor in spirit, or so
indifferent to the loss of a man, that a stalwart soldier, worth twenty
of these natives, can be slain unavenged. Not only that, but we entreat
them to come often and visit us, for they have fish and goats, fowls,
eggs, and what not to sell of which we would be buyers. This perhaps will
go on for some weeks more.
"It is raining to-night, and the morrow's march will be an uncomfortable
one. Stairs is so sick that he cannot move, and yet he is anxious to
accompany us. It is rather rash to undertake carrying a man in his
condition, though, if death is the issue, it comes as easy in the jungle
as in the camp. Dr. Parke has made me exceedingly uncomfortable by saying
that it is enteric fever. I lean to bilious fever. We shall put him in a
hammock and trust for a favourable issue."
The Advance Force will consist of:--
No. 1 company 113 men and boys 99 rifles
" 2 " 90 " 85 "
" 3 " 90 " 87 "
" 4 " 90 " 86 "
Officers--Self 1 "
" Stairs 1 "
" Nelson 1 "
" Jephson 1 "
" Parke 1 "
European servant 1 "
--- ---
389 " 357 "
The garrison of Yambuya consists of:--
Soudanese 44 men 44 rifles
Zanzibaris 71 " 38 "
Barttelot's servants 3 "
Jameson's " 2 "
Sowahis 5 "
Sick men 2 "
Barttelot personally 1 " 3 "
Jameson " 1 " 2 "
--- --
129 " 87 "
--- --
Contingent at Bolobo to be joined to garrison of Yambuya:--
Zanzibaris 128 men and boys 52 rifles
John Rose Troup 1 "
Herbert Ward 1 "
William Bonny 1 "
--- ---
131 men 52 "
Advance force 389 men 357 rifles
Yambuya garrison 129 " 87 "
Bolobo, Kinshassa, &c. 131 " 52 "
--- ---
649 " 496 "
--- ---
Loss of men from Zanzibar to}
Yambuya } 57 " 28 "
--- ---
706 " 524 "
--- ---
-----
[G] She arrived on the 14th of August. Had been detained a
few days by running on a snag.
[H] Tippu-Tib's 600 carriers.
CHAPTER VII.
TO PANGA FALLS.
An African road--Our mode of travelling through the
forests--Farewell to Jameson and the Major--160 days in the
forest--The Rapids of Yambuya--Attacked by natives of
Yankonde--Rest at the village of Bahunga--Description of our
march--The poisoned Skewers-Capture of six Babali--Dr. Parke and
the bees--A tempest in the forest--Mr. Jephson puts the steel boat
together--The village of Bukanda--Refuse heaps of the villages--The
Aruwimi river scenery--Villages of the Bakuti and the Bakoka--The
Rapids of Gwengwere--The boy Bakula-Our "chop and coffee"--The
islands near Bandangi--The Baburu dwarfs--The unknown course of the
river--The Somalis--Bartering at Mariri and Mupe--The Aruwimi at
Mupe--The Babe manners, customs, and dress--Jephson's two
adventures--Wasp Rapids--The chief of the Bwamburi--Our camp at
My-yui--Canoe accident--An abandoned village--Arrival at Panga
Falls--Description of the Falls.
An African road generally is a foot-track tramped by travel to exceeding
smoothness and hardness as of asphalt when the season is dry. It is only
twelve inches wide from the habit of the natives to travel in single file
one after another. When such a track is old it resembles a winding and
shallow gutter, the centre has been trodden oftener than the
sides--rain-water has rushed along and scoured it out somewhat--the sides
of the path have been raised by humus and dust, the feet of many
passengers have brushed twigs and stones and pressed the dust aside. A
straight path would be shorter than the usual one formed by native travel
by a third in every mile on an average. This is something like what we
hoped to meet in defiling out of the gate of the intrenched camp at
Yambuya, because during four preceding Expeditions into Africa we had
never failed to follow such a track for hundreds of miles. Yambuya
consisted of a series villages. Their inhabitants must have neighbours to
the Eastward as well as to the Southward or Westward. Why not?
[Illustration: MARCHING THROUGH THE FOREST.]
We marched out of the gate, company after company in single file. Each
with its flag, its trumpeter or drummer, each with its detail of
supernumeraries, with fifty picked men as advance guard to handle the
bill-hook and axe, to cut saplings, "blaze," or peel a portion of the
bark of a tree a hand's-breadth, to sever the leaves and slash at the
rattan, to remove all obtrusive branches that might interfere with the
free passage of the hundreds of loaded porters, to cut trees to lay
across streams for their passage, to form zeribas or bomas of bush and
branch around the hutted camp at the end of the day's travel. The advance
guard are to find a path, or, if none can be found, to choose the
thinnest portions of the jungle and tunnel through without delay, for it
is most fatiguing to stand in a heated atmosphere with a weighty load on
the head. If no thinner jungle can be found, then through anything,
however impenetrable it may appear; they must be brisk--"chap-chap"--as
we say, or an ominous murmur will rise from the impatient carriers
behind. They must be clever and intelligent in wood-craft; a greenhorn,
or as we call him "goee-goee," must drop his bill-hook, and take the bale
or box. Three hundred weary fellows are not to be trifled with, they must
be brave also--quick to repel assault--arrows are poisonous, spears are
deadly--their eyes must be quick to search the gloom and shade, with
sense alert to recognition, and ready to act on the moment. Dawdlers and
goee-goees are unbearable; they must be young, lithe, springy--my 300
behind me have no regard for the ancient or the corpulent--they would be
smothered with chaff and suffocated with banter. Scores of voices would
cry out, "Wherein lies this fellow's merit? Is it all in his stomach?
Nay, it is in his wooden back--tut--his head is too big for a scout. He
has clearly been used to hoeing. What does the field hand want on the
Continent? You may see he is only a Banian slave! Nay, he is only a
Consul's freed man! Bosh! he is a mission boy." Their bitter tongues
pierce like swords through the armour of stupidity, and the bill-hooks
with trenchant edges are wielded most manfully, and the bright keen axes
flash and sever the saplings, or slice a broad strip of bark from a tree,
and the bush is pierced, and the jungle gapes open, and fast on their
heels continuously close presses the mile-long caravan.
This is to be the order, and this the method of the march, and I have
stood observing the files pass by until the last of the rear guard is out
of the camp, and the Major and Jameson and the garrison next crowd out to
exchange the farewell.
"Now, Major, my dear fellow, we are in for it. Neck or nothing! Remember
your promise and we shall meet before many months."
"I vow to goodness. I shall be after you sharp. Let me once get those
fellows from Bolobo and nothing shall stop me."
"Well, then, God bless you--keep a stout heart--and Jameson--old man--the
same to you."
Captain Nelson, who heard all this, stepped up in his turn to take a
parting grasp, and I strode on to the front, while the Captain placed
himself at the head of the rear guard.
The column had halted at the end of the villages or rather the road that
Nelson the other day had commenced.
"Which is the way, guide?" I asked to probably the proudest soul in the
column--for it is a most exalted position to be at the head of the line.
He was in a Greekish costume with a Greekish helmet a la Achilles.
[Illustration: THE KIRANGOZI, OR FOREMOST MAN.]
"This, running towards the sunrise," he replied.
"How many hours to the next village?"
"God alone knows," he answered.
"Know ye not one village or country beyond here?"
"Not one; how should I?" he asked.
This amounted to what the wisest of us knew.
"Well, then, set on in the name of God, and God be ever with us. Cling to
any track that leads by the river until we find a road."
"Bismillah!" echoed the pioneers, the Nubian trumpets blew the signal of
"move on," and shortly the head of the column disappeared into the thick
bush beyond the utmost bounds of the clearings of Yambuya.
This was on the 28th day of June, and until the 5th of December, for 160
days, we marched through the forest, bush and jungle, without ever having
seen a bit of greensward of the size of a cottage chamber floor. Nothing
but miles and miles, endless miles of forest, in various stages of growth
and various degrees of altitude, according to the ages of the trees, with
varying thickness of undergrowth according to the character of the trees
which afforded thicker or slighter shade. It is to the description of the
march through this forest and to its strange incidents I propose to
confine myself for the next few chapters, as it is an absolutely unknown
region opened to the gaze and knowledge of civilized man for the first
time since the waters disappeared and were gathered into the seas, and
the earth became dry land. Beseeching the reader's patience, I promise to
be as little tedious as possible, though there is no other manuscript or
missal, printed book or pamphlet, this spring of the year of our Lord
1890, that contains any account of this region of horrors other than this
book of mine.
With the temperature of 86 deg. in the shade we travelled along a path very
infrequently employed, which wound under dark depths of bush. It was a
slow process, interrupted every few minutes by the tangle. The bill-hooks
and axes, plied by fifty men, were constantly in requisition; the
creepers were slashed remorselessly, lengths of track one hundred yards
or so were as fair as similar extents were difficult.
At noon we looked round the elbow of the Aruwimi, which is in view of
Yambuya, and saw above, about four miles, another rapid with its glancing
waters as it waved in rollers in the sunshine; the rapids of Yambuya were
a little below us. Beneath the upper rapids quite a fleet of canoes
hovered about it. There was much movement and stir, owing, of course, to
the alarm that the Yambuyas had communicated to their neighbours. At 4
P.M. we observed that the point we had gazed at abreast of the rapids
consisted of islands. These were now being crowded with the women and
children of Yankonde, whom as yet we had not seen. About a hundred canoes
formed in the stream crowded with native warriors, and followed the
movements of the column as it appeared and disappeared in the light and
into the shadows, jeering, mocking, and teasing.
The head of the column arrived at the foot of a broad cleared road,
twenty feet wide and three hundred yards long, and at the further end
probably three hundred natives of the town of Yankonde stood
gesticulating, shouting, with drawn bows in their hands. In all my
experience of Africa I had seen nothing of this kind. The pioneers
halted, reflecting, and remarking somewhat after this manner: "What does
this mean? The pagans have carved a broad highway out of the bush to
their town for us, and yet there they are at the other end, ready for a
fight! It is a trap, lads, of some kind, so look sharp."
With the bush they had cut they had banked and blocked all passage to the
forest on either side of the road for some distance. But, with fifty
pairs of sharp eyes searching around above and below, we were not long in
finding that this apparent highway through the bush bristled with skewers
six inches long sharpened at both ends, which were driven into the ground
half their length, and slightly covered with green leaves so carelessly
thrown over them that we had thought at first these strewn leaves were
simply the effect of clearing bush.
Forming two lines of twelve men across the road, the first line was
ordered to pick out the skewers, the second line was ordered to cover the
workers with their weapons, and at the first arrow shower to fire. A
dozen scouts were sent on either flank of the road to make their way into
the village through the woods. We had scarcely advanced twenty yards
along the cleared way before volumes of smoke broke out of the town, and
a little cloud of arrows came towards us, but falling short. A volley was
returned, the skewers were fast being picked out, and an advance was
steadily made until we reached the village at the same time that the
scouts rushed out of the underwood, and as all the pioneers were pushed
forward the firing was pretty lively, under cover of which the caravan
pressed through the burning town to a village at its eastern extremity,
as yet unfired.
Along the river the firing was more deadly. The very noise was sufficient
to frighten a foe so prone as savages to rely on the terrors of sound,
but unfortunately the noise was as hurtful as it was alarming. Very many,
I fear, paid the penalty of the foolish challenge. The blame is
undoubtedly due to the Yambuyas, who must have invented fables of the
most astounding character to cause their neighbours to attempt stopping a
force of nearly four hundred rifles.
It was nearly 9 P.M. before the rear-guard entered camp. Throughout the
night the usual tactics were resorted to by the savages to create alarm
and disturbance, such as vertically dropping assegais and arrows heavily
tipped with poison, with sudden cries, whoops, howls, menaces,
simultaneous blasts of horn-blowing from different quarters, as though a
general attack was about to be made. Strangers unacquainted with the
craftiness of these forest satyrs might be pardoned for imagining that
daylight only was required for our complete extermination. Some of these
tactics I knew before in younger days, but there was still something to
be gleaned from the craft of these pure pagans. The camp was surrounded
by sentries, and the only orders given were to keep strict silence and
sharpen their eyesight.
In the morning a narrow escape was reported. A man had wakened to find a
spear buried in the earth, penetrating his sleeping cloth and mat on each
side of him, slightly pinning him to his bedding. Two were slightly
wounded with arrows.
We wandered about for ten minutes or so looking for a track next morning,
and at last discovered one leading through a vast square mileage of
manioc fields, and at the little village of Bahunga, four miles S.E. of
Yankonde, we gladly rested, our object being not to rush at first setting
out after a long river voyage, but to accustom the people little by
little to the long journey before them.
On the 30th we lit on a path which connected a series of fourteen
villages, each separate and in line, surrounded by their respective
fields, luxuriant with crops of manioc, or, as some call it, the cassava.
We did not fail to observe, however, that some disaster had occurred many
months before, judging from the traces. The villages we passed through
were mostly newly built, in the sharp, conical--candle-extinguisher--or
rather four-angled spiry type; burnt poles, ruins of the former villages,
marked the sites of former dwellings. Here and there were blazings on
trees, and then I knew that Arabs and Manyuema must have visited
here--probably Tippu-Tib's brother.
The following day our march was through a similar series of villages,
twelve in number, with a common, well-trodden track running from one to
another. In this distance sections of the primeval forest separated each
village; along the track were pitfalls for some kind of large forest
game, or bow-traps fixed for small animals, such as rabbits, squirrels,
rats, small monkeys. In the neighbourhood of each village the skewers
were plentiful in the ground, but as yet no hurt had been received from
them.
Another serious inconvenience of forest travel was experienced on this
day. Every fifty yards or so a great tree, its diameter breast high, lay
prostrate across the path over which the donkeys had to be assisted with
a frequency that was becoming decidedly annoying. Between twenty and
fifty of these had to be climbed over by hundreds of men, not all of whom
were equally expert at this novel travelling, and these obstructions by
the delays thus occasioned began to be complained of as very serious
impediments. The main approaches to the many villages were studded with
these poisoned skewers, which made every one except the booted whites
tread most gingerly. Nor could the Europeans be altogether indifferent,
for, slightly leaning, the skewer was quite capable of piercing the
thickest boot-leather and burying the splinters of its head deep in the
foot--an agony of so dreadful a nature that was worth the trouble of
guarding against.
At 3 P.M. we camped near some pools overhung by water lilies far removed
from a village, having had three wounded during the traverse through the
settlements.
This morning, about three hours before dawn, the camp was wakened by
howls, and loud and continued horn-blowing. These were shortly after
hushed, and the voices of two men were heard so clear, and distinct that
many like myself attempted to pierce the intense darkness in the vain
effort to see these midnight orators.
The first Speaker said, "Hey, strangers, where are you going?"
The Parasite echoed, "Where are you going?"
_Speaker._ This country has no welcome for you.
_Parasite._ No welcome for you.
_Speaker._ All men will be against you.
_Parasite._ Against you.
_Speaker._ And you will be surely slain.
_Parasite._ Surely slain.
_Speaker._ Ah-ah-ah-ah-ah-aah.
_Parasite._ Ah-ah-aaah.
_Speaker._ Ooh-ooh-ooh-ooh-ooooh.
_Parasite._ Ooh-ooh-ooooooh.
This parasite was such a palpable parasite, with such a sense of
humour--that it raised such a chorus of laughter so sudden, startling,
and abrupt, that scared speaker and parasite away in precipitate haste.
At dawn of the 2nd, feeling somewhat uneasy at the fact that the track
which brought us to these pools was not made by man but by elephants, and
feeling certain that the people had made no provision of food beyond the
day, I sent 200 men back to the villages to procure each a load of
manioc. By the manner these men performed this duty, the reflection came
into my mind that they had little or no reasoning faculties, and that not
a half of the 389 people then in the camp would emerge out of Africa.
They were now brimful of life and vitality--their rifles were perfect,
their accoutrements were new, and each possessed 10 rounds of cartridges.
With a little care for their own selves and a small portion of prudence,
there was no reason why they should not nearly all emerge safe and sound,
but they were so crude, stolid, unreasoning, that orders and instructions
were unheeded, except when under actual supervision, and, to supervise
them effectually, I should require 100 English officers of similar
intelligence and devotion to the four then with me. In the meantime they
will lose their lives for trifles which a little sense would avoid, and
until some frightful calamity overtakes them I shall never be able
thoroughly to impress on their minds that to lose life foolishly is a
crime.
A party of scouts were also sent ahead along the track to observe its
general direction, and, about the same time that the foragers returned,
the scouts returned, having captured six natives in the forest. They
belonged to a tribe called the Babali, and were of a light chocolate in
hue, and were found forming traps for game.
As we endeavoured to draw from them some information respecting the
country to which the track led, they said, "We have but one heart. Don't
you have two," which meant, Do not speak so fairly to us if you mean any
harm to us, and like all natives they asserted strongly that they did not
eat human meat, but that the custom was practised by the Babanda, Babali,
Babukwa tribes, occupying the bank of the Aruwimi above Yankonde.
Soon after this interview with the natives, Dr. Parke, observing the bees
which fluttered about, had mentioned to one of his brother officers that
he did not think they stung at all, upon which at the same moment a
vicious bee settling in his neck drove its sting into it to punish him
for his scornful libel. He then came to me and reported the fact as a
good joke, whereupon a second bee attacked and wounded him almost in the
same spot, drawing from him an exclamation of pain. "By Jove! but they
do sting awfully, though." "Just so," said I; "nothing like experience to
stimulate reason."
After distributing the manioc, with an injunction to boil the roots three
times in different waters, we resumed the march at 1 P.M. and camped at 4
o'clock.
The next day left the track and struck through the huge towering forest
and jungly undergrowth by compass. My position in this column was the
third from the leader, so that I could direct the course. In order to
keep a steady movement, even if slow, I had to instruct the cutters that
each man as he walked should choose an obstructing lliane, or obtrusive
branch of bush, and give one sharp cut and pass on--the two head men were
confining themselves to an effective and broad "blaze" on the trees,
every ten yards or so, for the benefit of the column, and, as the rear
party would not follow us for perhaps two months, we were very particular
that these "blazes" should be quite a hand's-breadth peel of bark.
Naturally penetrating a trackless wild for the first time the march was
at a funereal pace, in some places at the rate of 400 yards an hour, in
other more open portions, that is of less undergrowth, we could travel at
the rate of half, three-quarters, and even a mile per hour--so that from
6.30 A.M. to 11 A.M. when we halted for lunch and rest, and from 12.30
P.M., to 3 o'clock or 4 P.M. in from six to seven hours per day, we could
make a march of about five miles. On the usual African track seen in
other regions we could have gone from fourteen to eighteen miles during
the same time. Therefore our object was to keep by settlements, not only
to be assured of food, but in the hope of utilizing the native roads. We
shall see later how we fared.
At 4 P.M. of this day we were still on the march, having passed through a
wilderness of creeks, mud, thick scum-faced quagmires green with duckweed
into which we sank knee-deep, and the stench exhaled from the fetid
slough was most sickening. We had just emerged out of this baneful
stretch of marshy ground, intersected by lazy creeks and shallow long
stream-shaped pools, when the forest became suddenly darkened, so dark
that I could scarcely read the compass, and a distant murmur increasing
into loud soughing and wrestling and tossing of branches and groaning of
mighty trees warned us of the approach of a tempest. As the ground round
about was most uninviting, we had to press on through the increasing
gloom, and then, as the rain began to drip, we commenced to form camp.
The tents were hastily pitched over the short scrubby bush, while
bill-hooks crashed and axes rang, clearing a space for the camp. The rain
was cold and heavily dripped, and every drop, large as a dollar on their
cotton clothes, sent a shiver through the men. The thunder roared above,
the lightning flashed a vivid light of fire through the darkness, and
still the weary hungry caravan filed in until 9 o'clock. The rain was so
heavy that fires could not be lit, and until three in the morning we sat
huddled and crouching amid the cold, damp, and reeking exhalations and
minute spray. Then bonfires were kindled, and around these scores of
flaming pyramids the people sat, to be warmed into hilarious animation,
to roast the bitter manioc, and to still the gnawing pain of their
stomachs.
On the 4th we struck N. by E., and in an hour heard natives singing in
concert afar off. We sent scouts ahead to ascertain what it meant. We
presently heard firing which seemed to approach nearer. We mustered the
men in the nearest company, stacked goods and deployed them as
skirmishers. Then messengers came and reported that the scouts had struck
the river, and, as they were looking upon it, a canoe advanced into view
with its crew standing with drawn bows and fixed arrows, which were flown
at them at once, and compelled the scouts to fire. We then resumed the
march, and at 8 A.M. we were on the river again, in time to see a line of
native canoes disappearing round a bend on the opposite bank, and one
canoe abandoned tied to the bank with a goat.
Observing that the river was calm and free from rapids, and desirous of
saving the people from as much labour as circumstances would offer, the
steel boat sections were brought up to the bank, and Mr. Jephson, whose
company had special charge of the _Advance_, commenced to fit the
sections together. In an hour the forty-four burdens, which the vessel
formed, had been attached together and fitted to their respective places
and launched. As the boat weighed forty-four loads and had a capacity of
fifty loads, and at least ten sick, we could then release ninety-eight
people from the fatigue of bearing loads and carrying Lieutenant Stairs,
who was still very ill. Mr. Jephson and crew were despatched across river
and the goat secured.
As the _Advance_ was in the river, it was necessary for the column to
cling to the bank, not only for the protection of the boat, but to be
able to utilize the stream for lessening labour. Want of regular food,
lack of variety, and its poor nutritive qualities, coupled with the
urgency which drove us on, requiring long marches and their resulting
fatigue, would soon diminish the strength of the stoutest. A due regard
for the people therefore must be shown, and every means available for
their assistance must be employed. Therefore, the boat keeping pace with
the column, we travelled up-stream until 3 P.M. and camped.
On the 5th the boat and column moved up, as on the day previous, and made
six-and-half miles. The river continued to be from 500 to 800 yards wide.
The bank was a trifle more open than in the interior, though frequently
it was impossible to move before an impenetrable mass of jungle had been
tunnelled to allow our passage under the vault of close network of branch
and climber, cane, and reed above. At 2.30 we reached the village of
Bukanda. We had come across no track, but had simply burst out of the
bush and a somewhat young forest with a clearing. In the middle of the
clearing by the river side was the village. This fact made me think, and
it suggested that if tracks were not discoverable by land, and as the
people were not known to possess the power of aerial locomotion, that
communication was maintained by water.
[Illustration: IN THE NIGHT AND RAIN IN THE FOREST.]
We had reason to rejoice at the discovery of a village, for since the 2nd
the caravan subsisted on such tubers of manioc as each man took with him
on that date. Had another day passed without meeting with a clearing we
should have suffered from hunger.
It was evening before the boat appeared, the passage of rapids and an
adventure with a flotilla of eleven canoes had detained her. The canoes
had been abandoned in consequence, and the commander of the boat had
secured them to an island. One was reported to be a capacious hollow log,
capable of carrying nearly as much as the boat. Since the river was the
highway of the natives, we should be wise to employ the stream, by which
we should save our men, and carry our sick as well as a reserve of food.
For we had been narrowly brought to the verge of want on the last day,
and we were utter strangers in a strange land, groping our way through
darkness. The boat was sent back with an extra crew to secure the canoe
and paddle her up to our camp.
Of course Bukanda had been abandoned long before we reached it--the
village of cone huts was at our disposal--the field of manioc also. This
custom also was unlike anything I had seen in Africa before. Previously
the natives may have retired with their women, but the males had remained
with spear and target, representing ownership. Here the very fowls had
taken to flight. It was clearly a region unsuitable for the study of
ethnology.
At noon of the 6th we defiled out of Bukanda refurnished with provisions,
and two hours later were in camp in uninhabited space. We had devoted the
morning to cleaning and repairing rifles--many of whose springs were
broken.
Some facts had already impressed themselves upon us. We observed that the
mornings were muggy and misty--that we were chilly and inclined to be
cheerless in consequence; that it required some moral courage to leave
camp to brave the cold, damp, and fogginess without, to brave the mud and
slush, to ford creeks up to the waist in water; that the feelings were
terribly depressed in the dismal twilight from the want of brightness
and sunshine warmth; and the depression caused by the sombre clouds and
dull grey river which reflected the drear daylight. The actual
temperature on these cold mornings was but seventy to seventy-two
degrees--had we judged of it by our cheerlessness it might have been
twenty degrees less.
The refuse heaps of the little villages were large and piled on the edge
of the bank. They were a compost of filth, sweepings of streets and huts,
peelings of manioc, and often of plantains with a high heap of
oyster-shells. Had I not much else to write about, an interesting chapter
on these composts, and the morals, manners, and usages of the aborigines
might be written. Just as Owen could prefigure an extinct mammoth of the
dead ages from the view of a few bones, the history of a tribe could be
developed by me out of these refuse heaps. Revelling in these fetid
exhalations were representatives of many insect tribes. Columns of ants
wound in and out with more exact formation than aborigines could compose
themselves, flies buzz in myriads over the heaps, with the murmur of
enjoyment, butterflies which would have delighted Jameson's soul swarmed
exulting in their gorgeous colours, and a perfect cloud of moths hovered
above all.
The villages of the Bakuti were reached on the 7th, after seven hours'
slow marching and incessant cutting. I occupied a seat in the boat on
this day and observed that the banks were from six to ten feet above the
river on either side, that there were numerous traces of former
occupation easily detected despite the luxuriance of the young forest
that had grown up and usurped the space once occupied by villages and
fields; that either wars or epidemics had disturbed the inhabitants
twenty years ago, and that as yet only one crocodile had been seen on the
Aruwimi, and only one hippo, which I took to be a sure sign that there
was not much pasture in this region.
As the rowers urged the boat gently up the stream, and I heard the
bill-hooks and axes carving away through bush and brake tangle and
forest without which scarcely a yard of progress could be made, I
regretted more than ever that I had not insisted on being allowed to
carry out my own plan of having fifteen whale-boats. What toil would have
been saved, and what anxiety would have been spared me.
On the 9th we gained, after another seven hours' toiling and marching,
the villages of the Bakoka. Already the people began to look jaded and
seedy. Skewers had penetrated the feet of several, ulcers began to
attract notice by their growing virulence, many people complained of
curious affections in the limbs. Stairs was slowly recovering.
We had passed so many abandoned clearings that our expedition might have
been supported for weeks by the manioc which no owner claimed. It was
very clear that internecine strife had caused the migrations of the
tribes. The Bakoka villages were all stockaded, and the entrance gates
were extremely low.
The next day we passed by four villages all closely stockaded, and on the
10th came to the rapids of Gwengwere. Here there were seven large
villages bordering the rapids and extending from below to above the
broken water. All the population had fled probably to the opposite main,
or to the islands in mid-river, and every portable article was carried
away except the usual wreckage of coarse pottery, stools, and benches,
and back rests. The stockades were in good order and villages intact. In
one large village there were 210 conical huts, and two square sheds used
for public assemblies and smithies. This occupied a commanding bluff
sixty feet above the river, and a splendid view of a dark grey silver
stream, flanked by dense and lofty walls of thickest greenest vegetation,
was obtained.
Lieutenant Stairs was fast recovering from his long attack of bilious
fever; my other companions enjoyed the best of health, though our diet
consisted of vegetables, leaves of the manioc and herbs bruised and made
into patties. But on this day we had a dish of weaver-birds furnished by
the Doctor, who with his shot-gun bagged a few of the thousands which
had made their nests on the village trees.
On the 11th we marched about a mile to give the canoemen a chance to pole
their vessels through the rapids and the column a rest. The day following
marched six geographical miles, the river turning easterly, which was our
course. Several small rapids were passed without accident. As we were
disappearing from view of Gwengwere, the population was seen scurrying
from the right bank and islands back to their homes, which they had
temporarily vacated for our convenience. It seemed to me to be an
excellent arrangement. It saved trouble of speech, exerted possibly in
useless efforts for peace and tedious chaffer. They had only one night's
inconvenience, and were there many caravans advancing as peaceably as we
were, natural curiosity would in time induce them to come forward to be
acquainted with the strangers.
Our people found abundant to eat in the fields, and around the villages.
The area devoted to cultivation was extensive: plantains flourished
around the stockades; herbs for potage were found in little plots close
to the villages; also sufficient tobacco for smoking, and pumpkins for
dessert, and a little Indian corn; but, alas, we all suffered from want
of meat.
There were few aquatic birds to be seen. There were some few specimens of
divers, fish eagles, and kingfishers. Somewhere, at a distance, a pair of
ibis screamed; flocks of parrots whistled and jabbered in vain struggles
to rob the solitude of the vast trackless forest of its oppressive
silence; whip-poor-wills, and sunbirds, and weavers aided them with their
varied strains; but insects, and flies, and moths were innumerable.
On the 12th we moved up as usual, starting at 6.30 A.M., the caravan
preceding the boat and its consorts. Though proceeding only at the rate
of a mile and a half per hour, we soon overhauled the struggling caravan,
and passed the foremost of the pioneers. At 10 A.M. we met a native boy,
called Bakula, of about fifteen years, floating down river on a piece of
a canoe. He sprung aboard our boat with alacrity, and used his paddle
properly. An hour later we rounded the lowest point of a lengthy curve,
bristling with numerous large villages. The boy volunteer who had dropped
to our aid from the unknown, called the lower village Bandangi, the next
Ndumba, and the long row of villages above, the houses of the Banalya
tribe. But all were deserted. We halted at Bandangi for lunch, and at 2
P.M. resumed our journey.
An hour's pull brought us to the upper village, where we camped. Our
river party on this day numbered forty men; but, as we landed, we were
lost in the large and silent village. I had counted thirteen
villages--one of these numbered 180 huts. Assuming that in this curve
there were 1300 huts, and allowing only four persons to each hut, we have
a population of 5200.
At 5.30 appeared the advance guard of the column, and presently a furious
tempest visited us, with such violent accompaniments of thunder and
lightning as might have been expected to be necessary to clear the
atmosphere charged with the collected vapours of this humid
region--through which the sun appeared daily as through a thick veil.
Therefore the explosive force of the electric fluid was terrific. All
about us, and at all points, it lightened and shattered with deafening
explosions, and blinding forks of flame the thick, sluggish, vaporous
clouds. Nothing less than excessive energy of concentrated electricity
could have cleared the heavy atmosphere, and allowed the inhabitants of
the land to see the colour of the sky, and to feel the cheering influence
of the sun. For four hours we had to endure the dreadful bursts; while a
steady stream of rain relieved the surcharged masses that had hung
incumbent above us for days. While the river party and advance guard were
housed in the upper village, the rear guard and No. 4 Company occupied
Bandangi, at the town end of the _crescent_, and we heard them shooting
minute guns to warn us of their presence; while we vainly, for economical
reasons, replied with the tooting of long ivory horns.
Such a large population naturally owned exclusive fields of manioc,
plantations of bananas, and plantains, sugar-cane, gardens of herbs, and
Indian corn, and as the heavy rain had saturated the ground, a halt was
ordered.
By nine o'clock the rear guard was known to have arrived by Nelson's
voice crying out for "chop and coffee"--our chop consisted of cassava
cakes, a plantain or so roasted, and a mess of garden greens, with tea or
coffee. Flesh of goat or fowl was simply unprocurable. Neither bird nor
beast of any kind was to be obtained. Hitherto only two crocodiles and
but one hippo had been discovered, but no elephant, buffalo, or antelope
or wild hog, though tracks were numerous. How could it be otherwise with
the pioneers' shouts, cries, noise of cutting and crushing, and pounding
of trees, the murmur of a large caravan? With the continuous gossip,
storytelling, wrangling, laughing or wailing that were maintained during
the march, it was simply impossible. Progress through the undergrowth was
denied without a heavy knife, machette, or bill-hook to sever entangling
creepers and while an animal may have been only a few feet off on the
other side of a bush, vain was the attempt to obtain view of it through
impervious masses of vegetation.
In our boat I employed the halt for examining the islands near Bandangi.
We discovered lengthy heaps of oyster-shells on one island, one of which
was sixty feet long, ten feet wide, and four feet high; we can imagine
the feasts of the bivalves that the aborigines enjoyed during their
picnics, and the length of time that had elapsed since the first bivalve
had been eaten. On my return I noticed through a bank-slip in the centre
of the curve a stratum of oyster-shell buried three feet under alluvium.
Our native boy Bakula, informed us that inland north lived the Baburu,
who were very different from the river tribes, that up river, a month's
journey, would be found dwarfs about two feet high, with long beards;
that he had once journeyed as far as Panga where the river tumbled from a
height as high as the tallest tree, that the Aruwimi was now called Lui
by the people of the left bank, but that to the Baburu on the right bank
it was known as the Luhali. Bakula was an exceptionally crafty lad, a
pure cannibal, to whom a mess of human meat would have been delectable.
He was a perfect mimic, and had by native cunning protected himself by
conforming readily to what he divined would be pleasing to the strangers
by whom he was surrounded. Had all the native tribes adopted this boy's
policy our passage through these novel lands would have been as pleasant
as could be desired. I have no doubt that they possessed all the arts of
craft which we admired in Bakula, they had simply not the courage to do
what an accident had enabled him to carry out.
From Chief Bambi's town of the Banalya we moved to Bungangeta villages by
river and land on the 15th. It was a stern and sombre morning, gloomy
with lowering and heavy clouds. It struck me on this dull dreary morning,
while regarding the silent flowing waters of the dark river and the long
unbroken forest frontage, that nature in this region seems to be waiting
the long expected trumpet-call of civilization--that appointed time when
she shall awake to her duties, as in other portions of the earth. I
compared this waiting attitude to the stillness preceding the dawn,
before the insect and animal life is astir to fret the air with its
murmur, before the day has awakened the million minute passions of the
wilds; at that hour when even Time seems to be drowsy and nodding, our
inmost thoughts appear to be loud, and the heart throbs to be clamorous.
But when the young day peeps forth white and gray in the East the eyelids
of the world lift up. There is a movement and a hum of invisible life,
and all the earth seems wakened from its brooding. But withal, the forest
world remains restful, and Nature bides her day, and the river shows no
life; unlike Rip Van Winkle, Nature, despite her immeasurably long ages
of sleep, indicates no agedness, so old, incredibly old, she is still a
virgin locked in innocent repose.
What expansive wastes of rich productive land lie in this region unheeded
by man! Populous though the river banks are, they are but slightly
disturbed by labour--a trifling grubbing of parts of the foreshore, a
limited acreage for manioc, within a crater-like area in the bosom of the
dark woods, and a narrow line of small cotes, wherein the savages huddle
within their narrow circumference.
One of my amusements in the boat was to sketch the unknown course of the
river--for as the aborigines disappeared like rats into their holes on
one's approach I could gain no information respecting it. How far was it
permissible for me to deviate from my course? By the river I could assist
the ailing and relieve the strong. The goods could be transported and the
feeble conveyed. Reserves of manioc and plantain could also be carried.
But would a somewhat long curve, winding as high as some forty or fifty
geographical miles north of our course, be compensated by these
advantages of relief of the porters, and the abundance of provisions that
are assuredly found on the banks? When I noted the number of the sick,
and saw the jaded condition of the people, I felt that if the river
ascended as far as 2 deg. N., it was infinitely preferable to plunging into
the centre of the forest.
The temperature of the air during the clouded morning was 75 deg., surface of
the river 77 deg.. What a relief it was to breathe the air of the river after
a night spent in inhaling the close impure air in the forest by night!
On the 16th we possessed one boat and five canoes, carrying seventy-four
men and 120 loads, so that with the weight of the boat sections, half of
our men were relieved of loads, and carried nothing every alternative
day. We passed by the mouth of a considerable affluent from the
south-east, and camped a mile above it. The temperature rose to 94 deg. in
the afternoon, and as a consequence rain fell in torrents, preceded by
the usual thunder roars and lightning flashes. Until 1 P.M. of the 17th
the rain fell unceasingly. It would have been interesting to have
ascertained the number of inches that fell during these nineteen hours'
rain-pour. Few of the people enjoyed any rest; there was a general
wringing of blankets and clothes after it ceased, but it was some hours
before they recovered their usual animation. The aborigines must have
been also depressed, owing to our vicinity, though if they had known what
wealth we possessed, they might have freely parted with their goats and
fowls for our wares.
The column camped at 3 P.M. opposite the settlement of Lower Mariri.
Besides their immense wooden drums, which sounded the alarm to a ten-mile
distance, the natives vociferated with unusual powers of lung, so that
their cries could be heard a mile off. The absence of all other noises
lends peculiar power to their voices.
The Somalis, who are such excellent and efficient servants in lands like
the Masai, or dry regions like the Soudan, are perfectly useless in humid
regions. Five of them declined to stay at Yambuya, and insisted on
accompanying me. Since we had taken to the river I had employed them as
boatmen, or rather did employ them when they were able to handle a paddle
or a pole, but their physical powers soon collapsed, and they became mere
passengers. On shore, without having undergone any exertion, they were so
prostrated after a two hours' river voyage, that they were unable to rig
shelter against rain and damp, and as they were thievish the Zanzibaris
refused to permit them to approach their huts. The result was that we had
the trouble each day to see that a share of food even was doled out to
them, as they would have voluntarily starved rather than cut down the
plantains above their heads.
From opposite Lower Mariri we journeyed to a spot ten miles below the
Upper Mariri on the 18th. The canoes had only occupied 4 h. 15 m., but
the land column did not appear at all.
On the 19th I employed the boat and canoe crews to cut a road to above a
section of the rapids of Upper Mariri. This was accomplished in 2-1/2
hours. We returned to camp in 45 minutes. Our pace going up was similar
to that of the caravan, consequently an ordinary day's travel through the
forest would be six miles. On returning to camp formed the column, and
marched it to the end of our paths; the boat and canoes were punted up
the rapids without accident, and in the afternoon the people foraged for
food at a village a mile and a half above camp with happy results. On the
20th the advance column marched up and occupied the village.
About two hours after arrival some of the natives of Mariri came in a
canoe and hailed us. We replied through Bakula, the native boy, and in a
short time were able to purchase a couple of fowls, and during the
afternoon were able to purchase three more. This was the first barter we
had been able to effect on the Aruwimi. Mariri is a large settlement
abounding in plantains, while at our village there were none. Two men,
Charlie No. 1 and Musa bin Juma disappeared on this day. Within
twenty-three days we had not lost a man.
No casualty had as yet happened, and good fortune, which had hitherto
clung to us, from this date began to desert us. We were under the
impression that those men had been captured by natives, and their
heedless conduct was the text of a sermon preached to the men next
morning when they were mustered for the march. It was not until thirteen
months later that we knew that they had deserted, that they had succeeded
in reaching Yambuya, and had invented the most marvellous tales of wars
and disasters, which, when repeated by the officers at Yambuya in their
letter to the Committee, created so much anxiety. Had I believed it had
been possible that two messengers could have performed that march, we
certainly had availed ourselves of the fact to have communicated
authentic news and chart of the route to Major Barttelot, who in another
month would be leaving his camp as we believed. From the village opposite
Upper Mariri we proceeded to S. Mupe, a large settlement consisting of
several villages, embowered in plantations. The chiefs of Mupe are Mbadu,
Alimba, and Mangrudi.
On the 22nd Surgeon Parke was the officer of the day, and was unfortunate
enough to miss the river, and strike through the forest in a wrong
direction. He finally struck a track on which the scouts found a woman
and a large-eyed, brown-coloured child. The woman showed the route to the
river, and was afterwards released. Through her influence the natives of
N. Mupe on the right bank were induced to trade with us, by which we were
enabled to procure a dozen fowls and two eggs.
The bed of the river in this locality is an undisturbed rock of
fine-grained and hard, brick-coloured sandstone. This is the reason that
the little rapids, though frequent enough, present but little obstacles
to navigation. The banks at several places rose to about forty feet above
the river, and the rock is seen in horizontal strata in bluffy form, in
many instances like crumbling ruins of cut stone.
The sign of peace with these riverine natives appears to be the pouring
of water on their heads with their hands. As new-comers approached our
camp they cried out, "We suffer from famine, we have no food, but up
river you will find plenty, Oh, 'monomopote'! (son of the sea)." "But we
suffer from want of food, and have not the strength to proceed unless you
give us some," we replied. Whereupon they threw us fat ears of Indian
corn, plantains, and sugar-cane. This was preliminary to a trade, in
doing which these apparently unsophisticated natives were as sharp and as
exorbitant as any of the Wyyanzi on the Congo. The natives of Mupe are
called Babe.
Trifles, such as empty sardine boxes, jam and milk cans, and cartridge
cases, were easily barterable for sugar-cane, Indian corn, and tobacco. A
cotton handkerchief would buy a fowl, goats were brought to our view, but
not parted with. They are said to be the monopoly of chiefs. The natives
showed no fixed desire for any speciality but cloth--gaudy red
handkerchiefs. We saw some cowries among them, and in the bottom of a
canoe we found a piece of an infantry officer's sword nine inches long.
We should have been delighted to have heard the history of that sword,
and the list of its owners since it left Birmingham. But we could not
maintain any lengthy conversation with them, our ignorance of the
language, and their excitability prevented us from doing more than
observing and interchanging words relating to peace and food with them.
We can accept the bit of sword blade as evidence that their neighbours in
the interior have had some contact with the Soudanese.
Neither in manners, customs or dress was there any very great difference
between these natives and those belonging to the upper parts of the Upper
Congo. Their head-dresses were of basket work decorated with red parrot
feathers, monkey skin caps of grey or dark fur, with the tails drooping
behind. The neck, arm and ankle ornaments were of polished iron, rarely
of copper, never of brass.
[Illustration: HEAD-DRESS--CROWN OF BRISTLES.]
[Illustration: PADDLE OF THE UPPER ARUWIMI OR ITURI.]
They make beautiful paddles, finely carved like a long pointed leaf.
"Senneneh" was the peaceful hail as in Manyuema, Uregga and Usongora,
above Stanley Falls. The complexion of these natives is more ochreous
than black. When a body of them is seen on the opposite bank, there is
little difference of colour between their bodies and the reddish clayey
soil of the landing-place. Much of this is due to the Camwood powder, and
with this mixed with oil they perform their toilet. But protection from
sunshine considerably contributes to this light colour. The native boy,
Bakula, for instance, was deprived of this universal cosmetic made of
Camwood, and he was much lighter than the average of our Zanzibaris.
On the 24th, Mr. Jephson led the van of the column, and under his
guidance we made the astonishing march of seven and a half geographical
miles--the column having been compelled to wade through seventeen streams
and creeks. During these days Jephson exhibited a marvellous vigour. He
was in many things an exact duplicate of myself in my younger days,
before years and hundreds of fevers had cooled my burning blood. He is
exactly of my own height, build and weight and temperament. He is
sanguine, confident, and loves hard work. He is simply indefatigable, and
whether it is slushy mire or a muddy creek, in he enters, without
hesitation, up to his knees, waist, neck or overhead it is all the same.
A sybarite, dainty and fastidious in civilization, a traveller and
labourer in Africa, he requires to be restrained and counselled for his
own sake. Now these young men, Stairs, Nelson and Parke, are very much in
the same way. Stairs is the military officer, alert, intelligent, who
understands a hint, a curt intimation, grasps an idea firmly and realizes
it to perfection. Nelson is a centurion as of old Roman times, he can
execute because it is the will of his chief; he does not stay to ask the
reason why; he only understands it to be a necessity, and his great
vigour, strength, resolution, plain, good sense is at my disposal, to
act, suffer or die; and Parke, noble, gentle soul, so tender and devoted,
so patient, so sweet in mood and brave in temper, always enduring and
effusing comfort as he moves through our atmosphere of suffering and
pain. No four men ever entered Africa with such qualities as these. No
leader ever had cause to bless his stars as I.
On this day Jephson had two adventures. In his usual free, impulsive
manner, and with swinging gait he was directing the pioneers--crushing
through the jungle, indifferent to his costume, when he suddenly sank out
of sight into an elephant pit! We might have imagined a playful and
sportive young elephant crashing through the bushes, rending and tearing
young saplings, and suddenly disappearing from the view of his more staid
mamma. Jephson had intelligence, however, and aid was at hand, and he was
pulled out none the worse. It was a mere amusing incident to be detailed
in camp and to provoke a laugh.
He rushed ahead of the pioneers to trace the course to be followed, and
presently encountered a tall native, with a spear in his hand, face to
face. Both were so astonished as to be paralysed, but Jephson's impulse
was that of a Berseker. He flung himself, unarmed, upon the native, who,
eluding his grasp, ran from him, as he would from a lion, headlong down a
steep bank into a creek, Jephson following. But the clayey soil was damp
and slippery, his foot slipped, and the gallant Captain of the _Advance_
measured his length face downwards with his feet up the slope, and such
was his impetus that he slid down to the edge of the creek. When he
recovered himself it was to behold the denizen of the woods, hurrying up
the opposite bank and casting wild eyes at this sudden pale-faced
apparition who had so disturbed him as he brooded over the prospect of
finding game in his traps that day.
Our camp on this day was a favourite haunt of elephants from time
immemorial. It was near a point round which the river raced with strong
swirling currents. A long view of a broad silent river is seen upward,
and one of a river disparted by a series of islands below.
On the 25th Captain Nelson led the column, Jephson was requested to
assist me with the long narrow canoes laden with valuable goods, and to
direct some of the unskilful "lubbers" who formed our crews. The boat led
the way anchored above the dangerous and swirly point, and cast the
manilla rope to the canoe crew, who, hauling by this cord drew the canoes
to quiet water. Then rowing hard against the strong currents, at 11 A.M.
we caught the head of the caravan gathered on the bank of a wide and dark
sluggish creek, the Rendi, which lazily flowed out of dark depths of
woods. By one o'clock the ferriage was completed, and the column resumed
its march, while we, on the river, betook ourselves to further struggles
with the dangerous waves and reefs of what is now called Wasp Rapids,
from the following incident.
These rapids extended for a stretch of two miles. Above them were the
villages which became the scene of a tragic strife, as will be learned
later in a subsequent chapter, and these settlements were the dear
objects of our aims in order to obtain shelter and food.
Our first efforts against the rapids were successful. The current was
swift and dangerous, breaking out into great waves now and then. For the
first half-hour we were successful. Then began a struggle, rowing on one
side hard and the starboard side crew grasping at overhanging bushes, two
men poling, two men on the decked bow, with boat-hooks outstretched with
their fangs ready to snatch at saplings for firm hold. I steered. We
advanced slowly but steadily, a narrow rushing branch between rocky
islets, and the bank was before us which raced over a reef, showing
itself in yard square dots of rock above the waves. We elected to ascend
this as in view of a capsize there was less fear of drowning. With noble
spirits braced for an exciting encounter, we entered it. Eager hands were
held out to catch at the branches, but at the first clutch there issued
at this critical moment an army of fierce spiteful wasps and settled on
our faces, hands, and bodies, every vulnerable spot, and stung us with
the venom of fiends. Maddened and infuriated by the burning stings,
battling with this vicious enemy, beset by reefs, and rocks, and
dangerous waves, and whirling vortexes, we tore on with tooth and nail,
and in a few minutes were a hundred yards above the awful spot. Then,
clinging to the trees, we halted to breathe and sympathise with each
other, and exchange views and opinions on the various stings of insects,
bees, hornets, and wasps.
One asked my servant with a grim smile, "Did you say the other day that
you believed there was much honey in these brown paper nests of the
wasps? Well, what do you think of the honey now? don't you think it is
rather a bitter sort?" This raised a general laugh. We recovered our good
temper, and resumed our work, and in an hour reached the village which
the land party had occupied. The canoes crews, who followed us, seeing
the battle with the wasps, fled across river, and ascended by the right
bank. But the Somalis and Soudanese, more trustful in Allah, bravely
followed our track, and were dreadfully stung; still, they were consoled
by being able to exult over the Zanzibaris, the leader of which was
Uledi, of the "Dark Continent."
[Illustration: WASPS' NESTS, ETC.]
"Oh," I remarked to Uledi, "it is not a brave thing you have done this
day--to fly away from wasps."
"Oh, sir," he replied, "naked manhood is nowhere in such a scrape as
that. Wasps are more dangerous than the most savage men."
The native settlement on the left bank is called Bandeya; the one facing
opposite consists of the villages of the Bwamburi. North of the Bwamburi,
a day's march, begins the tribes of the Ababua and the Mabode, who have a
different kind of architecture from the steeply conical huts prevailing
among the riverine tribes. The Mabode are said to possess square houses
with gable roofs, the walls are neatly plastered, and along the fronts
are clay verandahs.
On the 26th we halted to rest and recuperate. Those of us who were
attacked by the wasps suffered from a fever; the coxswain of the boat was
in great distress. The following day the chief of the Bwamburi came over
to pay us a visit, and brought us as a gift a month old chick, which was
declined on the ground that we should feel we were robbing him were we to
accept such a gift from a professedly poor man. His ornaments consisted
of two small ivory tusks planed flat and polished, which hung suspended
from a string made of grass encircling his neck. His head-dress was a
long-haired monkey skin. We exchanged professions of amity and
brotherhood, and commenced the march, and camped opposite Mukupi, a
settlement possessing eight villages, on the 28th.
Two sturdy prisoners imparted to us strange information of a large lake
called "No-uma," as being situate somewhere in the neighbourhood of a
place called Panga. It was said to be many days' journey in extent. In
the centre was a large island, so infested with serpents that natives
dreaded to go near it; that from it flowed the Nepoko into the Nowelle,
the name now given to the Aruwimi. After several days' march we
discovered that the lake story was a myth, and that the Nepoko did not
flow from the left bank of the Aruwimi.
Our camp on the 29th was opposite My-yui, a series of villages embowered
amongst banana groves on the right bank. It was not long before we struck
an acquaintance with this tribe. We quickly recognized a disposition on
the part of the aborigines to be sociable. A good report of our doings
had preceded us. Trade commenced very pleasantly. Our people had cowries,
beads, and brass rods, besides strange trifles to exchange for food. When
the land column arrived, prices advanced somewhat, owing to the greater
demand. It was reported that there were no settlements between our camp
opposite My-yui and Panga; that we should be nine days performing the
journey through the forest.
The next morning the bartering was resumed, because we wished to prepare
provisions for several days; new ration currency had already been
distributed to each man. But we were astonished to find that only three
ears of Indian corn were given on this day for a brass rod twenty-eight
inches in length, of the thickness of telegraph wire. At Bangala such a
brass rod would have purchased five days' provisions per man in my days,
and here was a settlement in the wilds where we could only obtain three
ears of corn! For one fowl brass rods were demanded. Cowries were not
accepted; beads they declined. The men were ravenously hungry; there were
nine days' wilderness ahead. Wasp rapids was the nearest place below. We
expostulated, but they were firm. The men then began to sell their
cartridge-pouches for two plantains each. They were detected selling
their ammunition at the rate of one cartridge for an ear of corn; a tin
canteen purchased two. Bill-hooks and axes went next, and ruin stared in
the face. The natives were driven away; one of Mugwye's (the chiefs)
principal slaves was lifted out of his canoe by a gigantic Zanzibari, and
word was sent to the natives that if there were no fair sales of food
made as on the first day, that the prisoner would be taken away, and that
we should cross over and help ourselves.
Having waited all the afternoon for the reappearance of food, we embarked
at dawn on the 31st with two full companies, entered My-yui, and
despatched the foragers. By 3 P.M. there was food enough in the camp for
ten days.
In the afternoon of the 1st of August, the advance column was encamped
opposite Mambanga. The river party met with an accident. Careless
Soudanese were capsized, and one of the Zanzibari steersmen disobeying
orders shoved his canoe under the branchy trees which spread out from the
bank to the distance of fifty feet; and by the swift current was driven
against a submerged branch, and capsized, causing a loss of valuable
property--some of them being fine beads, worth four shillings a necklace.
Six rifles were also lost.
The first death in the advance column occurred on the 2nd August, the
36th day of departure from Yambuya, which was a most extraordinary
immunity considering the hardship and privations to which we were all
subjected. Could we have discovered a settlement of bananas on the other
bank, we should certainly have halted to recuperate for many days. A halt
at this period of four or five days at a thriving settlement, would have
been of vast benefit to all of us, but such a settlement had not been
found, and it was necessary for us to march and press on until we could
discover one.
We traversed a large village that had been abandoned for probably six
months before we reached, and as it was the hour of camping, we prepared
to make ourselves comfortable for the evening. But as the tents were
being pitched, my attention was called to the cries made by excited
groups, and hastening to the scene, heard that there was a dead body
almost covered with mildew in a hut. Presently the discovery of another
was announced and then another. This sufficed to cause us to hastily pack
up again and depart from the dead men's village, lest we might contract
the strange disease that had caused the abandonment of the village.
One of our poor donkeys, unable to find fitting sustenance in the region
of trees and jungle, lay down and died. Another appeared weak and pining
for grass, which the endless forest did not produce.
Opposite our camp on this day was the mouth of the Ngula River, an
affluent on the north side. Within the river it appeared to be of a width
of fifty yards.
On the 3rd two hills became visible, one bearing E.S.E., the other S.E.
by E. 1/2 E., as we moved up the river. We camped at the point of a curve
in the centre of which were two islands. Paying a visit to one of them we
found two goats, at which we were so rejoiced, that long before evening
one was slaughtered for the officers, and another to make broth for the
sick. A flock of a hundred would have saved many a life that was rapidly
fading away.
[Illustration: FORT ISLAND, NEAR PANGA FALLS.]
The next day we arrived at Panga or the Nepanga Falls, about which we had
heard so much from Bakula, the native boy.
The falls are fully thirty feet high, though at first view they appear to
be double that height, by the great slope visible above the actual fall.
They extend over a mile in length from the foot of the falls, to above
the portage. They are the first serious obstacles to navigation we had
encountered. They descend by four separate branches, the largest of which
is 200 yards wide. They run by islets of gneissic rock, and afford cover
to the natives of Panga, who when undisturbed, live upon a large island
called Nepanga, one mile long and 300 yards wide, situated 600 yards
below the Falls. This island contains three villages, numbering some 250
huts of the conical type. There are several settlements inland on both
banks. The staple food consists of plantains, though there are also
fields of manioc.
[Illustration: PANGA FALLS.]
An unfortunate Zanzibari, as though he had vowed to himself to contribute
largely to our ruin, capsized his canoe as he approached Nepanga, by
which we lost two boxes of Maxim ammunition, five boxes of cowries, three
of white beads, one of fancy beads, one box fine copper wire, cartridge
pouches and seven rifles.
All things are savage in this region. No sooner had a solitary hippo
sighted us than he gave chase, and nearly caught us. He was punished
severely, and probably received his death wound. The fowls of Nepanga
declined to be caught on the island of Nepanga, but evaded the foragers
by flight into the jungle; the goats were restless, and combative, and
very wild. Altogether we captured twelve, which gave us some hopes of
being able to save some of our sick people. A few fish were obtained in
the weirs and basket-nets.
The results of 3 days' foraging on islands, right and left banks were 250
lbs. of Indian corn, 18 goats, and as many fowls, besides a few branches
of plantains, among 383 people. A number of villages and settlements were
searched, but the natives do not appear to possess a sufficiency of food.
They were said to be at war with a tribe called the Engwedde, and instead
of cultivating live on banana stalks, mushrooms, roots, herbs, fish, and
snails and caterpillars, varying this extraordinary diet by feeding on
slain humanity. In such a region there were no inducements to stay, and
we accordingly commenced the business of portage. Stairs' Company was
detailed for clearing the canoe track, and to strew it with branches
place athwart the road. No. 3 and 4 Companies hauled the canoes, and No.
1 Company carried the whale-boat bodily overland to the sound of wild
music and song, and by the end of the 6th, after a busy day, we were
encamped above the great Falls of Panga.
CHAPTER VIII.
FROM PANGA FALLS TO UGARROWWA'S.
Another accident at the Rapids--The village of Utiri--Avisibba
settlement--Inquiry into a murder case at Avisibba--Surprised by
the natives--Lieutenant Stairs wounded--We hunt up the enemy--The
poisoned arrows--Indifference of the Zanzibaris--Jephson's caravan
missing--Our wounded--Perpetual rain--Deaths of Khalfan, Saadi, and
others--Arrival of caravan--The Mabengu Rapids--Mustering the
people--The Nepoko river--Remarks by Binza--Our food
supply--Reckless use of ammunition--Half-way to the Albert Lake--We
fall in with some of Ugarrowwa's men--Absconders--We camp at Hippo
Broads and Avakubi Rapids--The destroyed settlement of
Navabi--Elephants at Memberri--More desertions--The Arab leader,
Ugarrowwa--He gives us information--Visit to the Arab
settlement--First specimen of the tribe of dwarfs--Arrangements
with Ugarrowwa.
In full view of this last camp there was an island in mid-river distant
about two miles, that resembled a water battery, and a village lying low,
apparently level with the face of the river. On exploring it on the
7th--by no means an easy task, so strong was the current sweeping down
the smooth dangerous slope of river towards Panga--it appeared to have
been originally a flat rocky mass of rock a few inches above high river,
with inequalities on its surface which had been filled in with earth
carried from the left bank. It measured 200 feet in length by about
ninety feet in width, to which a piscatorial section of a tribe had
retreated and built 60 cone huts, and boarded it round about with planks
cut out of a light wood out of the forest and wrecked canoes. At this
period the river was but six inches below the lowest surface of the
island.
Another serious accident occurred on this day during the journey from
above Panga Falls to Nejambi Rapids.
A witless, unthinking canoe coxswain took his canoe among the branches in
broken water, got entangled, and capsized. Nine out of eleven rifles were
recovered; two cases of gunpowder were lost. The Zanzibaris were so
heedless and lubberly among rapids that I felt myself growing rapidly
aged with intense anxiety while observing them. How headstrong human
nature is prone to be, I had ample proofs daily. My losses, troubles, and
anxieties rose solely from the reckless indifference to instructions
manifested by my followers. On land they wandered into the forest, and
simply disappeared, or were stabbed or pierced with arrows. So far we had
lost eight men and seventeen rifles.
[Illustration: VIEW OF UTIRI VILLAGE.]
On the 8th the caravan had hauled the canoes past Nejambi Rapids, and was
camped a few miles below Utiri. The next day we reached the villages,
where we found the architecture had changed. The houses were now all
gable-roofed and low, and each one surrounded by strong, tall, split log
palisades, six feet long, nine inches by four inches wide and thick, of
the rubiacae wood. Constructed in two lines, a street about twenty feet
ran between them. As I observed them I was impressed with the fact that
they were extremely defensible even against rifles. A dozen resolute men
in each court of one of these villages armed with poisoned arrows might
have caused considerable loss and annoyance to an enemy.
On the 10th we halted, and foragers were despatched in three different
directions with poor results, only two days' rations being procurable.
One man, named Khalfan, had been wounded in the wind-pipe by a wooden
arrow. The manner he received the wound indicates the perfect
indifference with which they receive instructions. While Khalfan examined
the plantains above, a native stood not twenty feet away and shot him in
the throat with a poisoned arrow. The arrow wound was a mere needle-point
puncture, and Dr. Parke attended to him with care, but it had a fatal
consequence a few days later.
The 11th was consumed by the river party in struggling against a wild
stretch, five miles long, of rapids, caused by numerous reefs and rocky
islets, while the land column wound along the river bank on a passable
track which led them to Engwedde, where we rejoined them on the 12th. Our
day's rate having been broken by the rapids, foragers were again
despatched to collect food, and succeeded in procuring three days'
rations of plantains. On the 13th we marched to Avisibba, or Aveysheba, a
settlement of five large villages, two of which were situate on the upper
side of Ruku Creek.
The river column was the first to occupy the villages above the Ruku. A
fine open street ran between two rows of low huts, each hut surrounded by
its tall palisades. There was a promising abundance in the plantain
groves about. The untouched forest beyond looked tall, thick, and old.
From the mouth of the creek to the extremity of the villages there was a
hundred yards' thickness of primeval forest, through which a native path
ran. Between the village and the Aruwimi was a belt of timber fifty yards
wide. While the ferriage was progressing across the creek, the boat-crew
was searching eagerly and carefully among the scores of courts for hidden
savages, and with rifles projecting before them were burrowing into the
plantain groves, and outside the villages.
[Illustration: LEAF-BLADED PADDLE OF AVISIBBA.]
When the column was across I had a murder case to inquire into. For on
the 12th, at Engwedde, one of our Zanzibaris had been killed with a rifle
bullet outside of camp, and it was supposed that some vengeful ruffian in
the column had shot him. Meantime, I had suggested to two head men to
take forty scouts and re-cross the creek, to explore if there were any
opportunities for foraging on the next day to the south-west of the
creek. My little court had just sat down for the inquiry, and a witness
was relating his evidence, when the rifles were heard firing with unusual
energy. Lieutenant Stairs mustered some fifty men, and proceeded on the
double-quick to the river. Under the impression that ninety
breech-loaders were quite sufficient we resumed the investigation, but as
volley after volley rang out, with continued cracking of scouts' rifles,
the Doctor, Nelson, and myself hastened to the scene with a few more men.
The first person I saw was Lieutenant Stairs, with his shirt torn open,
and blood streaming from an arrow-wound in the left breast, about the
region of the heart, and I heard a pattering on the leaves around me, and
caught a glimpse of arrows flying past. After consigning our poor friend
to Parke's care I sought for information. There were numbers of men
crouching about, and firing in the most senseless fashion at some
suspicious bushes across the creek. There were certainly obstinate
savages hidden behind them, but I failed to get a glimpse of one. The
creek I soon found lay between us. I was told that as the boat was
crossing the creek a body of natives had suddenly issued on the other
side and shot their arrows into them; that surprised by the discharge
they had crouched in the bottom of the boat to escape the arrows, and had
paddled the boat back to the landing-place with their hands. They had
then picked up their rifles and blazed away at them. Simultaneously
Lieutenant Stairs had rushed in among them and fired at the enemy, who
were of a bolder kind than any they had yet met. In a short time he had
received an arrow in the breast, which he had torn off while retreating,
and five other men had been punctured. Almost as soon as I had finished
receiving these particulars, I saw for the first time a dark shadow creep
along the ground between two bushes, and fired into the centre of it, and
a curiously weird wail responded to it. Two minutes later the arrows had
ceased their patter among the leaves. Having posted a strong guard of the
best shots along the bank to observe any movement on the opposite bank of
the creek, the rest of the people were withdrawn.
In the evening some scouts that had searched in the woods inland returned
with a flock of seven goats. They had discovered the crossing-place, and
had suddenly opened fire on a small column going either to the assistance
of the enemy or coming from their direction.
[Illustration: THE FIGHT WITH THE AVISIBBA CANNIBALS.]
On the 14th, at dawn, pushed over the creek two companies to hunt up the
enemy that had done us such damage; a company was also sent, under
Captain Nelson, to the forest inland. In a few minutes we heard a volley,
and a second, and then incessant rifle fire, showing that the enemy were
of a resolute character. There were some crack shots in No. 1 Company,
but it was scarcely possible to do much damage in a thick bush against a
crafty enemy, who knew that they possessed most dangerous weapons, and
who were ignorant of the deadly force of the pellets that searched the
bushes. About 300 rounds had been fired, and silence followed. Four only
of these had been fatal, and our party received four wounds from arrows
smeared over freshly with a copal-coloured substance. One dead body was
brought to me for examination.
[Illustration: A HEAD-DRESS OF AVISIBBA WARRIORS.]
The head had a crop of long hair banded by a kind of coronet of iron; the
neck had a string of iron drops, with a few monkey teeth among them. The
teeth were filed into points. The distinguishing mark of the body appears
to form double rows of tiny cicatrices across the chest and abdomen. The
body was uncircumcised. Another dead body brought to the landing-place
had a necklace of human teeth, and a coronet of shining plated iron, and
the forehead and several wristlets of the same metal, polished; on the
left arm was the thick pad of silk cotton covered with goat skin, to
protect the arm from the bow string.
After the natives had been chased away on all sides from the vicinity,
the people commenced to forage, and succeeded in bringing to Avisibba
during the day sufficient plantains to give eighty per man--four days'
rations.
Lieutenant Stairs' wound was one-fifth of an inch in diameter, an inch
and a quarter below the heart, and the pointed head of the arrow had
penetrated an inch and a half deep. The other men were wounded in the
wrists, arms, and one in the fleshy part of the back. At this period we
did not know what this strange copal-coloured substance was with which
the points had been smeared, nor did we know what were its peculiar
effects when dry or wet; all that the Doctor could do at this time was to
inject water in the wounds and cleanse them. The "old hands" of the
Zanzibaris affirmed it was poison extracted from the India rubber
(Landolphia) by boiling; that the scum after sufficient boiling formed
the poison.
[Illustration: CORONETED AVISIBBA WARRIOR--HEAD-DRESS.]
A native declared that it was made of a species of arum, which, after
being bruised, was boiled; that the water was then poured out into
another pot, and boiled again until it had left a strong solution, which
was mixed with fat, and this was the substance on the arrows. The odour
was acrid, with a suspicion of asafoetida. The men proved its deadly
properties by remarking that elephants and all big game were killed by
it. All these stories caused us to be very anxious, but our ignorance was
excessive, I admit. We could only look on with wonder at the small
punctures on the arms, and express our opinion that such small wounds
could not be deadly, and hope, for the sake of our friend Stairs and our
nine wounded men, that all this was mere exaggeration.
The arrows were very slender, made of a dark wood, twenty-four inches
long, points hardened by slow baking in the warm atmosphere above the hut
fires; at the butt end was a slit, in which a leaf was introduced to
guide the flight; the sharp points were as sharp as needles, and half an
inch from the point began a curving line of notches for about two inches.
The arrow heads were then placed in the prepared and viscid substance,
with which they were smeared; large leaves were then rolled round a sheaf
before they were placed in the quiver. Another substance was pitch black
in colour, and appeared more like Stockholm tar when fresh, but had a
very disagreeable smell. In a quiver there would be nearly a hundred
arrows. When we observed the care taken of these arrows, rolled up in
green leaves as they were, our anxiety for our people was not lessened.
The bow is of stubborn hard brown wood, about three feet long; the string
is a broad strip of rattan carefully polished. To experiment with their
power I drove one of the wooden arrows, at six feet distance, through two
sides of an empty biscuit tin. At 200 yards' distance was a tall tree. I
drove an arrow, with full force, over the top of the highest branch and
beyond the tree. It dawned on us all then that these wooden arrows were
not the contemptible things we had imagined. At a short distance we
judged, from what we saw, that the stiff spring of this little bow was
sufficient to drive one of these slender arrows clean through a human
body. At 120 paces I have been able to miss a bird within an inch with
one of them.
At noon on the 15th of August the land column filed out of the palisaded
villages of Avisibba led by Mr. Jephson, the officer of the day. As a
captive had informed us that there were three cataracts ahead not far
off, I instructed Mr. Jephson that he must follow the river and halt at
the first convenient spot about 2.30 P.M.; that I would halt the river
column, now consisting of the boat and fourteen canoes, until the rear
guard under Captain Nelson had quite left the settlement; but as the
canoes would proceed faster than the land caravan, I would probably
overtake him, and camp at the first fit place I could find after an
hour's row, in which event he would proceed until he found us. The
instructions were also repeated to the leading men of the pioneers.
[Illustration: WOODEN ARROWS OF THE AVISIBBA.
(_From a photograph._)]
I ought to have stated that our start at noon was occasioned by the delay
caused by the discovery at the morning muster that five men were absent.
They ultimately turned up at 10 o'clock; but this perpetual straying away
without leave was most exasperating, and had drawn a lecture from me,
though this was not uncommon in those stupid early days of training.
The Zanzibaris persisted in exhibiting an indifference to danger
absolutely startling, not from bravery, or from ignorance of fear, but
from an utter incapacity to remember that danger existed, and from a
stupid unconsciousness as to how it affected them. Animals are indebted
to instinct as a constant monitor against danger, but these men appeared
to possess neither instinct nor reason, neither perception nor memory.
Their heads were uncommonly empty. The most urgent entreaties to beware
of hidden foes, and the most dreadful threats of punishment, failed to
impress on their minds the necessity they were under of being prudent,
wary, and alert to avoid the skewers in the path, the lurking cannibal
behind the plantain stalk, the cunning foe lying under a log, or behind a
buttress, and the sunken pit, with its pointed pales at the bottom. When
the danger fronted them it found them all unprepared. A sudden shower of
arrows sent them howling abjectly out of reach or under shelter; and if
the arrows were only followed by a resolute advance, resistance, by
reason of excess of terror, would be impossible. An unexpected show of
dauntlessness in a native compelled from them a ready recognition of his
courage. On the road they sneaked into the woods to avoid the rear guard,
but flew screaming with terror if a prowling savage suddenly rose before
them with uplifted spear. They roved far singly or by twos amongst the
villages, as looting was dear to their hearts; but should they meet the
wild owners of them they were more apt to throw the deadly rifle down on
the ground than to use it. They strayed through the plantain grove with
magnificent unconcern, but if they heard the whiz of an arrow they
collapsed nervelessly and submitted to their fate. With an astounding
confidence they scattered along the road, and stretched the line of the
column to 3 miles in length, but at sight of natives all sense was lost
save that of cowardly fear. Out of 370 men at this time in the camp there
were clearly 250 of this description, to whom rifles were of no use save
as a clumsy, weighty club, which they would part with for a few ears of
corn, or would willingly exchange for a light walking staff if they
dared.
The day previous the Zanzibari head men, urged by their friends, had
appeared before me in a body, and demanded to be despatched to forage
without any officers, as the officers, they said, bored them with their
perpetual orders of "Fall in, fall in." "Why," said they, "who can gather
bananas if they are continually watched and told to 'Fall in, fall in?'"
"Very true," said I, "the thing is impossible. Let me see what you can do
by yourselves. The banana plantations are but a quarter of an hour's
distance. I shall expect you all back within an hour."
After such an exposition of character as the above it will not be
wondered, that, each man having cleared from my presence, forgot all his
promises, and wandered according to his wont. A flock of sheep or a herd
of swine could not have gone further astray. After fourteen hours'
absence the 200 foragers had returned save five. These five had departed
no one knew where until 10 A.M. of this day.
Ah, those early days! Worse were to come, and then, having become
purified by suffering, and taught by awful experience, they became
Romans!
But to return to Jephson. We pulled up stream--after seeing that every
one was clear of the settlement of Avisibba--at the rate of a knot and a
half an hour, and at 2.45, having discovered a convenient camp, halted
for the night. We waited in vain for Mr. Jephson, and the column fired
signal guns, rowed out into the stream, and with a glass searched the
shore up and down, but there was no sign of camp-fire, or smoke above the
woods, which generally covered the forest as with a fog in still weather,
no sound of rifle-shot, blare of trumpet, or human voice. The caravan, we
thought, must have found a fine track, and proceeded to the cataracts
ahead.
On the 16th the river column pulled hard up stream, passed Mabengu
villages, came up to a deep but narrow creek flowing from the south bank
into the Nevva, as the Aruwimi was now called, looked anxiously up
stream, and an hour later we had reached the foot of Mabengu Rapids. On
the right bank, opposite to where we selected a camping-place, was a
large settlement--that of Itiri. Then, having as yet, met no traces of
the absent column, I sent boat's crew up the creek to search for traces
of fording. After ascending several miles up the creek, the boat's crew
returned unsuccessful; then I despatched it back again to within
half-an-hour's distance of Avisibba, and at midnight the boat returned to
announce their failure to find any traces of the missing.
On the 17th the boat's crew, with "Three o'clock," the hunter (Saat
Tato), and six scouts, were sent to our camping-place of the 15th, with
orders for the hunter and his six scouts to follow the path observed
there--inland--until they had struck the trail of the column, then to
follow the trail and overtake them, and return with them to the river. On
the boat's return, the coxswain informed me that they had seen the trail
about 7 miles (3 hours' march). I concluded that Mr. Jephson had led his
column south, instead of E. by N. and E. N. E., according to course of
river, and that Saat Tato would overtake them, and return next day.
Our condition at the river camp was this. We had thirty-nine canoemen and
boatmen, twenty-eight sick people, three Europeans, and three boys, and
one of the Europeans (Lieutenant Stairs) was suffering from a dangerous
wound, and required the constant care of the surgeon. One man had died of
dysentery at Avisibba. We had a dying idiot in camp, who had become
idiotic some days before. We had twenty-nine suffering from pleurisy,
dysentery, incurable debility, and eight suffering from wounds. One
called Khalfan was half strangled with the wound in his windpipe, another
called Saadi, wounded in the arm, appeared dangerously ill, his arm was
swollen, and gave him great pain. Out of the thirty-nine available I had
despatched three separate parties in different directions to scout for
news of the missing column, lest it was striking across some great bend
to reach the river a long distance higher up, while we, unable to stir,
were on the other side of the curve. Across the river the people of
Itiri, perceiving we were so quiet on our side of the river, seemed to be
meditating an attack, and only two miles below on our bank was the large
settlement of Mabengu, from whose inhabitants we might hear at any
moment, while our little force of thirty-nine men, scattered in various
directions, were searching for the missing 300. But the poet said that it
became
"No man to nurse despair;
But in the teeth of clenched antagonisms
To follow the worthiest till he die."
[Illustration: THE RIVER COLUMN ASCENDING THE ARUWIMI RIVER WITH
"ADVANCE"
AND SIXTEEN CANOES.]
I quote from my diary of August 18th.
The idiot fell asleep last night. His troubles are over, and we have
buried him.
I wonder if Tennyson were here, who wrote such noble lines, what he would
think of our state. A few days ago I was chief of 370 men, rich in goods,
munitions of war, medicines, and contented with such poor comforts as we
had, and to-day I have actually only eighteen men left fit for a day's
march, the rest have vanished. I should be glad to know where.
If 389 picked men, such as we were when we left Yambuya, are unable to
reach Lake Albert, how can Major Barttelot with 250 men make his way
through this endless forest. We have travelled, on an average, 8 hours
per day for forty-four days since leaving Yambuya. At two miles per hour
we ought, by this date, to have arrived on the Lake shore, but, instead
of being there, we have accomplished just a third of the distance. The
poet says we must not "nurse despair," for to do that is to lie down and
die, to make no effort, and abandon hope.
Our wounded take considerable time to heal. The swelling is increasing,
the wounds are most painful, not one has yet proved fatal, but they are
all quite incapacitated from duty.
The fifth rain of this month began at 8 A.M. Had we not enough
afflictions without this perpetual rain? One is almost tempted to think
that the end is approaching. The very "flood gates of heaven" seem
opened, and nature is dissolving. Such a body of rain is falling that the
view of all above is obscured by the amazing fall of rain-drops. Think of
the countless numbers of leaves in this forest, and that every leaf drops
ten to twenty times per minute, and that from the soaking ground rises a
grey cloud of minute rain in vapour, and that the air is full of floating
globules of water and flying shreds of leaves! And add to all this the
intense fall of rain as the blast comes bearing down the top, and whips
drowning showers on us, and sways the countless branches, and rushes
wailing through the glades with such force, as though it would wrench the
groaning trees out of the earth. The moaning and groaning of the forest
is far from comforting, and the crashing and fall of mighty trees is far
from assuring, but it is a positive terror when the thunder rumbles
above, and its sounds reverberating through the aisles and crooked
corridors of the forest, and the blazing lightning darts spitefully
hither and thither its forky tongues and sheets of flame, and explodes
over our heads with overwhelming and deafening shocks. It would be a vast
relief for our sick and wounded to be free of such sounds. An European
battle has no such variety. And throughout the day this has continued
unceasingly. It is now about the tenth hour of the day. It is scarcely
possible daylight will ever appear again, at least so I judge from the
human faces steeped in misery. Their owners appear stupefied by terror,
woe, sickness, loss of friends, hunger, rain and thunder, and general
wretchedness. They may be seen crouching under plantain-leaf sheds,
native shields, cotton shelters, straw mats, earthen and copper pots
above their heads, even saddles, tent canvass covers, blankets, each body
wreathed in blue vapour, self-absorbed with speechless anguish. The poor
asses with their ears drawn back, inverted eyes and curving backs,
captive fowls with drooping crests represent abject discomfort. Alas! the
glory of this earth is quite extinguished. When she finally recovered her
beauty, and her children assumed their proud bearing, and the growing
lakes and increasing rivers were dried up, and how out of chaos the sun
rose to comfort the world again I know not. My own feeling of misery had
so exhausted me that a long sleep wrapped me in merciful oblivion.
_August 19th._--Still without news of land caravan. The scouts have
returned without having seen any traces of the missing. Two of the
wounded men are doing very badly. Their sufferings appear to be
terrible.
_August 20th._--Still without news of caravan. Young Saadi wounded by a
poisoned arrow on the morning of the 14th, is attacked with tetanus, and
is in a very dangerous condition. Wherefore I take it to be a vegetable
poison. Khalfan's neck and spine have become rigid. I have given both
morphine by injection, but the doses though double, that is in half
grains, do not appear to ease the sufferers much. Stairs is just the same
as yesterday, neither worse nor better. The wound is painful, still he
has appetite, and enjoys sleep. I fear the effect on him of knowing what
the other patients are undergoing.
It is strange that out of 300 people and 3 officers, not one has sense
enough to know that he has lost the road, and that the best way of
recovering it would be to retrace their steps to Avisibba and try again.
_August 21st._--Poor Khalfan wounded in the windpipe on the 10th instant,
and the young fellow Saadi hurt on the morning of the 14th; both died in
the night, after intolerable agonies--one at 4 A.M., Saadi about
midnight. Khalfan's wound was caused by a poisoned arrow; but the poison
must have been laid on the arrow some days before it was used. He had
been daily getting weaker from abstinence from food, because of pain. The
wound did not seem dangerous; it had closed up, externally, and there
were no signs of inflammation; but the poor fellow complained he could
not swallow. He had subsisted on liquid food made of plantain flour
gruel. On the 8th day his neck became rigid and contracted; he could not
articulate, but murmur; the head was inclined forward, the abdomen was
shrunk, and on his face lines of pain and anxiety became fixed. Yesterday
he had some slight spasms. I gave two injections of half a grain
hypodermically, which relieved him for an hour, but, not much accustomed
to treat patients with morphia, I feared giving larger doses. Saadi was
punctured on the right forearm, midway between wrist and elbow--a mere
wound, such as a coarse stocking needle would have made. The wound was
sucked by a comrade; it was syringed with warm water and dressed, but on
the morning of the fourth day he was attacked with tetanus of so severe a
kind that his case was hopeless from our sheer inability to relieve him
from the frightful spasms. Morphia injections rendered him slightly
somnolent; but the spasms continued, and Saadi died on the 111th hour
after receiving the wound. I am inclined to think that the arrow was
smeared for the fight of the 14th the night previous.
A third man died of dysentery before noon, making the fourth death in
this camp.
At 5 P.M. the caravan arrived. Its sufferings have been great from mental
distress. There have been three deaths also in the land column. Maruf,
punctured in shoulder, died of tetanus on the night of the 19th, 24 hours
earlier than Saadi. This may have been due to the travel accelerating the
action of the poison.
One man named Ali was shot by an iron-barbed arrow, and died of internal
haemorrhage, the arrow having pierced the liver. Another succumbed to
dysentery immediately after the heavy rain which had afflicted us on the
18th; thus we have had seven fatal cases since the 14th. We have several
others, in whom life is flickering. The column brought in two others
wounded by arrows. The wounds are much inflamed, and exude a gangrenous
matter.
Lieut. Stairs still appears hearty, and appears as though he was
recovering, despite the influence these many deaths might have on his
nerves. The surgeon having appeared, I feel an intense relief. I hate to
see pain, and take no delight in sick men's groans. I feel pleasure in
ministering to their needs only when conscious I can cure.
We have now about 373 in camp, but 60 of them appear fitter for a
hospital than to continue our wandering life; but in this savage region
not even rest and food can be secured for the weary souls.
A few more days of this disheartening work, attending on the sick,
looking at the agonies of men dying from lockjaw, listening to their
muffled screams, observing general distress and despondency, from hunger,
and the sad anxiety caused by the unaccountable absence of their brothers
and comrades, with the loss of 300 men impending over me must have
exercised a malign influence over myself. I am conscious of the insidious
advance of despair towards me. Our food has been bananas or plantains,
boiled or fried, our other provisions being reserved for perhaps an
extreme occasion which may present itself in the near future. The dearest
passion of my life has been, I think, to succeed in my undertakings; but
the last few days have begun to fill me with a doubt of success in the
present one.
What the feelings of the officers have been I have not heard yet; but the
men have frankly confessed that they have been delivered from a hell.
The following note has just been placed in my hands:--
"_August 1887._
"Dear Sir,
"Saat Tato reached us at 3 P.M. yesterday with your order to follow
him. We at once recrossed the river (the creek which the boat's
crew had searched) and hope to reach you to-night. I can understood
how great your anxiety must have been, and deeply regret having
caused it.
"I have the honour to be,
"&c., &c., &c.
"A. M. Jephson."
On the 22nd we moved camp to the foot of the highest Mabengu Rapids, and
on the following day proceeded above the rapids.
I then took the opportunity of mustering the people. The following
returns tell their own tale:--
Healthy. Sick. Dead. Loads.
Company No. 1 80 6 4 43
Captain Stairs, No. 2 69 14 5 50
Captain Nelson, No. 3 67 16 4 72
Captain Jephson, No. 4 63 21 3 72
Europeans 6
Boys 12
Soudanese 10
Somalis 6
Cooks 2
Donkey boy 1
Sick 57
---
373
Dead 16
---
389
---
The experiences of the column during its wanderings appeared to confirm
me in my impressions that the Aruwimi in this region of rapids was not so
much utilized by the natives as it was below. Large settlements had been
discovered inland; the scouts had traversed the forest by several
well-trodden tracks which led from the river to the interior. The river
banks were not so populous, the settlements were now generally a little
way inland, and along the river bank was a perceptible path which
materially assisted us. Ever since leaving Utiri we had noted this fact.
On the 24th we travelled a few miles, and camped below Avugadu Rapids,
near a rich plantain grove, and the next day passed the rapids and
formed a comfortable camp in a somewhat open portion of the forest,
haunted by fishermen. On the 26th the column on land swung along at a
good rate, while we had a long stretch of undisturbed river, and had to
pull hard to keep pace with them until both columns met in one of the
largest villages of the Avejeli tribe established in front of the Nepoko
mouth.
[Illustration: CASCADES OF THE NEPOKO.]
This latter river, of which Dr. Junker was the first to inform us, and
which he had crossed far up, tumbled into the Aruwimi, now called the
Itiri, by a series of cascades, over reefs of shaly rock, from an
altitude of 40 feet. The mouth was about 300 yards wide, narrowing to
about 250 yards above the cascade. The natives had staked a considerable
distance of the reef, to which to attach their large funnel-shaped
baskets for the reception of the fish washed down the rapids. The colour
of the Nepoko was of chocolate, that of the Itiri was of tea and milk.
Had I known that one week later I should have encountered Arabs, and
their desperate bands of Manyuema, there is no doubt that I should have
endeavoured to put a degree of latitude between the centre of their
influence and our route. Even as it was, I mentally debated a change of
route, from some remarks made to me by Binza (Dr. Junker's Monbuttu boy),
who suggested that it were better to travel through lands inhabited by
"decent men," to such a horrid region infested by peoples who did not
deserve the name of men applied to them, and that the Momvu tribes were
sure of according a welcome to those who could show in return that they
appreciated hospitality. Binza was most enticing in his descriptions of
the Momvu nation. But food with the Avejeli was abundant and various, and
we hoped that a change had come over the land. For ever since we had
observed a difference in the architecture of the native dwellings, we had
observed a change for the better in the diet of the people. Below Panga
Falls the aborigines principally subsisted on manioc, and on the
different breads, puddings, cakes, and porridges to which they converted
these tubers. It will not be forgotten, perhaps, that tapioca is made out
of manioc or cassava. But above Panga Falls manioc had been gradually
replaced by plantain groves and the plantain is a much more excellent
edible than manioc for an expedition, and the groves had been clearly
growing into higher importance, therefore we hoped that happier days were
in store for us. There were also fields of Indian corn, manioc, yams, and
colocassia, plots of tobacco for the smokers, and to our great joy we
came across many fowls. A halt was ordered that the sorely-tried people
might recuperate.
In their very excusable eagerness for meat the Zanzibaris and Soudanese
were very reckless. No sooner was a fowl sighted than there was a general
scramble for it; some reckless fellows used their rifles to shoot the
chickens, and many a cartridge was expended uselessly for which due
punishment was frequently awarded. The orders were most positive that no
ammunition was to be wasted, and the efforts made to detect all breaches
of these orders were most energetic, but when did a Zanzibari obey orders
when away from his employer's eye? The indiscriminate shooting of this
day resulted in the shooting of one of the brave band of hard-working
pioneers. A bullet from a Winchester struck him in the foot, the bones of
which were pulverized and its amputation became imperative. Surgeon Parke
performed the operation in a most skilful and expeditious manner, and as
the good surgeon was most resolute when "one of his cases" required
care--this unfortunate[I] young man had to be lifted in and out by
eight men, must needs have the largest share of a canoe that nothing
might offend the tender wound, and of necessity required and received the
most bounteous supply of the best food and to have servants to wait upon
him--in short, such a share of good things and ready services that I
often envied him, and thought that for a sixpence in addition I would not
mind exchanging places with him.
Of course another severe lecture followed, and there were loud
protestations that they would all pay implicit attention in the future,
and of course before the next day every promise was forgotten. There is
much to be said for these successive breaches of promise. They relieve
the mind from vast care and all sense of responsibility. No restraint
burdens it, and an easy gladness brightens the face. Why should a man,
being an animal, continually fetter himself with obligations as though he
were a moral being to be held accountable for every idle word uttered in
a gushing moment?
On the 28th the river column consisting now of the _Advance_ steel boat
and sixteen canoes, pushed up river to a camp five miles above Avejeli.
The land party was left far behind, for they were struggling through a
series of streams and creeks, and buried in depths of suffocatingly close
bush, and did not arrive until the next day at noon, when they were urged
to proceed about two hours higher, whither we followed them.
We arrived at the foot of a big cataract on the 30th, and by observation
ascertained that we had reached half-way to the Albert Lake, Kavalli
being in 30 deg. 30' and Yambuya in 25 deg. 3-1/2'. Our camp on this day was in
about 27 deg. 47'.
We had 163 geographical miles in an air line to make yet, which we could
never accomplish within 64 days as we had performed the western half of
the route. The people were in an impoverished state of body, and mentally
depressed, ulcers were raging like an epidemic, anaemia had sapped their
vitality. They were told the half-way camp was reached, but they replied
with murmurs of unbelief. They asked, "How can the master tell? Will that
instrument show him the road? Will it tell him which is the path? Why
does it not tell us, then, that we may see and believe? Don't the natives
know their own country better? Which of them has seen grass? Do they not
all say that all the world is covered with trees and thick bush? Bah--the
master talks to us as though we were children and had no proper
perception."
The morning of the evil date, August 31st, dawned as on other days. It
struggled through dense clouds of mist, and finally about 9 o'clock the
sun appeared, pale, indistinct, a mere circle of lustreless light. But in
the meantime we were hard at our frequent task of cutting a broad highway
through the bush and forest, through which the boat could be carried
bodily by 60 men, standing underneath; the crew of the flotilla were
wrestling with the mad waters, and shoving their vessels up steep slopes
of a racing river.
The highway was finished in an hour, and a temporary camp was located
above. The canoes began to arrive. I left the Doctor to superintend the
pioneers bearing the boat, but he presently returned to report that the
boat could not be lifted. I retraced my steps to oversee the operation
personally. I had succeeded in conveying it half way when my European
servant came running at a mad pace, crying out as he ran: "Sir, oh, sir,
Emin Pasha has arrived."
"Emin Pasha!"
[Illustration: "THE PASHA IS COMING."]
"Yes, sir. I have seen him in a canoe. His red flag, like ours (the
Egyptian), is hoisted up at the stern. It is quite true, sir!"
Of course we bounded forward; the boat was dropped as though it was red
hot. A race began, master and man striving for the lead. In the camp the
excitement was also general. It was owing, we soon heard, to the arrival
of nine Manyuema, who served one called Uledi Balyuz, known to natives by
the name of Ugarrowwa, and who was reported to be settled about eight
marches up river, and commanding several hundred armed men.
The Arabs were, then, so far inland on the Upper Aruwimi, and I had
flattered myself that I had heard the last of these rovers! We were also
told that there were fifty of them camped six miles above on their way,
by orders of Ugarrowwa, to explore the course of the river, to ascertain
if communication with Stanley Falls could be obtained by the unknown
stream on whose banks they had settled.
We imparted the information they desired, whereupon they said they would
return to their camp and prepare for a hospitable reception on the
morrow. The Zanzibaris were considerably elated at the news, for what
reason may shortly be seen.
The first absconder was one Juma, who deserted with half a hundredweight
of biscuit that night.
On the 1st September, in the early morning, we were clear of the rapids,
and, rowing up in company with the caravan, were soon up at the village
where the Manyuema were said to be camped. At the gate there was a dead
male child, literally hacked to pieces; within the palisades was a dead
woman, who had been speared. The Manyuema had disappeared. It seemed to
us then that some of our men had damped their joy at the encounter with
us, by suggesting that the slaves with them might probably cause in us a
revulsion of feeling. Suspicion of this caused an immediate change in
their feelings. Their fears impelled them to decamp instantly. Their
society was so much regretted, however, that five Zanzibaris, taking
five loads, four of ammunition and one of salt, disappeared.
We resumed our journey, and halted at the base of another series of
rapids.
The next day Saat Tato, having explored the rapids, reported
encouragingly, and expressed his confidence that without much difficulty
these could also be surmounted. This report stimulated the boatmen to
make another trial. While the river column was busy in its own peculiar
and perilous work, a search party was despatched to hunt news of the
missing men, and returned with one man, a box of ammunition, and three
rifles. The search party had discovered the deserters in the forest, with
a case of ammunition open, which they were distributing. In trying to
surround them, the deserters became alarmed and scudded away, leaving
three of their rifles and a case behind them.
On the 3rd of September five more deserted, carrying away one case of
Remington cartridges, one case of Winchester cartridges, one box of
European provisions, and one load of fine Arab clothing, worth L50.
Another was detected with a box of provisions open before him, having
already abstracted a tin of sago, one tin of Liebig, a tin of butter, and
one of milk. Ten men had thus disappeared in a couple of days. At this
rate, in sixty days the Expedition would be ended. I consulted the
chiefs, but I could gain no encouragement to try what extreme measures
would effect. It was patent, however, to the dullest that we should be
driven to resort to extremities soon to stop this wholesale desertion and
theft. Since leaving Yambuya we had lost forty-eight rifles and fifteen
cases of Maxim, Winchester, and Remington ammunition.
The day following four men deserted, and one was caught in the act of
desertion. The people were accordingly mustered, and sixty men, suspected
of being capable of desertion, as no head man would guarantee their
fidelity, were rendered helpless by abstracting the mainsprings of the
rifles, which we took and locked up. Demoralisation had set in rapidly
since we had met the Manyuema. Nothing was safe in their hands. Boxes
had been opened, cloth had been stolen, beads had been pilfered, much
ammunition had been taken out of the cases, and either thrown, or
secreted as a reserve, by the way.
On September 5th we camped near Hippo Broads, so called because the river
was fine and broad, and a large herd of hippopotami were seen. The site
of our resting place was an abandoned clearing, which had become the
haunts of these amphibiae, and exquisite bits of greensward caused us to
imagine for a moment that possibly the open country was not far. Foragers
returned after a visit into the interior, on both banks, with four goats
and a few bananas, numbers of roast rats, cooked beetles, and slugs. On
the 6th we reached a cataract opposite the Bafaido settlement, where we
obtained a respectable supply of plantains. The day following we dragged
our canoes over a platform of rock, over a projecting ledge of which the
river tumbled 10 feet.
From the Bafaido cataract we journeyed along a curving river to Avakubi
Rapids, and formed a camp at the landing-place. A path led hence into the
interior, which the hungry people soon followed. While scouring the
country for food, a woman and child were found, who were brought to me to
be examined. But the cleverest interpreter was at fault. No one
understood a syllable of the meaningless babble.
Some more rapids were reached the next day. We observed that the oil-palm
flourished throughout this section.
Palm nuts were seen in heaps near each village. We even discovered some
palms lately planted, which showed some regard for posterity. Achmet, the
Somali, who had insisted on leaving Yambuya, in accompanying us had been
a passenger ever since we had struck the river above Yankonde, was
reported to be dying. He was said to suffer from melanosis. Whatever the
disease might be, he had become singularly emaciated, being a literal
skeleton covered lightly with skin.
From this camp we rounded a point, passed over a short winding course of
river, and in an hour approached in view of an awful raging stream choked
by narrow banks of shale. The outlook beyond the immediate foreview was
first of a series of rolling waves whirling and tossed into spray,
descending in succeeding lines, and a great fall of about 30 feet, and
above that a steep slope of wild rapids, and the whole capped with mist,
and tearing down tumultuously towards us. This was appalling considering
the state of the column. There were about 120 loads in the canoes, and
between fifty and sixty sick and feeble people. To leave these in the
woods to their fate was impossible, to carry the loads and advance
appeared equally so; yet to drag the canoes and bear the boat past such a
long stretch of wild water appeared to be a task beyond our utmost
powers.
[Illustration: VIEW OF BAFAIDO CATARACT.]
Leaving the vessels below the falls and rapids, I led the Expedition by
land to the destroyed settlement of Navabi, situated near a bend of the
Itiri (Aruwimi) above the disturbed stream, where we established a camp.
The sick dragged themselves after the caravan, those too feeble and
helpless to travel the distance were lifted up and borne to the camp.
Officers then mustered the companies for the work of cutting a broad
highway through the bush and hauling the canoes. This task occupied two
whole days, while No. 1 Company foraged far and near to obtain food, but
with only partial success.
[Illustration: ATTACKING AN ELEPHANT IN THE ITURI RIVER.]
Navabi must have been a remarkable instance of aboriginal prosperity
once. It possessed groves of the elais and plantain, large plots of
tobacco and Indian corn; the huts under the palms looked almost idyllic;
at least so we judged from two which were left standing, and gave us a
bit of an aspect at once tropical, pretty, and apparently happy.
Elsewhere the whole was desolate. Some parties, which we conjectured
belonged to Ugarrowwa, had burnt the settlement, chopped many of the
palms down, levelled the banana plantations, and strewed the ground with
the bones of the defenders. Five skulls of infants were found within our
new camp at Navabi.
On the 12th, as we resumed our journey, we were compelled to leave five
men who were in an unconscious state and dying. Achmet, the Somali, whom
we had borne all the way from Yambuya, was one of them.
From Navabi we proceeded to the landing place of Memberri, which
evidently was a frequent haunt of elephants. One of these not far off was
observed bathing luxuriously in the river near the right bank. Hungry for
meat, I was urged to try my chance. On this Expedition I had armed myself
with the Express rifles of 577-bore, which Indian sportsmen so much
applaud. The heavy 8-bores were with Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson. I
succeeded in planting six shots in the animal at a few yards distance,
but to no purpose except to unnecessarily wound him.
At Memberri we made a muster, and according to returns our numbers
stood:--
August 23rd 373 men.
September 12th 343 men.
14 deserted and 16 deaths; carriers 235; loads 227; sick 58
Added to these eloquent records every member of the Expedition suffered
from hunger, and the higher we ascended the means for satisfying the
ever-crying want of food appeared to diminish, for the Bakusu and
Basongora slaves, under the Manyuema head men of Ugarrowwa, had destroyed
the plantations, and either driven the populations to unknown recesses in
the forest or had extirpated them.
On the following day we reached Amiri Falls. The previous day the head
man, Saadi, had been reproached for leaving one named Makupete to return
along the track to search for a box of ammunition that was reported to be
missing, whereupon Saadi took the unwise resolution of proceeding to hunt
up Makupete. Then one, Uledi Manga, disgusted with the severe work and
melancholy prospect before us, absconded with another box of ammunition.
We had only three Zanzibar donkeys left. Out of the six with which we had
started from Yambuya, one of the three, probably possessed with a
presentiment that the caravan was doomed, took it into his head that it
was better to return before it was too late, and deserted also. Whither
he went no one knew. It is useless to search in the forest for a lost
man, donkey, or article. Like the waves divided by a ship's prow uniting
at the stern, so the forest enfolds past finding within its deep shades
whatsoever enters, and reveals nothing.
Near a single old fishing hut our camp was pitched on the 15th. The river
after its immense curve northward and eastward now trended
south-easterly, and we had already reached S. Lat. 1 deg. 24' from 1 deg. 58'.
Having been in the habit of losing a box of ammunition per diem for the
last few days, having tried almost every art of suppressing this robbery,
we now had recourse to lashing the boxes in series of eights, and
consigning each to the care of a head man, and holding him responsible
for them. This we hoped would check the excuse that the men disappeared
into the forest under all kinds of wants.
On the 16th of September, while halting for the midday rest and lunch,
several loud reports of musketry were heard up-river. I sent Saat Tato to
explore, and in half-an-hour we heard three rifle-shots announcing
success; and shortly after three canoes besides our own appeared loaded
with men in white dresses, and gay with crimson flags. These came, so
they reported, to welcome us in the name of Ugarrowwa, their chief, who
would visit my evening camp. After exchanging compliments, they returned
up-river, firing their muskets and singing gaily.
At the usual hour we commenced the afternoon march, and at 4 P.M. were in
camp just below Ugarrowwa's station. At the same time a roll of drums,
the booming of many muskets, and a flotilla of canoes, announced the
approach of the Arab leader. About 50 strong, robust fellows accompanied
him, besides singers and women, every one of whom was in prime condition
of body.
The leader gave his name as Ugarrowwa, the Zanzibar term for "Lualaba,"
or native name of "Ruarawwa," known formerly as Uledi Balyuz (or the
Consuls Uledi). He had accompanied Captains Speke and Grant, 1860-3, as a
tent-boy, and had been left or had deserted in Unyoro. He offered as a
gift to us two fat goats and about 40 lbs. of picked rice, a few ripe
plantains, and fowls.
Upon asking him if there was any prospect of food being obtained for the
people in the vicinity of his station, he admitted, to our sorrow, that
his followers in their heedless way had destroyed everything, that it was
impossible to check them because they were furious against the "pagans"
for the bloody retaliation and excesses the aborigines had committed
against many and many of their countrymen during their search for ivory.
Asked what country we were in, he replied that we were in Bunda, the
natives of which were Babunda; that the people on the north bank in the
neighbourhood of his station were called Bapai or Bavaiya.
He also said that his raiders had gone eastward a month's journey, and
had seen from a high hill (Kassololo?), a grassy country extending to the
eastward.
Further information was to the effect that his caravan, 600 strong, had
left the Lualaba at Kibonges (above Leopold R.), and that in nine moons
he had travelled the distance of 370 geographical miles, about a N.E.
course, throughout continuous forest without having seen as much grass as
would cover the palm of his hand; that he had only crossed one river, the
Lindi, before he sighted the Ituri, as the Aruwimi was now called; that
he had heard from Arab traders that the Lulu (Lowwa) rose from a small
lake called the Ozo, where there was a vast quantity of ivory.
Four days higher Ugarrowwa possessed another station manned with 100
guns, near the Lenda river, a tributary of the Aruwimi, which entered it
from the south bank. His people had sown rice, of which he had brought
us some, and onions; but near each settlement was a waste, as it was not
policy to permit such "murderous pagans" to exist near them, otherwise he
and his people's lives were not safe. He had lost about 200 men of the
Bakusu and Basangora tribes, and many a fine Manyuema headman. One time
he had lost 40, of whom not one had returned. He had an Arab guest at his
station who had lost every soul out of his caravan.
I observed a disposition on his part to send some men with me to the
Lake, and there appeared to be no difficulty in housing with him my sick
men for a consideration to be hereafter agreed upon.
On the 17th we proceeded a short distance to encamp opposite Ugarrowwa's
station.
In the afternoon I was rowed across in my boat to the Arab settlement,
and was hospitably received. I found the station to be a large
settlement, jealously fenced round with tall palisades and short planks
lashed across as screens against chance arrows. In the centre, facing the
river, was the house of the chief, commodious, lofty, and comfortable,
the walls of which were pierced for musketry. It resembled a fort with
its lofty and frowning walls of baked clay. On passing through a passage
which separated Ugarrowwa's private apartments from the public rooms, I
had a view of a great court 60 feet square, surrounded by buildings and
filled with servants. It suggested something baronial in its busy aspect,
the abundant service, the great difference of the domestics, amplitude of
space, and plenty. The place was certainly impregnable against attack,
and, if at all spiritedly defended, a full battalion would have been
necessary to have captured this outpost of a slave trader.
I was informed that the river for many days' march appeared to flow from
the eastward; that the Ihuru, a considerable distance up, flowed from the
northward and joined the Ituri, and that, besides the Lenda, there was
another affluent called the Ibina, which entered from the south.
Somewhere higher up also,--vaguely given as ten days' by others twenty
days' march,--another Arab was settled who was called Kilonga-Longa,
though his real name was also Uledi.
At this settlement I saw the first specimen of the tribe of dwarfs who
were said to be thickly scattered north of the Ituri, from the Ngaiyu
eastward. She measured thirty-three inches in height, and was a perfectly
formed young woman of about seventeen, of a glistening and smooth
sleekness of body. Her figure was that of a miniature coloured lady, not
wanting in a certain grace, and her face was very prepossessing. Her
complexion was that of a quadroon, or of the colour of yellow ivory. Her
eyes were magnificent, but absurdly large for such a small
creature--almost as large as that of a young gazelle; full, protruding,
and extremely lustrous. Absolutely nude, the little demoiselle was quite
possessed, as though she were accustomed to be admired, and really
enjoyed inspection. She had been discovered near the sources of the
Ngaiyu.
Ugarrowwa, having shown me all his treasures, including the splendid
store of ivory he had succeeded in collecting, accompanied me to the
boat, and sent away with me large trays of exquisitely cooked rice, and
an immense bowl full of curried fowl, a dish that I am not fond of, but
which inspired gratitude in my camp.
Our landing-place presented a lively scene. The sellers of bananas,
potatoes, sugar-cane, rice, flour of manioc, and fowls clamoured for
customers, and cloths and beads exchanged hands rapidly. This is the kind
of life which the Zanzibaris delight in, like almost all other natives,
and their happy spirits were expressed in sounds to which we had long
been strangers.
Early this morning I had sent a canoe to pick up any stragglers that
might have been unable to reach camp, and before 3 P.M. five sick men,
who had surrendered themselves to their fate, were brought in, and
shortly after a muster was held. The following were the returns of men
able to march:--
Men. Chiefs.
No. 1 Company 69 4
No. 2 " 57 4
No. 3 " 60 4
No. 4 " 61 4
Cooks 3
Boys 9
Europeans 6
Soudanese 6
--- ---
271 16
Sick 56
---
327
Departed from Yambuya 389
---
Loss by desertion and death 62
---
The boat and canoes were manned, and the sick transported to the Arab
settlement, arrangements having been made for boarding them at the rate
of five dollars each per month until Major Barttelot should appear, or
some person bearing an order from me.
It will be remembered that we met Ugarrowwa's men on the 31st of August,
one day's march from Avejeli, opposite the Nepoko mouth. These men,
instead of pursuing their way down river, had returned to Ugarrowwa to
inform him of the news they had received from us, believing that their
mission was accomplished. It was Ugarrowwa's wish to obtain gunpowder, as
his supply was nearly exhausted. Major Barttelot possessed two and a
quarter tons of this explosive, and, as reported by us, was advancing up
river, but as he had so much baggage it would take several months before
he could arrive so far. I wished to communicate with Major Barttelot, and
accordingly I stipulated with Ugarrowwa that if his men continued their
way down river along the south or left bank until they delivered a letter
into his hands, I would give him an order for three hundredweight of
powder. He promised to send forty scouts within a month, and expressed
great gratitude. (He actually did send them, as he promised, between the
20th and 25th of October. They succeeded in reaching Wasp Rapids, 165
miles from Yambuya, whence they were obliged to return, owing to losses
and the determined hostility of the natives.)
Our Zanzibari deserters had been deluded like ourselves. Imagining that
Ugarrowwa's people had continued their journey along some inland route
westward, they had hastened westward in pursuit to join them, whereas we
discovered they had returned eastward to their master. The arrangements
made with Ugarrowwa, and the public proclamation of the man himself
before all, would, I was assured, suffice to prevent further desertion.
We were pretty tired of the river work with its numerous rapids, and I
suggested to Ugarrowwa that I should proceed by land; the Arab, however,
was earnest in dissuading me from that course, as the people would be
spared the necessity of carrying many loads, the sick having been left
behind, and informed me that his information led him to believe that the
river was much more navigable above for many days than below.
-----
[I] Was he very unfortunate? I paid Ugarrowwa for thirteen
months' board, sent him to Stanley Falls, thence down
the Congo and by sea to Madeira, _via_ the Cape to
Zanzibar, where he arrived in a state well described by
"as fat as butter."
CHAPTER IX.
UGARROWWA'S TO KILONGA-LONGA'S.
Ugarrowwa sends us three Zanzibari deserters--We make an
example--The "Express" rifles--Conversation with Rashid--The Lenda
river--Troublesome rapids--Scarcity of food--Some of
Kilonga-Longa's followers--Meeting of the rivers Ihuru and
Ituri--State and numbers of the Expedition--Illness of Captain
Nelson--We send couriers ahead to Kilonga-Longa's--The sick
encampment--Randy and the guinea fowl--Scarcity of food--Illness
caused by the forest pears--Fanciful menus--More desertions--Asmani
drowned--Our condition in brief--Uledi's suggestion--Umari's
climb--My donkey is shot for food--We strike the track of the
Manyuema and arrive at their village.
Once more the Expedition consisted of picked men. My mind was relieved of
anxiety respecting the rear column, and of the fate which threatened the
sick men. We set out from Ugarrowwa's station with 180 loads in the
canoes and boat, forty-seven loads to be carried once in four days by
alternate companies. The Arabs accompanied us for a few hours on the 19th
to start us on our road and to wish us success in our venture.
We had scarcely been all collected in our camp, and the evening was
rapidly becoming dusky, when a canoe from Ugarrowwa appeared with three
Zanzibaris bound as prisoners. Inquiring the cause of this, I was
astonished to find that they were deserters whom Ugarrowwa had picked up
soon after reaching his station. They had absconded with rifles, and
their pouches showed that they had contrived to filch cartridges on the
road. I rewarded Ugarrowwa with a revolver and 200 cartridges. The
prisoners were secured for the night, but before retiring I debated
carefully as to what method was best to deal with these people. If this
were permitted to proceed without the strongest measures, we should in a
short time be compelled to retrace our steps, and all the lives and
bitter agonies of the march would have been expended in vain.
In the morning "all hands" were mustered, and an address was delivered to
the men in fitting words, to which all assented; and all agreed that we
had endeavoured our utmost to do our duty, that we had all borne much,
but that the people on this occasion appeared to be all slaves, and
possessed no moral sense whatever. They readily conceded that if natives
attempted to steal our rifles, which were "our souls," we should be
justified in shooting them dead, and that if men, paid for their labour,
protected and treated kindly, as they were, attempted to cut our throats
in the night, were equally liable to be shot.
"Well then," said I, "what are these doing but taking our arms, and
running away with our means of defence. You say that you would shoot
natives, if they stood in your way preventing your progress onward or
retreat backward. What are these doing? For if you have no rifles left,
or ammunition, can you march either forward or backward?"
"No," they admitted.
"Very well, then, you have condemned them to death. One shall die to-day,
another to-morrow, and another the next day, and from this day forward,
every thief and deserter who leaves his duty and imperils his comrades'
lives shall die."
The culprits were then questioned as to who they were. One replied that
he was the slave of Farjalla-bill Ali--a headman in No. 1 company;
another that he was the slave of a Banyan in Zanzibar, and the third that
he was the slave of an artizan at work in Unyanyembe.
Lots were cast, and he who chose the shortest paper of three slips was
the one to die first. The lot fell upon the slave of Farjalla, who was
then present. The rope was heaved over a stout branch. Forty men at the
word of command lay hold of the rope and a noose was cast round the
prisoner's neck.
"Have you anything to say before the word is given?"
He replied with a shake of the head. The signal was given, and the man
was hoisted up. Before the last struggles were over, the Expedition had
filed out of camp leaving the rear-guard and river column behind. A
rattan was substituted in place of our rope, the body was secured to the
tree, and within fifteen minutes the camp was abandoned.
We made good progress on this day. A track ran along the river which
greatly assisted the caravan. In passing through we searched and found
only ten bunches of miniature plantains. We formed camp an hour's
distance from the confluence of the Lenda and Ituri.
Another noble tusker was bathing opposite the river, and Captain Nelson,
with a double-barrelled rifle, similar to my own, myself, and Saat Tato
the hunter, crossed over and floated down within fifteen yards of the
elephant. We fired three bullets simultaneously into him, and in a second
had planted two more, and yet with all this lead fired at vital parts the
animal contrived to escape. From this time we lost all confidence in
these rifles. We never bagged one head of game with the Expresses during
the entire Expedition. Captain Nelson sold his rifle for a small supply
of food to Kilonga-Longa some time afterwards, and I parted with mine as
a gift to Antari, King of Ankori, nearly two years later. With the No. 8
or No. 10 Reilly rifle I was always successful, therefore those
interested in such things may avail themselves of our experience.
As the next day dawned and a grey light broke through the umbrageous
coping of the camp I despatched a boy to call the head chief Rashid.
"Well, Rashid, old man, we shall have to execute the other man presently.
It will soon be time to prepare for it. What do you say?"
"Well, what can we do else than kill those who are trying to kill us? If
we point to a pit filled at the bottom with pointed pales and poisoned
skewers, and tell men to beware of it, surely we are not to blame if men
shut their ears to words of warning and spring in. On their own heads let
the guilt lie."
"But it is very hard after all. Rashid bin Omar, this forest makes men's
hearts like lead, and hunger has driven their wits out of their heads;
nothing is thought of but the empty belly and crying stomach. I have
heard that when mothers are driven by famine they will sometimes eat
their children. Why should we wonder that the servant runs away from his
master when he cannot feed him?"
"That is the truth as plain as sunshine. But if we have to die let us all
die together. There are plenty of good men here who will give you their
hearts whenever you bid them do it. There are others--slaves of
slaves--who know nothing and care for nothing, and as they would fly with
what we need to make our own lives sure, let them perish and rot. They
all know that you, a Christian, are undergoing all this to save the sons
of Islam who are in trouble near some great sea, beyond here; they
profess Islam, and yet would leave the Christian in the bush. Let them
die."
"But supposing, Rashid, we could prevent this breakup and near ruin by
some other way not quite so severe as to hang them up until they are
dead; what would you say?"
"I would say, sir, that all ways are good, but, without doubt, the best
is that which will leave them living to repent."
"Good, then, after my coffee the muster will be sounded. Meanwhile,
prepare a long rattan cable; double it over that stout branch yonder.
Make a good noose of a piece of that new sounding line. Get the prisoner
ready, put guards over him, then when you hear the trumpet tell these
words in the ears of the other chiefs, 'Come to me, and ask his pardon,
and I will give it you.' I shall look to you, and ask if you have
anything to say; that will be your signal. How do you like it?"
"Let it be as you say. The men will answer you."
In half-an-hour the muster signal sounded; the companies formed a square
enclosing the prisoner. A long rattan cable hung suspended with the fatal
noose attached to a loop; it trailed along the ground like an immense
serpent. After a short address, a man advanced and placed the noose
around the neck; a company was told off to hoist the man upward.
"Now, my man, have you anything to say to us before you join your brother
who died yesterday?"
The man remained silent, and scarcely seemed conscious that I spoke. I
turned round to the head man. "Have you anything to say before I pass the
word?"
Then Rashid nudged his brother chiefs, at which they all rushed up, and
threw themselves at my feet, pleading forgiveness, blaming in harsh terms
the thieves and murderers, but vowing that their behaviour in future
would be better if mercy was extended for this one time.
During this scene the Zanzibaris' faces were worth observing. How the
eyes dilated and the lips closed, and their cheeks became pallid, as with
the speed of an electric flash the same emotion moved them!
"Enough, children! take your man, his life is yours. But see to it. There
is only one law in future for him who robs us of a rifle, and that is
death by the cord."
Then such a manifestation of feeling occurred that I was amazed--real big
tears rolled down many a face, while every eye was suffused and enlarged
with his passionate emotions. Caps and turbans were tossed into the air.
Rifles were lifted, and every right arm was up as they exclaimed "Until
the white cap is buried none shall leave him! Death to him who leaves
Bula Matari! Show the way to the Nyanza! Lead on now--now we will
follow!"
Nowhere have I witnessed such affecting excitement except in
Spain--perhaps when the Republicans stormily roared their sentiments,
after listening to some glorious exhortations to stand true to the new
faith in Libertad, Igualdad, and Fraternidad!
The prisoner also wept, and after the noose was flung aside knelt down
and vowed to die at my feet. We shook hands and I said, "It is God's
work, thank Him."
Merrily the trumpet blared once more, and at once rose every voice, "By
the help of God! By the help of God!" The detail for the day sprang to
their posts, received their heavy load for the day, and marched away
rejoicing as to a feast. Even the officers smiled their approval. Never
was there such a number of warmed hearts in the forest of the Congo as on
that day.
The land and river columns reached the Lenda within an hour, and about
the same time. This was apparently a deep river about a hundred yards
wide. On the west side of the confluence was a small village, but its
plantain groves had been long ago despoiled of fruit. Soon after the
ferriage was completed the men were permitted to scour the country in
search of food; some on the north bank, and others on the south bank, but
long before night they all returned, having been unable to find a morsel
of any kind of edible.
On the 22nd, while pursuing our way by river and by land as usual, I
reflected that only on the 18th I had left fifty-six invalids under the
care of an Arab; yet on observing the people at the muster, I noticed
that there were about fifty already incapacitated by debility. The very
stoutest and most prudent were pining under such protracted and mean
diet. To press on through such wastes unpeopled by the ivory hunters
appeared simply impossible, but on arriving at Umeni we had the good
fortune to find sufficient for a full day's rations, and hope again
filled us.
The following day, one man, called "Abdallah the humped," deserted. We on
the river were troubled with several rapids, and patches of broken water,
and in discharging cargo, and hauling canoes, and finally we came in view
of a fall of forty feet with lengths of rapids above and below.
One would have thought that by this time the Ituri would have become an
insignificant stream, but when we saw the volume of water precipitated
over the third large cataract, we had to acknowledge that it was still a
powerful river.
The 24th was passed by us in foraging, and cutting a highway to above the
rapids and disconnecting boat sections for transport. The pioneers
secured a fair quantity of plantains, the three other companies nothing.
The obstructions to this cataract consisted of reddish schistose rock.
On the next day we were clear of the third cataract and halted at an old
Arab encampment. During this day no new supply of food was obtained.
The day following we reached another series of rapids, and after a
terrible day's work unloading and reshipping several times, with the
fatigues and anxiety incurred during the mounting of the dangerous
rapids, we reached camp opposite Avatiko.
How useful the boat and canoes were to us may be imagined from the fact
that it required us to make three round trips to carry 227 loads. Even
then it occupied all the healthy men until night. The people were so
reduced by hunger, that over a third could do no more than crawl. I was
personally reduced to two bananas on this day from morning to night. But
some of our Zanzibaris had found nothing to subsist on for two entire
days, which was enough to sap the strength of the best. A foraging party
of No. 1 Company crossed the river to Avatiko settlement, and found a
small supply of young fruit, but they captured a woman who stated that
she knew and could guide us to plantains as large as her arms.
The 27th of September was a halt. I despatched Lieutenant Stairs to
explore ahead along the river, and 180 men across river to forage for
food, with our female captive as guide. The former returned to report
that no village had been seen, and to detail an exciting encounter he had
had with elephants, from which it appeared he had a narrow escape. The
Zanzibaris came back with sufficient plantains to distribute from sixty
to eighty per man. If the people had followed our plan of economising the
food, we should have had less suffering to record, but their appetites
were usually ungovernable. The quantity now distributed impartially,
ought to have served them for from six to eight days, but several sat up
all night to eat, trusting in God to supply them with more on peremptory
demand.
On the 30th the river and land parties met at lunch time. This day the
officers and myself enjoyed a feast. Stairs had discovered a live
antelope in a pit, and I had discovered a mess of fresh fish in a native
basket-net at the mouth of a small creek. In the afternoon we camped at a
portion of the river bank which showed signs of its being used as a
landing near a ferry. Soon after camping we were startled by three shots.
These indicated the presence of Manyuema, and presently about a dozen
fine-looking men stalked into the camp. They were the followers of
Kilonga-Longa, the rival of Ugarrowwa in the career of devastation to
which these two leaders had committed themselves.
The Manyuema informed us that Kilonga-Longa's settlement was but five
days' journey, and that as the country was uninhabited it would be
necessary to provide rations of plantains which could be procured across
river, and that still a month's journey lay between us and the grass
land. They advised us to stay at the place two days to prepare the food,
to which we were very willing to agree, the discovery of some kind of
provisions being imperative.
During the first day's halt, the search for food was unsuccessful, but on
the second day at early dawn a strong detachment left for the north bank,
under Lieutenant Stairs and Surgeon Parke. In the afternoon the foragers
returned with sufficient plantains to enable us to serve out forty to
each man. Some of the most enterprising men had secured more, but extreme
want had rendered them somewhat unscrupulous, and they had contrived to
secrete a small reserve.
On the 3rd of October, soon after leaving our camp in the morning, we
entered into a pool-like formation, surrounded by hills rising from 250
to 600 feet above the river, and arriving at the end saw a crooked,
ditch-like, and very turbulent stream. The scenery reminded us of a
miniature Congo canyon banked as it was with lines of lofty hills. A
presentiment warned us that we were about to meet more serious obstacles
than any we had yet met. We progressed, however, upward about three
miles, but the difficulties of advance were so numerous that we were
unable to reach the caravan camp.
On the 4th we proceeded about a mile and a half, and crossed the
Expedition to the north bank, as we had been told that the Manyuema
settlement of Ipoto was situated on that side. The Manyuema had
disappeared, and three of our deserters had accompanied them. Two men had
also died of dysentery. We experienced several narrow escapes; a canoe
was twice submerged, the steel boat was nearly lost, and the severe
bumping she received destroyed the rate of our chronometers, which
hitherto had been regular. I should have abandoned the river on this day,
but the wilderness, the horrible, lonely, uninhabited wilderness, and the
excessive physical prostration and weakness of the people, forbade it. We
hoped and hoped that we should be able to arrive at some place where food
and rest could be obtained, which appeared improbable, except at
Kilonga-Longa's settlement.
The next day we arrived, at 10 A.M., after a push through terribly wild
water, at a sharp bend curving eastward from N.E., distinguished by its
similarity of outline on a small scale to Nsona Mamba, of the Lower
Congo. Stepping on shore before we had gone far within the bend, and
standing on some lava-like rock, I saw at a glance that this was the end
of river navigation by canoes. The hills rose up to a bolder height,
quite 600 feet, the stream was contracted to a width of twenty-five
yards, and about a hundred yards above the point on which I stood, the
Ihuru escaped, wild and furious, from a gorge; while the Ituri was seen
descending from a height in a series of cataracts, and, both uniting at
this point, and racing madly at the highest pitch and velocity, bellowed
their uproar loudly amongst the embanking and sombre forest heights.
I sent messengers across the river to recall the caravan which was under
the leadership of Stairs, and on their return recrossed the people to the
south bank.
On the morning of the 6th of October our state and numbers were 271 in
number, including white and black. Since then two had died of dysentery,
one from debility, four had deserted, and one man was hanged. We had
therefore 263 men left. Out of this number fifty-two had been reduced to
skeletons, who first, attacked by ulcers, had been unable to forage, and
to whom through their want of economizing what rations had been
distributed, had not sufficient to maintain them during the days that
intervened of total want. These losses in men left me 211 still able to
march, and as among these there were forty men non-carriers, and as I had
227 loads, it followed that when I needed carriage, I had about eighty
loads more than could be carried. Captain Nelson for the last two weeks
had also suffered from a dozen small ulcers, which had gradually
increased in virulence. On this day then, when the wild state of the
river quite prohibited further progress by it, he and fifty-two men were
utterly unfit and incapable of travel.
It was a difficult problem that now faced us. Captain Nelson was our
comrade, whom to save we were bound to exert our best force. To the
fifty-two black men we were equally bound by the most solemn obligations;
and dark as was the prospect around us, we were not so far reduced but
that we entertained a lively hope that we could save them. As the
Manyuema had reported that their settlement was only five days' journey,
and we had already travelled two days' march, then probably the village
or station was still three days ahead of us. It was suggested by Captain
Nelson that if we despatched intelligent couriers ahead, they would be
enabled to reach Kilonga-Longa's settlement long before the column. As
this suggestion admitted of no contradiction, and as the head men were
naturally the most capable and intelligent, the chief of the head men and
five others were hastened off, and instructed at once to proceed along
the south bank of the river until they discovered some landing place,
whence they must find means to cross the Ituri and find the settlement,
and obtain an immediate store of food.
Before starting officers and men demanded to know from me whether I
believed the story of Arabs being ahead. I replied that I believed most
thoroughly, but that it was possible that the Manyuema had underestimated
the distance to gratify or encourage us and abate our anxiety.
After informing the unfortunate cripples of our intention to proceed
forward until we could find food that we might not all be lost, and send
relief as quickly as it could be obtained, I consigned the fifty-two men,
eighty-one loads, and ten canoes in charge of Captain Nelson--bade him be
of good cheer, and hoisting our loads and boat on our shoulders, we
marched away.
No more gloomy spot could have been selected for a camp than that sandy
terrace, encompassed by rocks and hemmed in narrowly by those dark woods,
which rose from the river's edge to the height of 600 feet, and pent in
the never-ceasing uproar created by the writhing and tortured stream and
the twin cataracts, that ever rivalled each other's thunder. The
imagination shudders at the hapless position of those crippled men, who
were doomed to remain inactive, to listen every moment to the awful sound
of that irreconcilable fury of wrathful waters, and the monotonous and
continuous roar of plunging rivers, to watch the leaping waves, coiling
and twisting into changing columns as they ever wrestled for mastery with
each other, and were dashed in white fragments of foam far apart by the
ceaseless force of driven currents; to gaze at the dark, relentless woods
spreading upward and around, standing perpetually fixed in dull green,
mourning over past ages, past times, and past generations; then think of
the night, with its palpable blackness, the dead black shadows of the
wooded hills, that eternal sound of fury, that ceaseless boom of the
cataracts, the indefinite forms born of nervousness and fearfulness, that
misery engendered by loneliness and creeping sense of abandonment; then
will be understood something of the true position of these poor men.
And what of us trudging up these wooded slopes to gain the crest of the
forest uplands, to tramp on and on, whither we knew not, for how long a
time we dared not think, seeking for food with the double responsibility
weighing us down for these trustful, brave fellows with us, and for
those, no less brave and trustful, whom we had left behind at the bottom
of the horrible canyon!
As I looked at the poor men struggling wearily onward it appeared to me
as though a few hours only were needed to ensure our fate. One day,
perhaps two days, and then life would ebb away. How their eyes searched
the wild woods for the red berries of the phrynia, and the tartish,
crimson, and oblong fruit of the amoma! How they rushed for the flat
beans of the forest, and gloated over their treasures of fungi! In short,
nothing was rejected in this severe distress to which we were reduced
except leaves and wood. We passed several abandoned clearings; and some
men chopped down pieces of banana stalk, then searched for wild herbs to
make potage, the bastard jack fruit, or the _fenessi_, and other huge
fruit became dear objects of interest as we straggled on.
"Return we could not, nor
Continue where we were; to shift our place
Was to exchange one misery with another.
And every day that came, came to decay
A day's work in us.
On the 7th of October we began at 6.30 A.M. to commence that funereal
pace through the trackless region on the crest of the forest uplands. We
picked up fungi, and the _matonga_ wild fruit, as we travelled, and after
seven hours' march we rested for the day. At 11 A.M. we had halted for
lunch at the usual hour. Each officer had economised his rations of
bananas. Two were the utmost that I could spare for myself. My comrades
were also as rigidly strict and close in their diet, and a cup of
sugarless tea closed the repast. We were sitting conversing about our
prospects, discussing the probabilities of our couriers reaching some
settlement on this day, or the next, and the time that it would take them
to return, and they desired to know whether in my previous African
experiences I had encountered anything so grievous as this.
"No; not quite so bad as this," I replied. "We have suffered; but not to
such an extremity. Those nine days on the way into Ituru were wretched.
On our flight from Bumbire we certainly suffered much hunger, and also
while floating down the Congo to trace its course our condition was much
to be pitied; but we had a little of something, and at least large hope.
The age of miracles is past, it is said, but why should they be? Moses
drew water from the rock at Horeb for the thirsty Israelites. Of water we
have enough and to spare. Elijah was fed by ravens at the brook Cherith,
but there is not a raven in all this forest. Christ was ministered unto
by angels. I wonder if any one will minister unto us?"
Just then there was a sound as of a large bird whirring through the air.
Little Randy, my fox-terrier, lifted up a foot and gazed inquiringly; we
turned our heads to see, and that second the bird dropped beneath the
jaws of Randy, who snapped at the prize and held it fast, in a vice as of
iron.
"There, boys," I said, "truly the gods are gracious. The age of miracles
is not past," and my comrades were seen gazing in delighted surprise at
the bird, which was a fine fat guinea fowl. It was not long before the
guinea fowl was divided, and Randy, its captor, had his lawful share, and
the little doggie seemed to know that he had grown in esteem with all
men, and we enjoyed our prize each with his own feelings.
On the next day, in order to relieve the boat-bearers of their hard work,
Mr. Jephson was requested to connect the sections together, and two
hours after starting on the march came opposite an inhabited island. The
advance scouts seized a canoe and bore straight on to the island, to
snatch in the same unruly manner as Orlando, meat for the hungry.
"What would you, unruly men?"
"We would have meat! Two hundred stagger in these woods and reel with
faintness."
[Illustration: RANDY SEIZES THE GUINEA FOWL.]
The natives did not stand for further question, but vanished kindly, and
left their treasures of food. We received as our share two pounds of
Indian corn and half-a-pound of beans. Altogether about twenty-five
pounds of corn were discovered, which was distributed among the people.
In the afternoon I received a note from Mr. Jephson, who was behind with
the boat: "For God's sake, if you can get any food at the village send us
some."
We despatched answer to Jephson to hunt up the wounded elephant that I
had shot, and which had taken refuge on an island near him, and in reply
to his anxious letter, a small handful of corn.
On the 9th of October 100 men volunteered to go across river and explore
inland from the north bank with a resolute intention not to return
without food of some kind. I went up river with the boat's crew, and
Stairs down river to strike inland by a little track in the hope that it
might lead to some village; those who were too dispirited to go far
wandered southward through the woods to search for wild fruit and forest
beans. This last article was about four times the size of a large garden
bean, encased in a brown leathery rind. At first we had contented
ourselves with merely skinning it and boiling it, but this produced
sickness of the stomach. An old woman captured on the island was seen to
prepare a dish of these beans by skinning them and afterwards cleaning
the inner covering, and finally scraping them as we would nutmegs. Out of
this floury substance she made some patties for her captor, who shouted
in ecstasies that they were good. Whereupon everybody bestirred
themselves to collect the beans, which were fairly plentiful. Tempted by
a "lady finger" cake of this article that was brought to me, I ventured
to try it, and found it sufficiently filling, and about as palatable as a
mess of acorns. Indeed, the flavour strongly reminded me of the acorn.
The fungi were of several varieties, some pure and perfect mushrooms,
others were of a less harmless kind; but surely the gods protected the
miserable human beings condemned to live on such things. Grubs were
collected, also slugs from the trees, caterpillars, and white ants--these
served for meat. The _mabengu_ (nux vomica) furnished the dessert, with
_fenessi_ or a species of bastard jack fruit.
The following day some of the foragers from across the river returned
bringing nothing. They had discovered such emptiness on the north bank as
we had found on the south bank; but "Inshallah!" they said, "we shall
find food either to-morrow or the next day."
In the morning I had eaten my last grain of Indian corn, and my last
portion of everything solid that was obtainable, and at noon the horrid
pains of the stomach had to be satisfied with something. Some potato
leaves brought me by Wadi Khamis, a headman, were bruised fine and
cooked. They were not bad, still the stomach ached from utter depletion.
Then a Zanzibari, with his face aglow with honest pride, brought me a
dozen fruit of the size and colour of prize pear, which emitted a most
pleasant fruity odour. He warranted them to be lovely, and declared that
the men enjoyed them, but the finest had been picked out for myself and
officers. He had also brought a pattie made out of the wood-bean flour
which had a rich custardy look about it. With many thanks I accepted this
novel repast, and I felt a grateful sense of fulness. In an hour,
however, a nausea attacked me, and I was forced to seek my bed. The
temples presently felt as if constricted by an iron band, the eyes
blinked strangely, and a magnifying glass did not enable me to read the
figures of Norie's Epitome. My servant, with the rashness of youth, had
lunched bravely on what I had shared with him of the sweetly-smelling
pear-like fruit, and consequently suffered more severely. Had he been in
a little cockle boat on a mad channel sea he could scarcely have
presented a more flabby and disordered aspect than had been caused by the
forest pears.
Just at sunset the foragers of No. 1 Company, after an absence of
thirty-six hours, appeared from the N. bank, bringing sufficient
plantains to save the Europeans from despair and starvation; but the men
received only two plantains each, equal to four ounces of solid stuff, to
put into stomachs that would have required eight pounds to satisfy.
The officers Stairs, Jephson, and Parke, had been amusing themselves the
entire afternoon in drawing fanciful menus, where such things figured
as:--
Filet de boeuf en Chartreuse.
Petites bouchees aux huitres de Ostende.
Becassines roties a la Londres.
Another had shown his Anglo-Saxon proclivities for solids such as:--
Ham and eggs and plenty of them,
Roast beef and potatoes unlimited,
A weighty plum pudding.
There were two of the foragers missing, but we could not wait for them.
We moved from this starvation camp to one higher up, a distance of eleven
miles.
A man of No. 3 Company dropped his box of ammunition into a deep affluent
and lost it. Kajeli stole a box of Winchester ammunition and absconded.
Salim stole a case containing Emin Pasha's new boots and two pairs of
mine, and deserted. Wadi Adam vanished with Surgeon Parke's entire kit.
Swadi, of No. 1 Company, left his box on the road, and departed himself
to parts unknown. Bull-necked Uchungu followed suit with a box of
Remington cartridges.
On the 12th of October we marched four-and-a-half miles, E. by S. The
boat and crew were far below, struggling in rapids. We wished now to
cross the river to try our fortune on the N. bank. We searched for a
canoe, and saw one on the other side, but the river was 400 yards wide,
and the current was too strong against the best swimmers in their present
state of debility.
Some scouts presently discovered a canoe fastened to an island only forty
yards from the south bank, which was situate a little above our halting
place. Three men volunteered, among whom was Wadi Asman, of the Pioneers,
a grave man, faithful, and of much experience in many African lands.
Twenty dollars reward was to be the prize of success. Asman lacked the
audacity of Uledi, the coxswain of the "advance," as well as his bold
high spirit, but was a most prudent and valuable man.
These three men chose a small rapid for their venture, that they might
obtain a footing now and then on the rocks. At dusk two of them returned
to grieve us with the news that Asman had tried to swim with his
Winchester on his back, and had been swept by the strong current into a
whirlpool, and was drowned.
We were unfortunate in every respect; our chiefs had not yet returned, we
were fearing for their fate, strong men deserted. Our rifles were rapidly
decreasing in number. Our ammunition was being stolen. Feruzi, the next
best man to Uledi as a sailor, soldier, carrier, good man and true, was
dying from a wound inflicted on the head by a savage's knife.
The following day was also a halt. We were about to cross the river, and
we were anxious for our six chiefs, one of whom was Rashid bin Omar, the
"father of the people," as he was called. Equipped with only their
rifles, accoutrements and sufficient ammunition, such men ought to have
travelled in the week that had elapsed since our departure from Nelson's
camp over a hundred miles. If they, during that distance, could not
discover the Manyuema settlement, what chance had we, burdened with
loads, with a caravan of hungry and despairing men, who for a week had
fed on nothing but two plantains, berries, wild fruit, and fungi? Our men
had begun to suffer dearly during this protracted starvation. Three had
died the day before.
Towards evening Jephson appeared with the boat, and brought a supply of
Indian corn, which sufficed to give twelve cupfuls to each white. It was
a reprieve from death for the Europeans.
The next day, the 15th, having blazed trees around the camp, and drawn
broad arrows with charcoal for the guidance of the head men when they
should return, the Expedition crossed over to the north bank and camped
on the upper side of a range of hills. Feruzi Ali died of his wound soon
after.
Our men were in such a desperately weak state, that I had not the heart
to command the boat to be disconnected for transport, as had a world's
treasure been spread out before them, they could not have exhibited
greater power than they were willing to give at a word. I stated the case
fairly to them thus:--
"You see, my men, our condition in brief is this. We started from
Yambuya 389 in number and took 237 loads with us. We had 80 extra
carriers to provide for those who by the way might become weak and
ailing. We left 56 men at Ugarrowwa's Settlement, and 52 with Captain
Nelson. We should have 271 left, but instead of that number we have only
200 to-day, including the chiefs who are absent. Seventy-one have either
died, been killed, or deserted. But there are only 150 of you fit to
carry anything, and therefore we cannot carry this boat any further. I
say, let us sink her here by the riverside, and let us press on to get
food for ourselves and those with Captain Nelson, who are wondering what
has become of us, before we all die in these woods. You are the carriers
of the boat--not we, Do you speak, what shall be done unto her?"
Many suggestions were made by the officers and men, but Uledi of 'Through
the Dark Continent,' always Uledi--the ever faithful Uledi, spoke
straight to the purpose. "Sir, my advice is this. You go on with the
caravan and search for the Manyuema, and I and my crew will work at these
rapids, and pole, row, or drag her on as we can. After I have gone two
days up, if I do not see signs of the Manyuema I will send men after you
to keep touch with you. We cannot lose you, for a blind man could follow
such a track as the caravan makes."
This suggestion was agreed by all to be the best, and it was arranged
that our rule of conduct should be as Uledi sketched out.
We separated at 10 A.M., and in a short time I had my first experience
among the loftier hills of the Aruwimi valley. I led the caravan
northward through the trackless forest, sheering a little to the north
east to gain a spur, and using animal tracks when they served us.
Progress was very slow, the undergrowth was dense; berries of the
phrynium and fruit of the Amomum _fenessi_ and nux vomica, besides the
large wood beans and fungi of all sorts, were numerous, and each man
gathered a plentiful harvest. Unaccustomed to hills for years, our hearts
palpitated violently as we breasted the steep-wooded slopes, and cut
arid slashed at the obstructing creepers, bush and plants.
Ah, it was a sad night, unutterably sad, to see so many men struggling on
blindly through that endless forest, following one white man who was
bound whither none knew, whom most believed did not know himself. They
were in a veritable hell of hunger already! What nameless horrors awaited
them further on none could conjecture? But what matter, death comes to
every man soon or late! Therefore we pushed on and on, broke through the
bush, trampled down the plants, wound along the crest of spurs zigzagging
from north-east to north-west, and descending to a bowl-like valley by a
clear stream, lunched on our corn and berries.
During our mid-day halt, one Umari having seen some magnificent and ripe
_fenessi_ at the top of a tree thirty feet high, essayed to climb it, but
on gaining that height, a branch or his strength yielded and he tumbled
headlong upon the heads of two other men who were waiting to seize the
fruit. Strange to say, none of them were very seriously injured. Umari
was a little lame in the hip and one of those upon whom he fell
complained of a pain in the chest.
At 3.30 after a terrible struggle through a suffocating wilderness of
arums, amoma, and bush, we came to a dark amphitheatral glen and at the
bottom found a camp just deserted by the natives, and in such hot haste
that they had thought it best not to burden themselves with their
treasures. Surely some divinity provided for us always in the most
stressful hours. Two bushels of Indian corn, and a bushel of beans
awaited us in this camp.
My poor donkey from Zanzibar showed symptoms of surrender. Arums and
amoma every day since June 28th were no fit food for a dainty Zanzibar
ass, therefore to end his misery I shot him. The meat was as carefully
shared as though it were the finest venison, for a wild and famished mob
threatened to defy discipline. When the meat was fairly served a free
fight took place over the skin, the bones were taken up and crushed, the
hoofs were boiled for hours, there was nothing left of my faithful animal
but the spilled blood and hair; a pack of hyaenas could not have made a
more thorough disposal of it. That constituent of the human being which
marks him as superior to all others of the animal creation was so
deadened by hunger that our men had become merely carnivorous bipeds,
inclined to be as ferocious as any beast of prey.
On the 16th we crossed through four deep gorges one after another,
through wonderful growths of phrynia. The trees frequently bore _fenessi_
nearly ripe, one foot long and eight inches in diameter. Some of this
fruit was equal to pineapple, it was certainly wholesome. Even the rotten
fruit was not rejected. When the _fenessi_ were absent, the wood-bean
tree flourished and kindly sprinkled the ground with its fruit. Nature
seemed to confess that the wanderers had borne enough of pain and grief.
The deepest solitudes showed increasing tenderness for the weary and
long-suffering. The phrynia gave us their brightest red berries, the
amoma furnished us with the finest and ripest scarlet fruit, the
_fenessi_ were in a state of perfection, the wood-beans were larger and
fatter, the streams of the wood glens were clear and cold; no enemy was
in sight, nothing was to be feared but hunger, and nature did its best
with her unknown treasures, shaded us with her fragrant and loving
shades, and whispered to us unspeakable things sweetly and tenderly.
During the mid-day halt the men discussed our prospects. They said, with
solemn shaking of their heads, "Know you that such and such a man is
dead? that the other is lost! another will probably fall this afternoon!
the rest will perish to-morrow!" The trumpet summoned all to their feet,
to march on, and strive, and press forward to the goal.
Half-an-hour later the pioneers broke through a growth of amoma, and
stepped on a road. And lo! on every tree we saw the peculiar "blaze" of
the Manyuema, a discovery that was transmitted by every voice from the
head to the rear of the column, and was received with jubilant cheers.
"Which way, sir?" asked the delighted pioneers.
"Right turn of course," I replied, feeling far more glad than any, and
fuller of longings for the settlement that was to end this terrible
period, and shorten the misery of Nelson and his dark followers.
"Please God," they said, "to-morrow or the next day we shall have food,"
which meant that after suffering unappeasable hunger for 336 hours, they
could patiently wait if it pleased God another thirty-six or sixty hours
more.
We were all frightfully thin, the whites not so much reduced as our
coloured men. We thought of the future and abounded with hope, though
deep depression followed any inspection of the people. We regretted that
our followers did not have greater faith in us. Hunger followed by
despair killed many. Many freely expressed their thoughts and declared to
one another plainly that we knew not whither we were marching. And they
were not far wrong, for who knew what a day might bring forth in
unexplored depths of woods. But as they said, it was their fate to follow
us, and therefore they followed fate. They had fared badly and had
suffered greatly. It is hard to walk at all when weakness sets in through
emptiness; it is still worse to do so when burdened with sixty pounds
weight. Over fifty were yet in fair condition; 150 were skeletons covered
with ashy grey skins, jaded and worn out, with every sign of wretchedness
printed deep in their eyes, in their bodies and movements. These could
hardly do more than creep on and moan, and shed tears and sigh. My only
dog "Randy," alas! how feeble he had become! Meat he had not
tasted--except with me of the ass's meat--for weeks. Parched corn and
beans were not fit for a terrier, and _fenessi_ and _mabengu_, and such
other acid fruit he disdained, and so he declined, until he became as
gaunt as the pariah of a Moslem. Stairs had never failed me. Jephson
every now and then had been fortunate in discoveries of grain treasures,
and always showed an indomitable front, and Parke was ever striving,
patient, cheerful and gentle. Deep, deep down to undiscovered depths our
life in the forest had enabled me to penetrate human nature with all its
endurance and virtues.
Along the track of the Manyuema it was easy to travel. Sometimes we came
to a maze of roads; but once the general direction was found, there was
no difficulty to point to the right one. It appeared to be well
travelled, and it was clearer every mile that we were approaching a
populous settlement. As recent tracks became more numerous, the bush
seemed more broken into, with many a halt and many wayward strayings.
Here and there trees had been lopped of their branches. Cording vines lay
frequently on the track; pads for native carriers had often been dropped
in haste. Most of the morning was expended in crossing a score of lazy,
oozy rillets, which caused large breadths of slime-covered swamp. Wasps
attacked the column at one crossing, and stung a man into high fever, and
being in such an emaciated condition there was little chance of his
recovery. After a march of seven miles south-eastwardly we halted on the
afternoon of the 17th.
The night was ushered by a tempest which threatened to uproot the forest
and bear it to the distant west, accompanied by floods of rain, and a
severe cold temperature. Nevertheless, fear of famishing drove us to
begin the march at an early hour on the following day. In about an hour,
and-a-half we stood on the confines of a large clearing, but the fog was
so dense that we could discern nothing further than 200 feet in front.
Resting awhile to debate upon our course, we heard a sonorous voice
singing in a language none of us knew, and a lusty hail and an argument
with what appeared to be some humour. As this was not a land where
aborigines would dare to be so light-hearted and frivolous, this singing
we believed could proceed from no other people than those who knew they
had nothing to fear. I fired a Winchester rapidly in the air. The
response by heavy-loaded muskets revealed that these were the Manyuema
whom we had been so long seeking, and scarcely had their echoes ceased
their reverberations than the caravan relieved its joy by long continued
hurrahs.
[Illustration: KILONGA LONGA'S STATION.]
We descended the slope of the clearing to a little valley, and from all
sides of an opposite slope were seen lines of men and women issuing to
welcome us with friendly hails. We looked to the right and left and saw
thriving fields, Indian corn, rice, sweet potatoes and beans. The
well-known sounds of Arab greeting and hospitable tenders of friendship
burst upon our ears; and our hands were soon clasped by lusty huge
fellows, who seemed to enjoy life in the wilds as much as they could have
enjoyed it in their own lands. These came principally from Manyuema,
though their no less stout slaves, armed with percussion muskets and
carbine, echoed heartily their superiors' sentiments and professions.
We were conducted up the sloping clearing through fields of luxuriant
grain, by troops of men and youngsters who were irrepressibly frolicsome
in their joy at the new arrivals and dawning promise of a holiday. On
arrival at the village we were invited to take our seats in deep shady
verandahs where we soon had to answer to hosts of questions and
congratulations. As the caravan filed past us to its allotted quarters
which men were appointed to show, numerous were the praises to God,
uttered by them for our marvellous escapes from the terrible wilderness
that stretched from their settlement of Ipoto to the Basopo Cataract, a
distance of 197 miles, praises in which in our inmost hearts each one of
our sorely tried caravan most heartily joined.
CHAPTER X.
WITH THE MANYUEMA AT IPOTO.
The ivory hunters at Ipoto--Their mode of proceeding--The Manyuema
headmen and their raids--Remedy for preventing wholesale
devastations--Crusade preached by Cardinal Lavigerie--Our Zanzibar
chiefs--Anxiety respecting Captain Nelson and his followers--Our
men sell their weapons for food--Theft of Rifles--Their return
demanded--Uledi turns up with news of the missing chiefs--Contract
drawn up with the Manyuema headmen for the relief of Captain
Nelson--Jephson's report on his journey--Reports of Captain Nelson
and Surgeon Parke--The process of blood brotherhood between myself
and Ismaili--We leave Ipoto.
This community of ivory hunters established at Ipoto had arrived, five
months previous to our coming, from the banks of the Lualaba, from a
point situated between the exits of the Lowwa and the Leopold into the
great river. The journey had occupied them seven-and-a-half months, and
they had seen neither grass nor open country, nor even heard of them
during their wanderings. They had halted a month at Kinnena on the Lindi,
and had built a station-house for their Chief Kilonga-Longa, who, when he
had joined them with the main body, sent on about 200 guns and 200 slave
carriers to strike further in a north-easterly direction, to discover
some other prosperous settlement far in advance of him, whence they could
sally out in bands to destroy, burn and enslave natives in exchange for
ivory. Through continual fighting, and the carelessness which the
unbalanced mind is so apt to fall into after one or more happy successes,
they had decreased in number within seven-and-a-half months into a force
of about ninety guns. On reaching the Lenda River they had heard of the
settlements of Ugarrowwa, and sheered off the limits of his raiding
circle to obtain a centre of their own, and, crossing the Lenda, they
succeeded in reaching the south bank of the Ituri, about south of their
present settlement at Ipoto.
As the natives would not assist them over the river to the north bank,
they cut down a big tree and with axe and fire hollowed it into a
sizeable canoe which conveyed them across to the north bank to Ipoto.
Since that date they had launched out on one of the most sanguinary and
destructive careers to which even Tippu-Tib's or Tagamoyo's career offer
but poor comparison. Towards the Lenda and Ihuru Rivers, they had
levelled into black ashes every settlement, their rage for destruction
had even been vented on the plantain groves, every canoe on the rivers
had been split into pieces, every island had been searched, and into the
darkest recesses, whither a slight track could be traced, they had
penetrated with only one dominating passion, which was to kill as many of
the men and capture as many of the women and children as craft and
cruelty would enable them. However far northward or eastward these people
had reached, one said nine days' march, another fifteen days; or wherever
they had gone they had done precisely as we had seen between the Lenda
River and Ipoto, and reduced the forest land into a howling wilderness,
and throughout all the immense area had left scarcely a hut standing.
What these destroyers had left of groves and plantations of plantain and
bananas, manioc, and corn-fields, the elephant, chimpanzee, and monkeys
had trampled and crushed into decaying and putrid muck, and in their
places had sprung up, with the swiftness of mushrooms, whole hosts of
large-leafed plants native to the soil, briars, calamus and bush, which
the natives had in times past suppressed with their knives, axes and
hoes. With each season the bush grew more robust and taller, and a few
seasons only were wanted to cover all traces of former habitation and
labour.
From Ipoto to the Lenda the distance by our track is 105 miles. Assume
that this is the distance eastward to which their ravages have extended,
and northward and southward, and we have something like 44,000 square
miles. We know what Ugarrowwa has done from the preceding pages, what he
was still doing with all the vigour of his mind, and we know what the
Arabs in the Stanley Falls are doing on the Lumami and what sort of
devil's work Mumi Muhala, and Bwana Mohamed are perpetrating around Lake
Ozo, the source of the Lulu, and, once we know where their centres are
located, we may with a pair of compasses draw great circles round each,
and park off areas of 40,000 and 50,000 square miles into which
half-a-dozen resolute men, aided by their hundreds of bandits, have
divided about three-fourths of the Great Upper Congo Forest for the sole
purpose of murder, and becoming heirs to a few hundred tusks of ivory.
At the date of our arrival at Ipoto, there were the Manyuema headmen,
physically fine stalwart fellows, named Ismailia, Khamisi, and
Sangarameni, who were responsible to Kilonga-Longa, their chief, for the
followers and operations entrusted to their charge. At alternate periods
each set out from Ipoto to his own special sub-district. Thus, to
Ismailia, all roads from Ipoto to Ibwiri and east to the Ituri were given
as his special charge. Khamisi's area was along the line of the Ihuru,
then east to Ibwiri, to Sangarameni all the land east and west between
the Ibina and Ihuru affluents of the Ituri. Altogether there were 150
fighting men, but only about 90 were armed with guns. Kilonga-Longa was
still at Kinnena, and was not expected for three months yet.
The fighting men under the three leaders consisted of Bakusu, Balegga,
and Basongora, youths who were trained by the Manyuema as raiders in the
forest region, in the same manner as in 1876, Manyuema youths had been
trained by Arabs and Waswahili of the east coast. We see in this
extraordinary increase in number of raiders in the Upper Congo basin the
fruits of the Arab policy of killing off the adult aborigines and
preserving the children. The girls are distributed among the Arab,
Swahili and Manyuema harems, the boys are trained to carry arms and are
exercised in the use of them. When they are grown tall and strong enough
they are rewarded with wives from the female servants of the harem, and
then are admitted partners in these bloody ventures. So many parts of the
profits are due to the great proprietor, such as Tippu-Tib, or Said bin
Abed, a less number becomes the due of the headmen, and the remainder
becomes the property of the bandits. At other times large ivories, over
35 lbs. each, become the property of the proprietor, all over 20 lbs. to
35 lbs. belong to the headmen, scraps, pieces and young ivory are
permitted to be kept by the lucky finders. Hence every member of the
caravan is inspired to do his best. The caravan is well armed and well
manned by the proprietor, who stays at home on the Congo or Lualaba river
indulging in rice and pilaf and the excesses of his harem, the headmen,
inspired by greed and cupidity, become ferocious and stern, the bandits
fling themselves upon a settlement without mercy to obtain the largest
share of loot, of children, flocks, poultry, and ivory.
All this would be clearly beyond their power if they possessed no
gunpowder. Not a mile beyond their settlements would the Arabs and their
followers dare venture. It is more than likely that if gunpowder was
prohibited entry into Africa there would be a general and quick migration
to the sea of all Arabs from inner Africa, as the native Chiefs would be
immeasurably stronger than any combination of Arabs armed with spears.
What possible chance could Tippu-Tib, Abed bin Salim, Ugarrowwa and
Kilonga-Longa have against the Basongora and Bakusu? How could the Arabs
of Ujiji resist the Wajiji and Warundi, or how could those of Unyamyembe
live among the bowmen and spearmen of Unyamwezi?
There is only one remedy for these wholesale devastations of African
aborigines, and that is the solemn combination of England, Germany,
France, Portugal, South and East Africa, and Congo State against the
introduction of gunpowder into any part of the Continent except for the
use of their own agents, soldiers, employes, or seizing upon every tusk
of ivory brought out, as there is not a single piece nowadays which has
been gained lawfully. Every tusk, piece and scrap in the possession of an
Arab trader has been steeped and dyed in blood. Every pound weight has
cost the life of a man, woman or child, for every five pounds a hut has
been burned, for every two tusks a whole village has been destroyed,
every twenty tusks have been obtained at the price of a district with all
its people, villages and plantations. It is simply incredible that,
because ivory is required for ornaments or billiard games, the rich heart
of Africa should be laid waste at this late year of the nineteenth
century, signalized as it has been by so much advance, that populations,
tribes and nations should be utterly destroyed. Whom after all does this
bloody seizure of ivory enrich? Only a few dozens of half-castes, Arab
and Negro, who, if due justice were dealt to them, should be made to
sweat out the remainder of their piratical lives in the severest penal
servitude.
On arriving in civilization after these terrible discoveries, I was told
of a crusade that had been preached by Cardinal Lavigerie, and of a
rising desire in Europe to effect by force of arms in the old crusader
style and to attack the Arabs and their followers in their strongholds in
Central Africa. It is just such a scheme as might have been expected from
men who applauded Gordon when he set out with a white wand and six
followers to rescue all the garrisons of the Soudan, a task which 14,000
of his countrymen, under one of the most skilful English generals, would
have found impossible at that date. We pride ourselves upon being
practical and sensible men, and yet every now and then let some
enthusiast--whether Gladstone, Gordon, Lavigerie or another--speak, and a
wave of Quixotism spreads over many lands. The last thing I heard in
connection with this mad project is that a band of 100 Swedes, who have
subscribed L25 each, are about to sail to some part of the East Coast of
Africa, and proceed to Tanganika to commence ostensibly the extirpation
of the Arab slave-trader, but in reality to commit suicide.
However, these matters are not the object of this chapter. We are about
to have a more intimate acquaintance with the morals of the Manyuema, and
to understand them better than we ever expected we should.
They had not heard a word or a whisper of our Headmen whom we had
despatched as couriers to obtain relief for Nelson's party, and, as it
was scarcely possible that a starving caravan would accomplish the
distance between Nelson's Camp and Ipoto before six active and
intelligent men, we began to fear that among the lost men we should have
to number our Zanzibari chiefs. Their track was clear as far as the
crossing-place of the 14th and 15th December. It was most probable that
the witless men would continue up the river until they were overpowered
by the savages of some unknown village. Our minds were never free from
anxiety respecting Capt. Nelson and his followers. Thirteen days had
already elapsed since our parting. During this period their position was
not worse than ours had been. The forest was around them as it was around
us. They were not loaded down as we were. The most active men could
search about for food, or they could employ their canoes to ferry
themselves over to the scene of the forage of the 3rd December, one day's
journey by land, or an hour by water. Berries and fungi abounded on the
crest of the hills above their camp as in other parts. Yet we were
anxious, and one of my first duties was to try and engage a relief party
to take food to Nelson's camp. I was promised that it should be arranged
next day.
For ourselves we received three goats and twelve baskets of Indian corn,
which, when distributed, gave six ears of corn per man. It furnished us
with two good meals, and many must have felt revived and refreshed, as I
did.
On the first day's halt at Ipoto we suffered considerable lassitude.
Nature either furnishes a stomach and no food, or else furnishes a feast
and robs us of all appetite. On the day before, and on this, we had fed
sumptuously on rice and pilaf and goat stew, but now we began to suffer
from many illnesses. The masticators had forgotten their office, and the
digestive organs disdained the dainties, and affected to be deranged.
Seriously, it was the natural result of over-eating; corn mush, grits,
parched corn, beans and meat are solids requiring gastric juice, which,
after being famished for so many days, was not in sufficient supply for
the eager demand made for it.
The Manyuema had about 300 or 400 acres under corn, five acres under
rice, and as many under beans. Sugar-cane was also grown largely. They
possessed about 100 goats--all stolen from the natives. In their
store-huts they had immense supplies of Indian corn drawn from some
village near the Ihuru, and as yet unshucked. Their banana plantations
were well stocked with fruit. Indeed the condition of every one in the
settlement was prime.
It is but right to acknowledge that we were received on the first day
with ostentatious kindness, but on the third day something of a
strangeness sprang up between us. Their cordiality probably rose from a
belief that our loads contained some desirable articles, but
unfortunately the first-class beads that would have sufficed for the
purchase of all their stock of corn were lost by the capsizing of a canoe
near Panga Falls, and the gold braided Arab burnooses were stolen below
Ugarrowwa, by deserters. Disappointed at not receiving the expected
quantity of fine cloth or fine beads, they proceeded systematically to
tempt our men to sell everything they possessed, shirts, caps, daoles,
waist cloths, knives, belts, to which, being their personal property, we
could make no objection. But the lucky owners of such articles having
been seen by others less fortunate, hugely enjoying varieties of
succulent food, were the means of inspiring the latter to envy and
finally to theft. The unthrifty and reckless men sold their ammunition,
accoutrements, bill hooks, ramrods, and finally their Remington Rifles.
Thus, after escaping the terrible dangers of starvation and such
injuries as the many savage tribes could inflict on us, we were in near
peril of becoming slaves to the Arab slaves.
Despite entreaties for corn, we could obtain no more than two ears per
man per day. I promised to pay triple price for everything received, on
the arrival of the rear column, but with these people a present
possession is better than a prospective one. They professed to doubt that
we had cloth, and to believe that we had travelled all this distance to
fight them. We represented on the other hand that all we needed were six
ears of corn per day during nine days' rest. Three rifles disappeared.
The Headmen denied all knowledge of them. We were compelled to reflect
that, if it were true, they suspected we entertained sinister intentions
towards them, that surely the safest and craftiest policy would be to
purchase our arms secretly, and disarm us altogether, when they could
enforce what terms they pleased on us.
On the 21st six more rifles were sold. At this rate the Expedition would
be wrecked in a short time, for a body of men without arms in the heart
of the great forest, with a host of men to the eastward and a large body
to the westward depending upon them, were lost beyond hope of salvation.
Both advance and retreat were equally cut off, and no resource would be
left but absolute submission to the chief who chose to assert himself to
be our master or Death. Therefore I proposed for my part to struggle
strongly against such a fate, and either to provoke it instantly, or ward
it off by prompt action.
A muster was made, the five men without arms were sentenced to
twenty-five lashes each and to be tied up. After a considerable fume and
fuss had been exhibited, a man stepped up, as one was about to undergo
punishment and begged permission to speak.
"This man is innocent, sir." "I have his rifle in my hut, I seized it
last night from Juma (one of the cooks), son of Forkali, as he brought it
to a Manyuema to sell. It may be Juma stole it from this man. I know that
all these men have pleaded that their rifles have been stolen by others,
while they slept. It may be true as in this case." Meantime Juma had
flown, but was found later on hiding in the corn fields. He confessed
that he had stolen two, and had taken them to the informer to be disposed
of for corn, or a goat, but it was solely at the instigation of the
informer. It may have been true, for scarcely one of them but was quite
capable of such a course, but the story was lame, and unreasonable in
this case and was rejected. Another now came up and recognized Juma as
the thief who had abstracted his rifle--and having proved his statement
and confession having been made--the prisoner was sentenced to immediate
execution, which was accordingly carried out by hanging.
It now being proved beyond a doubt that the Manyuema were purchasing our
rifles at the rate of a few ears of corn per gun, I sent for the head
men, and make a formal demand for their instant restitution, otherwise
they would be responsible for the consequences. They were inclined to be
wrathy at first. They drove the Zanzibaris from the village out into the
clearing, and there was every prospect of a fight, or as was very
probable, that the Expedition was about to be wrecked. Our men, being so
utterly demoralized, and utterly broken in spirit from what they had
undergone, were not to be relied on, and as they were ready to sell
themselves for corn--there was little chance of our winning a victory in
case of a struggle. It requires fulness of stomach to be brave. At the
same time death was sure to conclude us in any event, for to remain
quiescent under such circumstances tended to produce an ultimate appeal
to arms. With those eleven rifles, 3000 rounds of ammunition had been
sold. No option presented itself to me than to be firm in my demand for
the rifles; it was reiterated, under a threat that I would proceed to
take other means--and as a proof of it they had but to look at the body
hanging from a tree, for if we proceeded to such extremities as putting
to death one of our own men, they certainly ought to know that we should
feel ourselves perfectly prepared to take vengeance on those who had
really caused his death by keeping open doors to receive stolen
property.
After an hour's storming in their village they brought five rifles to me,
and to my astonishment pointed the sellers of them. Had it not been
impolitic in the first place to drive things to the extreme, I should
have declined receiving one of them back before all had been returned,
and could I have been assured of the aid of fifty men I should have
declared for a fight; but just at this juncture Uledi, the faithful
coxswain of the _Advance_, strode into camp, bringing news that the boat
was safe at the landing-place of Ipoto and of his discovery of the six
missing chiefs in a starving and bewildered state four miles from the
settlement. This produced a revulsion of feelings. Gratitude for the
discovery of my lost men, the sight of Uledi--the knowledge that after
all, despite the perverseness of human nature, I had some faithful
fellows, left me for the time speechless.
Then the tale was told to Uledi, and he undertook the business of
eradicating the hostile feelings of the Manyuema, and pleaded with me to
let bygones be bygones on the score that the dark days were ended, and
happy days he was sure were in store for us.
"For surely, dear master," he said, "after the longest night comes day,
and why not sunshine after darkness with us? I think of how many long
nights and dark days we pulled through in the old times when we pierced
Africa together, and now let your heart be at peace. Please God we shall
forget our troubles before long."
The culprits were ordered to be bound until morning. Uledi, with his bold
frank way, sailed straight into the affections of the Manyuema headmen.
Presents of corn were brought to me, apologies were made and accepted.
The corn was distributed among the people, and we ended this troublesome
day, which had brought us all to the verge of dissolution, in much
greater content than could have been hoped from its ominous
commencement.
Our long wandering chiefs who were sent as heralds of our approach to
Ipoto arrived on Sunday the 23rd. They surely had made but a fruitless
quest, and they found us old residents of the place they had been
despatched to seek. Haggard, wan and feeble from seventeen days feeding
on what the uninhabited wilderness afforded, they were also greatly
abashed at their failure. They had reached the Ibina River which flows
from the S.E., and struck it two days above the confluence with the
Ituri; they had then followed the tributary down to the junction, had
found a canoe and rowed across to the right bank, where they had nearly
perished from hunger. Fortunately Uledi had discovered them in time, had
informed them of the direction of Ipoto, and they had crawled as they
best could to our camp.
Before night, Sangarameni, the third head man, appeared from a raid with
fifteen fine ivories. He said he had penetrated a twenty days' journey,
and from a high hill had viewed an open country all grass land.
Out of a supply I obtained on this day I was able to give two ears of
corn per man, and to store a couple of baskets for Nelson's party. But
events were not progressing smoothly, I could obtain no favourable answer
to my entreaty for a relief party. One of our men had been speared to
death by the Manyuema on a charge of stealing corn from the fields. One
had been hanged, twenty had been flogged for stealing ammunition, another
had received 200 cuts from the Manyuema for attempting to steal. If only
the men could have reasoned sensibly during these days, how quickly
matters could have been settled otherwise!
I had spoken and warned them with all earnestness to "endure, and cheer
up," and that there were two ways of settling all this, but that I was
afraid of them only, for they preferred the refuse of the Manyuema to our
wages and work. The Manyuema were proving to them what they might expect
of them; and with us the worst days were over; all we had to do was to
march beyond the utmost reach of the Manyuema raids, when we should all
become as robust as they. Bah! I might as well have addressed my appeals
to the trees of the forest as unto wretches so sodden with despair.
The Manyuema had promised me three several times by this day to send
eighty men as a relief party to Nelson's camp, but the arrival of
Sangarameni, and misunderstandings, and other trifles, had disturbed the
arrangements.
On the 24th firing was heard on the other side of the river, and, under
the plea that it indicated the arrival of Kilonga-Longa, the relief
caravan was again prevented from setting out.
The next day, those who had fired, arrived in camp, and proved to be the
Manyuema knaves whom we had seen on the 2nd of October. Out of fifteen
men they had lost one man from an arrow wound. They had wandered for
twenty-four days to find the track, but having no other loads than
provisions these had lasted with economy for fifteen days, but for the
last nine days they had subsisted on mushrooms and wild fruit.
On this evening I succeeded in drawing a contract, and getting the three
headmen to agree to the following:--
"To send thirty men to the relief of Captain Nelson, with 400 ears of
corn for his party.
"To provide Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke, and all sick men unable to
work in the fields, with provisions, until our return from Lake Albert.
"The service of a guide from Ipoto to Ibwiri, for which they were to be
paid one bale and a half of cloth on the arrival of the rear column."
It was drawn up in Arabic by Rashid, and in English by myself, and
witnessed by three men.
For some fancy articles of personal property I succeeded in purchasing
for Mr. Jephson and Capt. Nelson 250 ears of Indian corn, and for 250
pistol cartridges I bought another quantity, and for an ivory-framed
mirror from a dressing-case purchased two baskets full; for three bottles
of ottar of roses obtained three fowls, so that I had 1000 ears of corn
for the relieving and relieved parties.
On the 26th Mr. Mounteney Jephson, forty Zanzibaris, and thirty Manyuema
slaves started on their journey to Nelson's camp. I cannot do better than
introduce Mr. Jephson's report on his journey.
"Arab Settlement at Ipoto,
"_November 4th, 1887_.
"Dear Sir,
"I left at midday on October 26th, and arrived at the river and
crossed over with 30 Manyuema and 40 Zanzibaris under my charge the
same afternoon and camped on landing. The next morning we started
off early and reached the camp, where we had crossed the river,
when we were wandering about in a starving condition in search of
the Arabs, by midday the signs and arrow heads we had marked on the
trees to show the chiefs we had crossed were still fresh. I reached
another of our camps that night. The next day we did nearly three
of our former marches. The camp where Feruzi Ali had got his death
wound, and where we had spent three such miserable days of hunger
and anxiety, looked very dismal as we passed through it. During the
day we passed the skeletons of three of our men who had fallen down
and died from sheer starvation, they were grim reminders of the
misery through which we had so lately gone.
"On the morning of the 29th I started off as soon as it was
daylight, determining to reach Nelson that day and decide the
question as to his being yet alive. Accompanied by one man only, I
soon found myself far ahead of my followers. As I neared Nelson's
camp a feverish anxiety to know his fate possessed me, and I pushed
on through streams and creeks, by banks and bogs, over which our
starving people had slowly toiled with the boat sections. All were
passed by quickly to-day, and again the skeletons in the road
testified to the trials through which we had passed. As I came down
the hill into Nelson's camp, not a sound was heard but the groans
of two dying men in a hut close by, the whole place had a deserted
and woe-begone look. I came quietly round the tent and found Nelson
sitting there; we clasped hands, and then, poor fellow! he turned
away and sobbed, and muttered something about being very weak.
"Nelson was greatly changed in appearance, being worn and haggard
looking, with deep lines about his eyes and mouth. He told me his
anxiety had been intense, as day after day passed and no relief
came; he had at last made up his mind that something had happened
to us, and that we had been compelled to abandon him. He had lived
chiefly upon fruits and fungus which his two boys had brought in
from day to day. Of the fifty-two men you left with him, only five
remained, of whom two were in a dying state. All the rest had
either deserted him or were dead.
"He has himself given you an account of his losses from death and
desertion. I gave him the food you sent him, which I had carefully
watched on the way, and he had one of the chickens and some
porridge cooked at once, it was the first nourishing food he had
tasted for many days. After I had been there a couple of hours my
people came in and all crowded round the tent to offer him their
congratulations.
"You remember Nelson's feet had been very bad for some days before
we left him, he had hardly left the tent the whole time he had been
here. At one time he had had ten ulcers on one foot, but he had now
recovered from them in a great measure and said he thought he would
be able to march slowly. On the 30th we began the return march. I
gave out most of the loads to the Manyuema and Zanzibaris, but was
obliged to leave thirteen boxes of ammunition and seven other
loads, these I buried, and Parke will be able to fetch them later
on.
"Nelson did the marches better than I expected, though he was much
knocked up at the end of each day. On the return march we crossed
the river lower down and made our way up the right bank and struck
your old road a day's march from the Arab camp. Here again we
passed more skeletons, at one place there were three within 200
yards of each other.
"On the fifth day, that is November 3rd, we reached the Arab camp,
and Nelson's relief was accomplished. He has already picked up
wonderfully in spite of the marching, but he cannot get sleep at
night and is still in a nervous and highly strung state; the rest
in the Arab camp will, I trust, set him up again. It is certain
that in his state of health he could not have followed us in our
wanderings in search of food, he must have fallen by the way.
"I am &c., &c.
"(Signed) A. J. Mounteney Jephson."
The following are the reports of Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke.
"Arab Village, Ipoto,
"_6th November, 1887_,
"Dear Sir,
"Mr. Jephson arrived at my camp on the 29th October with the men
for the loads and with the food you sent for me. Many thanks for
the food, it was badly needed. He will tell you what state he found
me in and of the few men still alive.
"You left me on the 6th October last; on the morning of the 9th I
got up a canoe and sent Umari and thirteen of the best men I could
find (they were all very bad) over the river to look for food. On
the 8th Assani (No. 1 Company) came to me and said that he had
returned from the column sick. Same day Uledi's brother came into
camp, told me he had lost the road while looking for bananas, near
the camp, where we met the Manyuema. On the 10th I found that Juma,
one of Stairs' chiefs, had cleared in the night with ten men, and
stolen a canoe and gone down river. On the 11th I counted the men
and could only find seventeen (I had fifty-two the first day); the
rest had gone away either after the column or down river. On the
14th one man died. Umari returned with very few bananas, about
enough for two days; however, they were very welcome, as I had
nothing but herbs and fungi to eat up to this time. On the 15th
another man died, and I found that Saadi (No. 1.) with some other
men had come into camp in the night and stolen the canoe (Umari had
re-crossed the river in) and gone down river. On the 17th Umari
went away with twenty-one men to look for food; 19th, man died;
22nd, two men died; 23rd, man died; 29th, two men died; Jephson
arrived; 30th, one man died; we left camp on way here. Umari had
not returned; he, however, if alive, will come on here, I feel
sure, but how many men with him I cannot tell, perhaps five or six
may reach here with him. With the exception of the few bananas I
got from Umari I lived entirely on herbs, fungi, and a few mabengu.
I had ten ulcers on my left leg and foot and so was unable to look
for food myself and was kept alive entirely by my two boys and
little Baruk, one of my company, and Abdalla, a man Stairs left
with me. I was very weak when Jephson arrived. Now, however, I feel
a little better. We arrived at the village on the 3rd November, the
chief Ismail brought me the day I came a very small quantity of
coarse meal and two small dried fish, about enough for one meal.
"Yesterday, no food having come for two days, we sent for it, and
after a good deal of trouble Ismail sent us a little meal. At
present I am living on my clothes; we get hardly anything from the
Chief. To-day Dr. Parke and I went to the Chief, with Hamis Pari as
interpreter, and talked to him about food. He told us that _no
arrangement had been made by you_ for _my_ food, and that he was
feeding the Doctor and me entirely from his own generosity, and he
refused to feed our boys, three in number (fewer we cannot possibly
do with), as you never told him to do so.
"I have the honour to be,
&c., &c."
"R. H. Nelson."
"Arab Camp, Ipoto,
"_November 6th, 1887_.
"My dear Mr. Stanley,
"Captain Nelson and Mr. Jephson arrived here on the 3rd inst. a few
of the Zanzibaris and Manyuema men getting in with their loads the
previous day. Of all those men left at Nelson's camp, only five
have arrived here, the remaining live ones were away on a foraging
tour with Umari, when the relief party arrived. It is very likely
that some of them may find their way here; if so, I shall get
Ismaili to allow them to work for their food. Nelson staggered into
camp greatly changed in appearance, a complete wreck after the
march, his features shrunken and pinched, and a frame reduced to
half its former size. I have done the best I could for him
medically, but good nourishing food is what he requires to restore
him to his health; and I regret to say that my experience here and
the conversation which we had to-day with Ismaili goes to show that
we shall have to exist on scanty fare. Since you left, I have had
some flour and corn from the chiefs, but this was generally after
sending for it several times. By a lucky accident I got a goat,
most of which I distributed amongst the sick men here, for I am
informed by Ismaili, through H. Pari, that only those who work in
the field get food, and there are some here who certainly cannot do
so; therefore they are trusting to the generosity of the other men,
who get five heads of corn each day they work. Both Nelson and
myself have much trouble in getting food from Ismaili for
ourselves, and he has refused to feed our boys, who are absolutely
necessary to draw water, cook, &c., &c., although I have reduced
mine to one.
"Nelson and myself went and saw him to day (Hamis Pari,
interpreter), and Ismaili stated that you had told the chiefs that
a big Mzungu was to come (Nelson), and he would make his own
arrangements about food, and that I was here living on his
(Ismaili's) generosity, as no arrangements had been made for me. I
reminded him of the conversation you had with him in your tent the
evening you called me down and gave me your gold watch, and I said
that you had told me that you had made a written arrangement with
the chiefs that both Nelson and myself should be _provisioned_. We
both told him that we did not want goats and fowls, but simply what
he can give us. Not having seen any agreement, I could not argue
further, but asked to see the document, so that we might convince
him; this he said he could not do, as Hamis, the Chief, had it, and
he was away, and would not return for two months. He however sent
us up some corn shortly afterwards. This is a very unhappy state of
affairs for us who shall have to remain here for so long a time.
Nelson has sold much of his clothes, and out of my scanty supply
(my bag having been lost on the march), I have been obliged to
make a further sale so as to provide ourselves with sufficient
food.
[Illustration: THE RELIEF OF NELSON AND SURVIVORS AT STARVATION CAMP.]
"We shall get along here as best we can, and sacrifice much to keep
on friendly terms with the Arabs, as it is of such essential
importance. I sincerely hope you will have every success in
attaining the object of the Expedition, and that we shall all have
an opportunity of meeting soon and congratulating Emin Pasha on his
relief.
"With best wishes, &c.,
(Signed) "T. H. Parke.
"A.M.D.
"Arab Village, Ipoto,
"_10th November, 1887_.
"Dear Sir,
"I am sorry to have to tell you that several attempts have been
made to rob the hut, and last night unfortunately they managed to
get a box of ammunition out of Parke's tent while we were having
dinner; also one attempt to burn the hut, which happily I
frustrated, owing to my not being able to sleep well. We have
spoken to the Chief Ismail about the thieving: he says it is done
by Zanzibaris and not by his people; but if there were no sale for
the cartridges they would not be stolen. It is of course most
unfortunate. Since Jephson left, the enormous quantity of forty
small heads of Indian corn has been given to us by Ismail; this is
of course quite absurd; as we cannot live on it, we get herbs, with
which we supplement our scanty fare.
"Uledi returned this afternoon and goes on to-morrow, and by him I
send this letter.
"With kindest regards to you, Sir, Stairs and Jephson.
"I have the honour to be, &c., &c.,
(Signed) "R. H. Nelson.
P.S.--Just as I finished this letter the Chief sent us a little
meal, which evidently was done so that Uledi who was waiting for
the letter could tell you that we were getting plenty (!!) of
food.
"H. M. Stanley, Esq.,
"Commanding E. P. R. Expedition."
On the evening of the 26th Ismaili entered my hut, and declared that he
had become so attached to me that he would dearly love to go through the
process of blood-brotherhood with me. As I was about to entrust Captain
Nelson and Surgeon Parke and about thirty sick men to the charge of
himself and brother chiefs, I readily consented, though it was somewhat
_infra dig_. to make brotherhood with a slave, but as he was powerful in
that bloody gang of bandits, I pocketed my dignity and underwent the
ceremony. I then selected a five-guinea rug, silk handkerchiefs, a couple
of yards of crimson broadcloth, and a few other costly trifles. Finally I
made another written agreement for guides to accompany me to the distance
of fifteen camps, which he said was the limit of his territory, and good
treatment of my officers, and handed to him a gold watch and chain, value
L49 in London, as pledge of this agreement, in presence of Surgeon
Parke.
The next day after leaving Surgeon Parke to attend to his friend Nelson
and twenty-nine men, we left Ipoto with our reduced force to strive once
more with the hunger of the wilderness.
CHAPTER XI.
THROUGH THE FOREST TO MAZAMBONI'S PEAK.
In the country of the Balesse--Their houses and clearings--Natives
of Bukiri--The first village of dwarfs--Our rate of progress
increased--The road from Mambungu's--Halts at East and West
Indekaru--A little storm between "Three o'clock" and Khamis--We
reach Ibwiri--Khamis and the "vile Zanzibaris"--The Ibwiri
clearing--Plentiful provisions--The state of my men; and what they
had recently gone through--Khamis and party explore the
neighbourhood--And return with a flock of goats--Khamis captures
Boryo, but is released--Jephson returns from the relief of Captain
Nelson--Departure of Khamis and the Manyuema--Memorandum of charges
against Messrs. Kilonga-Longa & Co. of Ipoto--Suicide of
Simba--Sali's reflections on the same--Lieutenant Stairs
reconnoitres--Muster and re-organisation at Ibwiri--Improved
condition of the men--Boryo's village--Balesse customs--East
Indenduru--We reach the outskirts of the forest--Mount Pisgah--The
village of Iyugu--Heaven's light at last! The beautiful
grass-land--We drop across an ancient crone--Indesura and its
products--Juma's capture--The Ituri river again--We emerge upon a
rolling plain--And forage in some villages--The mode of hut
construction--The district of the Babusesse--Our Mbiri
captives--Natives attack the camp--The course of the Ituri--The
natives of Abunguma--Our fare since leaving Ibwiri--Mazamboni's
Peak--The east Ituri--A mass of plantations--Demonstration by the
natives--Our camp on the crest of Nzera-Kum--"Be strong and of a
good courage"--Friendly intercourse with the natives--We are
compelled to disperse them--Peace arranged--Arms of the
Bandussuma.
We marched for two hours to Yumbu, and in four and a quarter hours on the
following day to Busindi.
We were now in the country of the Balesse. The architecture was peculiar.
Its peculiarity consisted in a long street flanked by a long low wooden
building, or rather planked building, on either side, 200, 300, or 400
feet long. At first sight one of these villages appeared like a long
gable-roofed structure sawn in exact half along the ridge of the roof,
and as if each half house had been removed backward for a distance of 20
or 30 feet, and then along the inner sides been boarded up, and pierced
with low doors, to obtain entrance into independent apartments. The light
wood of the Rubiacae affords good material for this kind of house. A
sizeable tree, 1 foot 18 inches, or 2 feet in diameter, is felled, and
the log is cut into short pieces from four to six feet in length; the
pieces are easily split by hard wedges, and with their small neat adzes
they contrive to shape the plank smooth, tolerably even, and square. They
are generally an inch or an inch and a quarter thick. For what is called
the ceiling or inner boarding, the boards are thinner and narrower. When
a sufficient number of boards and planks are ready, the inner ceiling is
lashed to the uprights, frequently in as neat a fashion as a carpenter's
apprentice might do it with saw, nails and hammer; on the outer side of
the uprights are lashed the thicker planks, or broad slabs, the hollow
between the inner and outer frame is then stuffed with the phrynia, or
banana leaves. The wall facing the street may be 9 feet high, the back
wall facing the forest or clearing is 4 or 4-1/2 feet high, the width of
the house varies from 7 to 10 feet. Altogether it is a comfortable and
snug mode of building, rather dangerous in case of fire, but very
defensible, with trifling labour.
[Illustration: SHIELDS OF THE BALESSE.]
Another peculiarity of the Balesse is the condition of their clearings,
and some of these are very extensive, quite a mile and a half in
diameter, and the whole strewn with the relics, debris, and timber of the
primeval forest. Indeed I cannot compare a Balesse clearing to anything
better than a mighty abattis surrounding the principal village, and over
this abattis the traveller has to find his way. As one steps out of the
shadow of the forest, the path is at first, may be, along the trunk of a
great tree for 100 feet, it then turns at right angles along a great
branch a few feet; he takes a few paces on the soil, then finds himself
in front of a massive prostrate tree-stem 3 feet in diameter or so; he
climbs over that, and presently finds himself facing the out-spreading
limbs of another giant, amongst which he must creep, and twist, and crawl
to get footing on a branch, then from the branch to the trunk, he takes a
half turn to the right, walks along the tree from which, increasing in
thickness, he must soon climb on top of another that has fallen across
and atop of it, when after taking a half-turn to the left, he must
follow, ascending it until he is 20 feet above the ground. When he has
got among the branches at this dizzy height, he needs judgment, and to be
proof against nervousness. After tender, delicate balancing, he places
his foot on a branch--at last descends cautiously along the steep slope
until he is 6 feet from the ground from which he must jump on to another
tapering branch, and follow that to another height of 20 feet, then along
the monster tree, then down to the ground; and so on for hours, the hot,
burning sun, and the close, steamy atmosphere of the clearing forcing the
perspiration in streams from his body. I have narrowly escaped death
three times during these frightful gymnastic exercises. One man died
where he fell. Several men were frightfully bruised. Yet it is not so
dangerous with the naked feet, but with boots in the early morning,
before the dew is dried, or after a rain, or when the advance-guard has
smeared the timber with a greasy clay, I have had six falls in an hour.
The village stands in the centre. We have often congratulated ourselves
on coming to a clearing at the near approach to camping-time, but it has
frequently occupied us one hour and a half to reach the village. It is a
most curious sight to see a caravan laden with heavy burdens walking over
this wreck of a forest, and timbered clearing. Streams, swamps,
watercourses, ditches are often twenty to twenty-five feet below a
tapering slippery tree, which crosses them bridge-like. Some men are
falling, some are tottering, one or two have already fallen, some are
twenty feet above the ground, others are on the ground creeping under
logs. Many are wandering among a maze of branches, thirty or more may be
standing on one delicate and straight shaft, a few may be posted like
sentries on a branch, perplexed which way to move. All this, however, is
made much harder, and more dangerous, when, from a hundred points, the
deadly arrows are flying from concealed natives, which, thank Heaven,
were not common. We have been too cautious for that kind of work to
happen often, though we have seldom been able to leave one of these awful
clearings without having some man's foot skewered, or some one lamed.
On the 29th we marched to Bukiri or Myyulus, a distance of nine miles in
six hours.
A few natives having been tormented and persecuted to submission to the
Manyuema, greeted us with cries of "Bodo! Bodo! Ulenda! Ulenda!";
greetings which they accompanied with a flinging motion of the hand, as
though they jerked "Away! away!"
The chief was styled Mwani. They wore much polished ironwork, rings,
bells, and anklets, and appeared to be partial to many leglets made of
calamus fibre, and armlets of the same material, after the manner of
Karagwe and Uhha. They cultivate maize, beans, plantains, and bananas,
tobacco, sweet potatoes, yams, brinjalls, melons, gourds. Their goats are
fine, and of good size. Fowls are plentiful, but fresh eggs are rare.
Among some of these villages there is generally a dome hut of ample size,
after the manner of Unyoro, with double porches.
[Illustration: GYMNASTICS IN A FOREST CLEARING.]
The following day we halted, during which the Manyuema guides took
particular care to show our people that they should have no doubt of
their contempt for them. They would not allow them to trade with the
natives for fear some desirable article would be lost to themselves, they
also vociferated at them loudly if they were seen proceeding to the
clearing to cut plantains. As I told them, they did not advance in their
favour in the least by abandoning the whites, and turning a deaf ear to
our adjurations to be manly and faithful. A word, or even a defiant look,
was visited with a sharp cut on the naked body with a rattan from slave
boys of the six Manyuema guides with us. What awful oaths of vengeance
were uttered for all these indignities they suffered!
On the 31st we came across the first village of Dwarfs, and, during the
day, across several empty settlements belonging to them. We marched nine
miles in five and a quarter hours, and camped in a dwarf's village in the
woods.
Stealing continued steadily. On examining the pouches, there was one
cartridge out of three pouches. The cartridges were lost, of course!
Hilallah, a boy of sixteen, deserted back to Ipoto with my cartridge
pouch, and thirty cartridges in it. A man who carried my satchel ran away
with seventy-five Winchester cartridges.
The next day we entered the extensive clearing and large settlement of
Mambungu's or Nebasse.
Khamis, the chief of the guides, left Ipoto on the 31st, and arrived at
this place with seven men, according to agreement with Ismaili, my
Manyuema brother.
The track which we followed has enabled us to increase our rate of
progress per hour. Along the river bank, by dint of continued work, and
devoting seven, eight, nine hours--sometimes ten hours--we could travel
from 3 to 7 miles. We were now enabled to make 1-1/2 to 1-3/4, and even 2
miles per hour; but the pace was still retarded by roots, stumps,
climbers, llianes, convolvuli, skewers, and a multitude of streams, and
green-scummed sinks. We could rarely proceed a clear hundred yards
without being ordered to halt by the pioneers.
Each day towards evening the clouds gathered, the thunder reverberated
with awful sounds through the echoing forest; lightning darted hither and
thither, daily severing some tree-top, or splitting a mighty patriarch
from crown to base, or blasting some stately and kingly tree; and the
rain fell with a drowning plenty which chilled and depressed us greatly
in our poor blooded and anaemic state. But during the march, Providence
was gracious; the sun shone, and streamed in million beams of soft light
through the woods, which brightened our feelings, and caused the aisles
and corridors of the woods to be of Divine beauty, converted the graceful
thin tree-shafts into marbly-grey pillars, and the dew and rain-drops
into sparkling brilliants; cheered the invisible birds to pour out, with
spirit, their varied repertory of songs; inspired parrot flocks to vent
gleeful screams and whistlings; roused hosts of monkeys to exert their
wildest antics; while now and then some deep, bass roar in far-away
recesses indicated a family of _soko_ or chimpanzees enjoying some savage
sport.
The road from Mambungu's, eastward, was full of torments, fears, and
anxieties. Never were such a series of clearings as those around
Mambungu, and the neighbouring settlement of Njalis. The trees were of
the largest size, and timber enough had been cut to build a navy; and
these lay, in all imaginable confusion, tree upon tree, log above log,
branches rising in hills above hills; and amongst all this wild ruin of
woods grew in profusion upon profusion bananas, plantains, vines,
parasites; ivy-like plants, palms, calamus, convolvuli, etc., through
which the poor column had to burrow, struggle, and sweat, while creeping,
crawling, and climbing, in, through, and over obstacles and entanglements
that baffle description.
On the 4th November we were 13-3/4 miles from Mambungu's in the
settlement of Ndugubisha, having passed, in the interval, through five
deserted forest villages of pigmies.On this day I came near smiling--for
I fancied I observed the dawn of happier days foretold by Uledi. Each
member of the caravan received one ear of corn, and 15 plantains as
rations.
Fifteen plantains and one ear of corn make a royal ration compared to two
ears of corn, or a handful of berries, or a dozen fungus. It was not
calculated, however, to make men too cheerful, though our people were
naturally light-hearted and gay.
"But never mind, my boys," I said, as I doled the spare diet to the
hungry creatures; "the morning is breaking; a week more, and then you
shall see the end of your troubles."
Verbal reply was not given to me; only a wan smile lightened the
famine-sharpened features. Our officers had borne these privations with
the spirit ascribed by Caesar to Antony, and as well as though they were
to the manner born. They fed on the flat wood beans of the forest, on the
acid wild fruit and strange fungus, with the smiling content of Sybarites
at a feast. Yet one of them paid L1,000 for this poor privilege, and came
near being thought too dainty for rough African life. They had been a
living example to our dark followers, many of whom had probably been
encouraged to strive for existence by the bright, hopeful looks our
officers wore under our many unhappy afflictions.
On the following day we crossed the watershed between the Ihuru and Ituri
rivers, and we now plunged into cool streams flowing to leftward, or
towards the Ihuru. Hills rose to the right and left in wooded and ridgy
mounts, and after a march of nine and three-quarter miles, we halted for
the night at West Indekaru, at the base of a hill whose top rose 600 feet
above the village. Another short march brought us to a village perched
half-way up a tall mount, which may be designated as East Indekaru, and
by aneroid we were 4,097 feet above the ocean. From this village we
enjoyed a first view of our surroundings. Instead of crawling like
mighty bipeds in the twilight, 30 fathoms below the level of the white
light of the day, compelled to recognize our littleness, by comparison
with the giant columns and tall pillar-like shafts that rose by millions
around us, we now stood on the crest of a cleared mount, to look upon the
leafy world below us. One almost felt as if walking over the rolling
plain of leafage was possible, so compact and unbroken was the expanse,
extending to a lovely pale blueness as the eyesight followed it to the
furthest limits of distinctness--away, far away to an unknown distance
the forest tops spread round about a variegated green of plushy texture,
broad red patches of tree flowering, and rich russety circles of leaves,
not unfrequent. How one envied the smooth, easy flight of the kites and
white-collared eagles, sailing gracefully without let or hindrance
through the calm atmosphere! Ah! that we had the wings of kites, that we
might fly and be at rest from these incorrigibly wicked Manyuema! Whose
wish was that? Indeed, I think we all of us shared it, more or less.
On the 7th, while we halted on the mount, the Manyuema monopolizing the
village, and our men in the bush, unworthy to be near their nobility,
there was a little storm between Saat Tato (Three o'clock), the hunter,
and Khamis, the chief of the Manyuema guides. It threatened, from the
sound of words, to explode hurtfully at one time. Khamis slapped him in
the face. Both were tall men, but Saat Tato was two inches taller, a good
soldier, who had seen service in Madagascar and with Sultan Barghash as a
sergeant, but who, from his habits of getting drunk by the third hour of
each day, was nicknamed "Three o'clock," and dismissed. He was an
excellent man, faithful, strong, obedient, and an unerring shot. Given
the benefits of twenty-five pounds of food, Saat Tato, at a hint, would
have smilingly taken hold of Khamis, and snapped his vertebrae across his
knee with the ease that he would have broken a spear staff. I observed
Saat Tato closely, for it must be remembered that it had become fully
impressed on my mind that my men were quite too broken-spirited. Saat
Tato looked at him a second severely; then, lifting his forefinger, said
to Khamis, "It is well, but I should like to see you repeat that blow a
little time hence, after I have a little food in me, and filled this
stomach of mine. Strike me again, do; I can bear it."
Advancing, and touching Khamis on the shoulder, I said, "Khamis, do not
do that again. I do not allow even my officers to strike my men like
that."
The ill-humour was increasing, and, little as the Manyuema imagined, they
were assisting me to restore the spirit of the Zanzibaris by their
cruelty. There were signs that the Christians would prevail after all.
The mutual affection expressed between the Moslem co-religionists at the
altar of which our men were ready to sacrifice our lives and liberties
and their own freedom, had been cooled by the cruelty, perverseness, and
niggardliness of the Manyuema. All we had to do was to watch it, bear
patiently, and be ready.
To our great comfort Khamis confessed that West Indekaru was the utmost
limit of his master Ismaili's territory.
We, however, were not to part from him until we reached Ibwiri.
We marched eleven miles on the 8th of November through a much more open
forest, and we could see further into the interior. The road was better,
so much so that our rate of marching increased to two miles per hour. The
gritty and loamy soil had absorbed the rain, and walking became pleasant.
The llianes were not so riotously abundant, only a strong creeper now and
then requiring severance. At several places there were granite
outcroppings of a colossal size, which were a novelty and added a kind of
romantic and picturesque interest to the woods, darkly suggestive of
gitanos, bandits, or pigmies.
A march of nine and a half miles on the 9th of November took us to a
Pigmies' camp. Until noon a mist had hung over the land. Towards the
latter part of the tramp we passed through several lately deserted
villages of the dwarfs, and across eight streams. Khamis, the guide, and
his followers, and about half-a-dozen of the pioneers proceeded to
Ibwiri, which was only one and a half mile distant, and on the next day
we joined them. This was one of the richest and finest clearings we had
seen since leaving Yambuya, though had the Expedition been despatched
eight months earlier, we should have found scores in the same prosperous
condition. Here was a clearing three miles in diameter abounding in
native produce, and hitherto unvisited by the Manyuema. Almost every
plantain stalk bore an enormous branch of fruit, with from fifty to one
hundred and forty plantains attached. Some specimens of this fruit were
twenty-two inches long, two and a half inches in diameter, and nearly
eight inches round, large enough to furnish Saat Tato the hunter, with
his long desired full meal. There was an odour of ripe fruit pervading
the air, and as we climbed over the logs and felt our way gingerly along
the prostrate timber, I was often asked by the delighted people to note
the bunches of mellow fruit hanging temptingly before their eyes.
Before reaching the village Murabo, a Zanzibari headman, whispered to me
that there were five villages in Ibwiri, and that each hut in every
village was more than a fourth full of Indian corn, but that Khamis and
his Manyuema had been storing corn in their own huts, which, according to
right of preemption, they had reserved for themselves.
On entering the street of the village, Khamis met me with the usual
complaints about the wickedness of the "vile Zanzibaris." Looking down on
the ground I saw many a trail of corn which went to corroborate Murabo's
story, and as Khamis proposed that the Expedition should occupy the
western half of the village, and he and his fifteen Manyuema would occupy
the eastern half, I ventured to demur to the proposition on the ground
that as we had departed out of his master's territory we claimed all the
land to the eastward, and would in future dispense with any suggestion as
to what we should do, and that furthermore not a grain of corn, nor
plantain, banana, or any other native product in the land would leave
the country without my permission. He was told, no people on earth could
have borne so uncomplainingly such shames, affronts, and insults as had
been put upon the Zanzibaris, and that in future they should be permitted
to resent all such injuries as they best knew how. Khamis assented
submissively to all this.
The first thing after storing goods, and distributing the men to their
quarters, was to give fifty ears of corn per man, and to arrange with the
natives as to our future conduct towards one another.
Within an hour it was agreed that the western half of the Ibwiri clearing
should be granted to us for foraging; that the eastern half, from a
certain stream, should be the reserve of the natives. Khamis, the
Manyuema, was also induced to enter into the pact. In return for a packet
of brass rods, Boryo, the principal chief of the Balesse of the district,
presented us with five fowls and a goat.
This was a great day. Since August 31st not one follower of the
Expedition had enjoyed a full meal, but now bananas, plantains ripe and
green, potatoes, herbs, yams, beans, sugar-cane, corn, melons in such
quantities were given them that were they so many elephants they could
not have exhausted the stock provided for them in less than ten days.
They could gratify to the full the appetite so long stinted and starved.
As we were compelled to wait for Mr. Jephson and some sixty
Zanzibaris--forty of the relief party, boat's crew, and convalescents
from Ipoto--the good effect of this abundance would be visible in a few
clays. It was also one of those settlements we had been anxiously
searching for as a recuperating station. On this date the men were
hideous to look upon, because of their gaunt nakedness. They were naked,
for they had stripped themselves to obtain food from the slaves of the
Manyuema at Ugarrowwa's and Ipoto; of flesh they had none, for they had
been reduced to bones by seventy-three days of famine and thirteen days
of absolute want; of strength they had but little, and they were
ill-favoured in every respect; their native colour of oiled bronze had
become a mixture of grimy black and wood ashes; their rolling eyes
betrayed signs of disease, impure blood, and indurated livers; that
beautiful contour of body, and graceful and delicate outlines of
muscles--alas, alas!--were all gone. They more befitted a charnel-house
than a camp of men bound to continually wear fighting accoutrements.
Khamis, the Manyuema guide, offered the next morning to proceed east to
search out the road from Ibwiri, for, as he informed me, Boryo, the
chief, had told him of a grass-land being not many days off. He thought
that with a few of Boryo's natives, and thirty of our riflemen, he could
discover something of interest. Calling Boryo to me, he confirmed, as
well as we could understand him, that from a place called Mande, which he
said was only two days' good marching--say forty miles--the grass-land
could be seen; that herds of cattle came in such numbers to the Ituri
river to drink that the river "swelled up." All this chimed with my eager
desire to know how far we were from the open country, and as Boryo said
he was willing to furnish guides, I called for volunteers. Twenty-eight
men came forward, to my surprise, as willing and as eager for new
adventures as though they had been revelling in plenty for the last few
months. Khamis and his party departed shortly after.
Despite strict prohibition to touch anything on the native reservation of
Ibwiri, one of our raiders paid it a visit, and captured nineteen fowls,
two of which he had already despatched, the remaining seventeen he had
decapitated, but our detectives pounced upon him and his stock, as he and
his chum were debating what they should do with the feathers. The flesh
and bones did not promise to be any trouble to them. Close by them two
men had despatched an entire goat, excepting the head! These facts serve
to illustrate the boundless capacity of Zanzibari stomachs.
The natives of Ibwiri had behaved most handsomely, and personally I felt
a sense of shame at the ingratitude of my followers. The chief and his
family were living with us, and exchanged their greetings of "Bodo, Bodo,
ulenda, ulenda," half-a-dozen times a day. Yet our men had undergone
such extremes of wretchedness during the last two and a half months that
we might have well anticipated some excesses would be committed upon the
first opportunity. No other body of men in the wide world that I am
acquainted with could have borne such a period of hunger so meekly, so
resignedly. Not a grain or a bit of human food discoverable anywhere,
their comrades dying at every camp, or falling dead along the track,
others less patient plunging into the depths of the wilderness maddened
by hunger, leaving them to fare as they might under the burdens of
war-munitions, and baggage. Goaded by the protracted hunger, and fierce
despair, and loss of trust in their officers, they might have seized
their Remingtons and, by one volley, have slain their white chiefs, and
fed on them, and shaken off power, and, in a moment, the clutch of
authority which, so far as they knew, was only dragging them down to
certain doom.
While I pitied the natives who had lost their property when they least
deserved it, I could not remove from my memory that extended fast in the
area of desolation and forest wilderness stretching between the Basopo
Rapids and Ibwiri, on the edge of which we were even now located, or
their patient obedience--thefts and small practices notwithstanding,
their unfaltering fidelity, their kindness to us while we were starving,
in bestowing upon us the choicest and finest of the wild fruit they had
discovered, and their altogether courageous bearing and noble hopefulness
during the terrible days of adversity; all these virtues must needs
extenuate their offences, and it was best to await fulness and reflection
to assist us in reclaiming them into tractableness and good order. Every
mile or two almost of that hungry forest solitude between the Ihuru and
Ituri confluence and Ipoto had been marked by the dead bodies of their
comrades; there they lay fast mildewing and rotting in the silent gloom,
and, but for the fidelity of the survivors, none of those capable of
giving intelligent testimony of the stern trials endured during
September, October, and the half of November, would have lived to relate
the sad and sorrowful details.
The more experience and insight I obtain into human nature, the more
convinced do I become that the greater portion of a man is purely animal.
Fully and regularly fed, he is a being capable of being coaxed or coerced
to exertion of any kind, love and fear sway him easily, he is not averse
to labour however severe; but when starved it is well to keep in mind the
motto "Cave Canem," for a starving lion over a raw morsel of beef is not
so ferocious or so ready to take offence. Rigid discipline, daily
burdens, and endless marching into regions of which they were perfectly
ignorant, never seemed to gall our men much when their stomachs were
pampered, and abundant provender for their digestive organs were
provided; but even hanging unto death was only a temporary damper to
their inclination to excessive mischief when pinched with hunger. The
aborigines also of Ibwiri surrounded by plenty are mild and meek enough
through pure sleekness, but the dwarfish nomads of the forest are, I am
told, as fierce as beasts of prey, and fight till their quivers are
empty.
I received word on the 12th that Khamis, the Manyuema who was supposed to
have gone for my gratification to explore the country ahead, and to make
friends with the aid of the natives, had, owing to perverseness, been
unable to accomplish his mission; that he was greatly disappointed, and
that he had been attacked by the natives of East Ibwiri and had lost two
men. I sent word to him to return.
The fleas of Ibwiri became so intolerable that in order to obtain rest, I
had to set my tent in the open street.
On the 13th of November, while taking an inspection of the village camp,
and examining into the condition of the men, I was amazed at the busy
scene of eating I beheld. Almost every man was engaged in pounding corn,
reducing dried bananas into flour, or grinding mouthfuls of food with
their fine teeth, making amends for the compulsory fast of September,
October and November.
Khamis returned on the 14th with a large flock of goats obtained from
somewhere. He was gracious enough to allow us sixteen head. This inclined
us to suspect that the real object of his design was not to explore but
to extend the conquests of his master, Ismaili, farther east through our
assistance, and to reduce the natives of Ibwiri into the same state of
poverty as the neighbourhood of Ipoto, for instance. But though Khamis
possessed force sufficient to have accomplished even this last, the silly
fellow's greed caused him to behave with such reckless disregard of the
poisoned shafts of the natives that he lost three of his men. It seems
that as soon as a flock of goats was sighted, Khamis forgot his design to
explore, urged his Manyuema to their capture, and retained our people by
him. Our men by these tactics returned uninjured without having been
engaged in this disgraceful action. Then, as Khamis was returning to our
village, mourning the loss of three of his most active comrades, he
suddenly met Boryo, the Chief of East Ibwiri, and without a word made him
a prisoner. Before reporting to me, Khamis, on arrival, ordered his men
to strangle the chief in revenge for the death of his men. Happening to
hear of it, I sent a guard to take him by force out of Khamis' hands, and
placed him in a hut out of harm's way, and bade Boryo rest quiet until
Khamis had departed.
We luxuriated during our days of rest. There had been discovered such an
abundance of food that we might safely have rested six months without
fear of starving. We enjoyed ripe plantains made into puddings with
goats' milk; fritters, patties and bread, sweet potatoes, manioc, yams,
herbs, fowls and goat meat without stint. On the evening of this day the
_menu_ for dinner was--
Kid soup.
Roast leg of kid, and baked sweet potatoes.
Boiled sweet manioc.
Fried bananas.
Sweet cake of ripe plantain.
Plantain fritters.
Goats' milk.
Already I noted a change in the appearance of ourselves and followers.
There was certainly more noise, and once or twice I heard an attempt at
singing, but as there was a well recognised flaw in the voice, it was
postponed to another day.
At 3 P.M. of the 16th Mr. Jephson appeared, having performed his mission
of relief most brilliantly. As will be seen by Mr. Jephson's letter
descriptive of his success, he had been able to proceed to the relief of
Captain Nelson, and to return with him to Ipoto within seven days, after
a journey of about a hundred miles. Judging from Captain Nelson's letter,
he seemed to have been delivered out of his terrible position to fall
into a similar desperate strait in the midst of the plenty of Ipoto.
The next day Khamis and his Manyuema returned homeward without taking
leave. I despatched a letter to the officers at Ipoto, sent Khamis' ivory
and a present of cloth with it to Indekaru, whence the Manyuema might be
able to obtain assistance from their own natives. I was never so
dissatisfied with myself as when I was compelled to treat these men thus
so kindly, and to allow them to depart without even the small
satisfaction of expressing my private opinion of Manyuema in general and
of the gang at Ipoto in particular. At all points I was worsted; they
compelled a generous treatment from me, and finally trapped me into the
obligation of being the carrier of their stolen ivory.
Yet I felt grateful to them somewhat that they had not taken greater
advantage of my position. With Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke and about
thirty men in their power, they might have compelled a thousand
concessions from me, which happily they did not. I hoped that after a
season of forbearance divine justice would see fit to place me in more
independent circumstances. When the Doctor and Nelson and their sick men
were recovered and in my camp, and the 116 loads and boat left at Ipoto
been conveyed away, then, and not till then, would I be able to cast up
accounts, and demand a peremptory and final settlement. The charges were
written plainly and fairly, as a memorandum.
Messrs. Kilonga Longa and Co., Ipoto.
_To Mr. Stanley, officers and men of the E. P. R. Expedition,_
_November 17th, 1887._
_Dr._
To having caused the starvation to death between the }
Lenda River and Ibwiri of 67 men: because we had }
crossed that river with 271 men--and in camp with } 67
those due here shortly there were only 175, and 28 }
inclusive of Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke--therefore }
loss of men. }
To 27 men at Ipoto too feeble to travel, many of whom
will not recover.
To spearing to death Mufta Mazinga. 1
To flogging one man to death. 1
To flogging Ami, a Zanzibari, 200 lashes.
To attempting to starve Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke.
To instigating robbery of two boxes of ammunition.
To receiving thirty stolen Remington rifles.
To various oppressions of Zanzibaris.
To compelling Sarboko to work as their slave.
To various insults to Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke.
To devastating 44,000 square miles of territory.
To butchery of several thousands of natives.
To enslaving several hundreds of women and children.
To theft of 200 tusks of ivory between May, 1887, and
October, 1887.
To many murders, raids, crimes, devastations past, present
and prospective.
--
To deaths of Zanzibaris 69
To mischiefs incalculable!
During the afternoon of the 17th we experienced once again the evils
attending our connection with the Manyuema. All Ibwiri and neighbouring
districts were in arms against us. The first declaration of their
hostilities took place when a man named Simba proceeded to the stream
close to the camp to draw water, and received an arrow in the abdomen.
Realizing from our anxious faces the fatal nature of the wound, he cried
out his "Buryani brothers!" and soon after, being taken into his hut,
loaded a Remington rifle near him, and made a ghastly wreck of features
that were once jovial, and not uncomely.
The reflections of the Zanzibaris on the suicide were curious, and best
expressed by Sali, the tent boy.
"Think of it, Simba! a poor devil owning nothing in the world, without
anything or anybody dear to him, neither name, place, property, or
honour, to commit suicide! Were he a rich Arab now, a merchant Hindu, a
captain of soldiers, a governor of a district, or a white man who had
suffered misfortune, or had been the victim of dishonour or shame, yea, I
could understand the spirit of the suicide; but this Simba, who was no
better than a slave, an outcast of Unyanyembe, without friends on the
face of the earth, save the few poor things in his own mess in this camp,
to go and kill himself like a man of wealth! Faugh! pitch him into the
wilderness, and let him rot! What right has he to the honour of a shroud
and a burial?" This was the sentiment of the men who were once his
comrades--though not so forcibly expressed as was done by little Sali in
his fierce indignation at the man's presumption.
Early on this morning Lieutenant Stairs and thirty-six rifles were
despatched to make a reconnaissance eastward under the guidance of Boryo,
and a young Manyuema volunteer, as we had yet a few days to wait for the
arrival of several convalescents who, wearied of the cruelties practised
at Ipoto on them, preferred death on the road to the horrible servitude
of the Manyuema slaves.
On the 19th Uledi, the coxswain of the _Advance_ with his boat's crew,
arrived, reporting that there were fifteen convalescents on the way. By
night they were in the camp.
On the 21st the reconnoitering party under Lieutenant Stairs returned,
Boryo still accompanying them; nothing new about the grass land had been
obtained, but they reported a tolerably good path leading steadily
eastward, which was as comforting news as we could expect.
On the 23rd, the last day of our stay at Ibwiri, there was a muster and
reorganization:--
No. 1 company, Jephson 80 men.
No. 2 " Stairs 76 "
Soudanese 5 "
Cooks 3 "
Boys 6 "
Europeans 4 "
Manyuema guide 1 "
---
175 "
===
Inclusive of Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke there were twenty-eight at
Ipoto; we had left to recuperate at Ugarrowwa's fifty-six. Some from
Nelson's starvation camp under Umari, the headman, probably ten, might
return; so that we reckoned the number of the advance column to be 268
still living out of 389 men who had departed from Yambuya 139 days
previously, and put down our loss at 111. We were greatly mistaken,
however, for by this date many of the sick at Ugarrowwa's had died, and
the condition of the sick at Ipoto was deplorable.
Since our arrival at Ibwiri the majority of our followers had gained
weight of body at the rate of a pound per day. Some were positively huge
in girth; their eyes had become lustrous, and their skins glossy like
oiled bronze. For the last three nights they had ventured upon songs;
they hummed their tunes as they pounded their corn; they sang as they
gazed at the moon at night after their evening meal. Frequently a hearty
laugh had been heard. In the afternoon of this day a sparring match took
place between two young fellows, and a good deal of severe thumping was
exchanged; they were always "spinning yarns" to interested listeners.
Life had come back by leaps and bounds. Brooding over skeletons and
death, and musing on distant friends in their far-away island, had been
abandoned for hopeful chat over the future, about the not far distant
grass land with its rolling savannahs, and green champaigns, abounding in
fat cattle; and they dwelt unctuously on full udders and massive humps,
and heavy tails of sheep, and granaries of millet and sesame, pots of
zogga, pombe, or some other delectable stimulant, and the Lake Haven,
where the white man's steamers were at anchor, appeared distinctly in
their visions.
They all now desired the march, for the halt had been quite sufficient.
There were twenty perhaps to whom another fortnight's rest was necessary,
but they all appeared to me to have begun recovery, and, provided food
was abundant, their marching without loads would not be hurtful.
At dawn of the bright and sunny day, 24th of November, the Soudanese
trumpeter blew the signal with such cheery strains that found a ready
response from every man. The men shouted their "Ready, aye ready,
Master!" in a manner that more reminded me of former expeditions, than of
any day we had known on this. There was no need of the officers becoming
exasperated at delays of laggards and the unwilling; there was not a
malingerer in the camp. Every face was lit up with hopefulness. A
prospective abundance of good cheer invited them on. For two days ahead,
the path was known by those of the reconnaissance, and the members of the
party had, like Caleb and Joshua, expatiated upon the immense and pendent
clusters of plantains effusing delicious odours of ripeness, and upon the
garden plots of potatoes, and waving fields of maize, &c. Therefore, for
once, we were relieved from the anxiety as to who should take this load,
or that box; there was no searching about for the carriers, no
expostulations nor threats, but the men literally leaped to the goods
pile, fought for the loads, and laughed with joy; and the officers faces
wore grateful smiles, and expressed perfect contentment with events.
We filed out of the village, a column of the happiest fellows alive. The
accursed Manyuema were behind us, and in our front rose in our
imaginations vivid pictures of pastoral lands, and a great lake on whose
shores we were to be greeted by a grateful Pasha, and a no less grateful
army of men.
In forty-five minutes we arrived at Boryo's village (the chief had been
released the day before), a long, orderly arrangement of a street 33 feet
wide, flanked by four low blocks of buildings 400 yards in length.
According to the doors we judged that fifty-two families had formed
Boryo's particular community. The chief's house was recognized by an
immense slab of wood four feet wide and six feet long, and two inches
thick; its doorway being cut out of this in a diamond figure.
The height of the broad eaves was 10 feet above the ground, and the
houses were 10 feet in width. The eaves projected 30 inches in front,
and 2 feet over the back walls. Outside of the village extended, over
level and high ground, the fields, gardens, and plantations, banked all
round by the untouched forest, which looked dark, ominous, and unwelcome.
Altogether Boryo's village was the neatest and most comfortable we had
seen throughout the valley of the Aruwimi. One hundred yards from the
western end ran a perennial and clear stream, which abounded with fish of
the silurus kind.
After a short halt we resumed the journey, and entered the forest. Four
miles beyond Boryo's we passed over a swamp, which was very favourable to
fine growths of the Raphia palm, and soon after lunched. In the afternoon
I undertook, as an experiment, to count my paces for an hour, and to
measure a space of 200 yards, to find the number of inches to a pace, and
found that the average rate in a fair track through the forest was 4800
paces of 26 inches long = 3470 yards per hour. At 3 o'clock we camped in
an extensive pigmies' village. The site commanded four several roads,
leading to villages. There is no doubt it was a favourite spot, for the
village common was well tamped and adapted for sport, gossip, and
meetings. The bush around the camp was quite undisturbed.
On the 25th, after 8-1/4 miles march, we reached Indemwani. Our track led
along the water-parting between the Ituri and Ihuru rivers. The village
was of oval shape, similar in architecture to Boryo's. A wealth of
plantains surrounded it, and Indian corn, tobacco, beans, and tomatoes
were plentiful. In passing through the clearing, over a fearful confusion
of logs, one of our men toppled over, and fell and broke his neck.
From Indemwani we moved on the 26th to West Indenduru, through a most
humid land. Streams were crossed at every mile; moss, wet and dripping,
clothed stems from base to top. Even shrubs and vines were covered with
it.
A peculiarity of this day's march was a broad highway, cut and cleared
for 3 miles through the undergrowth, which was terminated by a large
village of the pigmies, but recently vacated. There were ninety-two
huts, which we may take to represent ninety-two families, or thereabouts.
There was one hut more pretentious than the others, which possibly was
the chief's house. We had seen now about twenty villages of the forest
pigmies, but as yet we had only viewed the pretty little woman at
Ugarrowwa--the miniature Hebe.
Lieutenant Stairs, during his reconnaissance from Ibwiri, had reached
West Indenduru, and had left the village standing; but because he had
occupied it, the natives had set fire to it after his departure. We
observed also that the Balesse seldom ate of the produce of a field
twice, and that a plantain grove, after bearing fruit once, is abandoned
for another; and a corn plot, after being tilled, sown, and harvested, is
left to revert to wilderness. They appear to be continually planting
bananas and preparing ground for corn, which accounted for the immense
clearings we had passed, and for the thousands of trees that littered the
ground in one great ruin. For the bananas or plantains, they simply cut
down the underwood and plant the young bulbs in a shallow hole, with
sufficient earth to keep it upright. They then cut the forest down, and
let the trees lie where they fall. In six months the Musa bulbs have
thriven wonderfully under shade and among roots and debris, and grown to
8 feet in height; within a year they have borne fruit. The Indian corn or
maize requires sunshine. The trees are cut down well above the buttress,
by building scaffolds 10, 15, or even 20 feet high. The logs are cut up,
and either split for slabs or lining for the inner and outer walls of
their huts, or scooped out for troughs for the manufacture of plantain
wine. The branches are piled around the plot to rot; they do not burn
them, because that would impoverish the soil, and as the surface is rich
in humus, it would burn down to the clay.
Considering what great labour is involved in the clearing of a portion of
primeval forest, we were tempted to regard the Balesse as very foolish in
burning their villages for such a trivial cause as one night's occupation
of them by strangers; but it is an instance of the obstinate sullenness
of these people. Boryo's village, for instance, could scarcely be
constructed under a twelvemonth. The population of the largest village we
saw could not exceed 600 souls; but while we wonder at their prejudices,
we must award credit to them for great industry and unlimited patience to
produce such splendid results as we observed.
East Indenduru was also an exceedingly well-built village, and extremely
clean, though the houses within swarmed with vermin. The street, however,
was too narrow for the height of the buildings, and a fire occurring in
the night might easily have consumed half the inhabitants. For the huts
were higher than at Boryo's, and as the buildings were a few hundred
yards in length, and had only one principal exit at the eastern end, the
danger of a fire was such that we did not occupy it without having taken
many precautions to avoid a possible disaster in what appeared to be a
perfect trap.
Field-beans, of a dark variety, were gathered by the bushel, and our men
revelled in the juice of the sugar-cane.
We were now in S. Lat. 1 deg. 22-1/2' and south of the watershed, all streams
flowing towards the Ituri.
On the 28th we halted in East Indenduru, and sent three separate
reconnoitering parties to obtain a knowledge of the general direction of
the routes leading out of the settlement. We had tested the task of
forming our own track through the forest long enough, and having
discovered one which had been of such service to us, we were loth to
revert to the tedious labour of travelling through jungles and
undergrowth again.
Jephson's party proceeded S.S.E., and finally S., and at noon turned back
to report. This road would not do for us. Rashid's party took one leading
E.N.E., and finally north, through two small villages, one path returning
southerly, another going north-easterly. Continuing his explorations
along the latter, he came to a native camp. There was a slight skirmish;
the natives fled, and he obtained a prize of nine fat goats, only five of
which they brought to camp. This road would not suit us either.
A third search party was led by a famous scout, who discovered one path
heading easterly. We resolved to adopt this.
On the 29th we left Indenduru and journeyed to Indepessu by noon, and in
the afternoon sheered by a northerly path to the settlement of the
Baburu, having accomplished a distance of ten miles in five hours, which
was exceedingly fair walking.
On the next morning, after a march of an hour and a half along a
tolerably good path, we emerged in front of an extensive clearing of
about 240 acres. The trees were but recently cut. This marked the advent
of a powerful tribe, or a late removal to new ground of old settlers of
some numerical force, resolved upon securing many creature comforts. A
captive woman of the Waburu led the way through the middle of this wide
abattis, the very sight of which was appalling. An hour later we had
crossed this, not without bruised shins and much trembling, and the path
then led up an easy ascent up a prolonged span of a hill. The hollows on
either side of it showed prodigious groves of plantains and many gardens,
ill-kept, devoted to herbs and gourds. Within thirty minutes from the
summit of the ascent we had reached an altitude that promised to give us
shortly a more extended view than any we had been lately accustomed to,
and we pressed gladly upwards, and soon entered a series of villages that
followed the slope. A village of these parts always gave us a highway
well trodden, from forty to sixty feet wide; in a series of this type of
villages we should soon be able to pace a mile. We had passed through
several fine separate long blocks of low structures, when the foremost of
the advance guard was seen running swiftly down to meet me. He asked me
to look towards the sunrise, and, turning my eyes in that direction, they
were met by the gratifying sight of a fairly varied scene of pasture-land
and forest, of level champaigns and grassy slopes of valleys and hills,
rocky knolls and softly rounded eminences, a veritable "land of hills and
valleys, that drinketh the rain of heaven." That the open country was
well watered was indicated by the many irregular lines of woods which
marked the courses of the streams, and by the clumps of trees, whose
crowns just rose above their sloping banks.
The great forest in which we had been so long buried, and whose limits
were in view, appeared to continue intact and unbroken to the N.E., but
to the E. of it was an altogether different region of grassy meads and
plains and hills, freely sprinkled with groves, clusters, and thin lines
of trees up to certain ranges of hills that bounded the vision, and at
whose base I knew must be the goal whither we had for months desired to
reach.
[Illustration: VIEW OF MOUNT PISGAH FROM THE EASTWARD.]
This, then, was the long promised view and the long expected exit out of
gloom! Therefore I called the tall peak terminating the forested ridge,
of which the spur whereon we stood was a part, and that rose two miles E.
of us to a height of 4600 feet above the sea, Pisgah,--Mount
Pisgah,--because, after 156 days of twilight in the primeval forest, we
had first viewed the desired pasturelands of Equatoria.
The men crowded up the slope eagerly with inquiring open-eyed looks,
which, before they worded their thoughts, we knew meant "Is it true? Is
it no hoax? Can it be possible that we are near the end of this forest
hell?" They were convinced themselves in a few moments after they had
dropped their burdens, and regarded the view with wondering and delighted
surprise.
"Aye, friends, it is true. By the mercy of God we are well nigh the end
of our prison and dungeon!" They held their hands far out yearningly
towards the superb land, and each looked up to the bright blue heaven in
grateful worship, and after they had gazed as though fascinated, they
recovered themselves with a deep sigh, and as they turned their heads,
lo! the sable forest heaved away to the infinity of the west, and they
shook their clenched hands at it with gestures of defiance and hate.
Feverish from sudden exaltation, they apostrophised it for its cruelty to
themselves and their kinsmen; they compared it to Hell, they accused it
of the murder of one hundred of their comrades, they called it the
wilderness of fungi and wood-beans; but the great forest which lay vast
as a continent before them, and drowsy, like a great beast, with
monstrous fur thinly veiled by vaporous exhalations, answered not a word,
but rested in its infinite sullenness, remorseless and implacable as
ever.
From S.E. to S. extended a range of mountains between 6,000 and 7,000
feet above the sea. One woman captive indicated S.E. as our future
direction to the great water that "rolled incessantly on the shore with a
booming noise, lifting and driving the sand before it," but as we were in
S. Lat. 1 deg.. 22', on the same parallel as Kavalli, our objective point, I
preferred aiming east, straight towards it.
Old Boryo, chief of Ibwiri, had drawn with his hand a semicircle from
S.E. to N.W. as the course of the Ituri River, and said that the river
rose from a plain at the foot of a great hill, or a range of hills. To
the S.E. of Pisgah we could see no plain, but a deep wooded valley, and
unless our eyes deceived us, the forest seemed to ascend up the slopes of
the range as far as its summits. Five months of travel in one continuous
forest was surely experience enough; a change would therefore be
agreeable, even if we varied but our hardships. This was another reason
why I proposed to decline all advice upon the proper path leading to the
"great water."
In the village of the Bakwuru, in which we now prepared to encamp, we
found sleeveless vests of thick buffalo hide, which our men secured, as
fitting armour against the arrows of the tribes of the grass land.
[Illustration: VILLAGES OF THE BAKWURU ON A SPUR OF PISGAH.]
On the 1st of December we retraced our steps down the spur, and then
struck along a track running easterly. In a short time we ascended
another spur leading up to a terrace below Pisgah peak, where we obtained
the highest reading of the aneroid that we had yet reached. We then
followed a path leading from the terrace down another spur to the average
level. A number of well-defined and trodden roads were crossed, but our
path seemed to increase in importance until, at 11.15 A.M., we entered
the large village of Iyugu, which, of course, was quite deserted, so
quickly do the natives of the forest seem to be apprised of new arrivals.
The street of this village was forty feet wide.
We observed a considerable dryness in the woods between Pisgah base and
Iyugu, which was a great change from that excessive humidity felt and
seen between Indenduru and Ibwiri. The fallen forest leaves had a
slightly crispy look about them and crackled under our feet, and the
track, though still in primeval shade, had somewhat of the dusty
appearance of a village street.
[Illustration: A VILLAGE AT THE BASE OF PISGAH.]
Alter the noon halt we made a two hours' march to a small village
consisting of three conical huts, near which we camped. Though we had
travelled over ten miles we might have been hundreds of miles yet from
the open country for all we could gather from our surroundings. For they
were, as usual, of tall dense woods, of true tropic character, dark,
sombrous and high, bound one to the other with creepers and vines, and a
thick undergrowth throve under the shades. We, however, picked up a
strange arrow in one of the huts, which differed greatly from any we had
as yet seen. It was twenty-eight inches in length, and its point was
spear-shaped,and three inches long. Its shaft was a light reed cane,
beautifully and finely notched for decoration, a thin triangular-shaped
piece of kid leather directed the arrow, instead of a leaf or a piece of
black cloth as hitherto. A quiver full of forest-tribe arrows was also
found, and they were twenty inches long, and each arrowhead differed from
the other, though each was murderously sharp and barbed.
[Illustration: CHIEF OF THE IYUGU.]
On the 2nd of December, soon after leaving the camp, we lost the native
road, and had to pick our way amongst a perplexing number of buffalo and
elephant tracks. A stupid fellow, who had been out wandering, had
informed us that he had reached the plain the night before, and that he
could easily guide us to it. Trusting in him, we soon lost all signs of a
track, and began a crooked and erratic course through the woods, as in
times past. After nearly three hours' travelling N. by E. we stumbled
upon a village, whose conical roofs were thatched with grass. This was a
grand discovery, and was hailed with cheers. One fellow literally rushed
to the grass and kissed it lovingly. Already there were two
characteristics of pasture-land before us, the cone hut and the grass
thatch. We halted for a noon rest, and a few young men took advantage of
it to explore, and before the halting-time was expired brought to us a
bunch of green grass, which was hailed with devout raptures, as Noah and
his family may have hailed the kindly dove with the olive branch.
However, they reported that the way they had followed led to a swamp, and
swamps being a horror to a laden caravan, our afternoon march was made in
a S.S.E. direction, which in ninety minutes brought us to Indesura,
another village, or rather a district, consisting of several small
settlements of cone huts thatched with grass. Here we halted.
Having occasion to repair a roof a man mounted to the top of a house, and
looking round languidly was presently seen to lift his hand to his eyes
and gaze earnestly. He then roared out loud enough for the entire village
to hear, "I see the grass-land. Oh, but we are close to it!"
"Nay," said one in reply, mockingly, "don't you also see the lake, and
the steamer, and that Pasha whom we seek?"
Most of us were, however, stirred by the news, and three men climbed up
to the roofs with the activity of wild cats, others climbed to the tops
of trees, while a daring young fellow climbed one which would have tasked
a monkey almost, and a chorus of exclamations rose, "Aye, verily, it is
the truth of God, the open land is close to us, and we knew it not! Why,
it is merely an arrow's flight distant! Ah, when we reach it, farewell to
darkness and blindness."
As a man went to draw water from the stream, close by, an ancient crone
stepped out of the bush, and the man dropped his water-pot and seized
her. She being vigorous and obstinate, like most of her sex just previous
to dotage, made a vigorous defence for her liberty. A Countess of
Salisbury could not have been more resolute, but the man possessed
superior strength and craft and hauled her into camp. By dint of smiles
and coaxing and obsequiously filling a long pipe for her, we learned that
we were in Indesura, that the people were called Wanya-Sura, that the
villagers quenched their thirst with the waters of the Ituri. "The
Ituri?" "Ay, the Ituri; this stream close by;" that many days east of us
was a great broad river, ever so much broader than the Ituri, with canoes
as wide as a house (ten feet) which would carry six people (_sic_); that
a few days north there was a mighty tribe called the Banzanza, and east
of them another people called the Bakandi, and both of these tribes
possessed numerous herds of cattle, and were very valorous and warlike,
and who were rich in cattle, cowries, and brass wire.
[Illustration: IYUGU; A CALL TO ARMS.]
Our ancient captive, who was somewhat peculiar for her taste in personal
decoration by having a wooden disk of the size of an ulster button
intruded into the centre of her upper lip, was now seized with another
fit of obstinacy and scowled malignantly at all of us except at a bashful
smooth-faced youth upon whom she apparently doted, but the foolish youth
ascribed the ugliness of agedness to witchcraft, and fled from her.
Indesura--and, as we discovered later, all the villages situated on the
edge of the forest--was remarkable for the variety and excellent quality
of its products. Mostly all the huts contained large baskets of superior
tobacco weighing from twenty to fifty pounds each, such quantities,
indeed, that every smoker in the camp obtained from five to ten pounds.
The crone called it "Taba;" in Ibwiri it was called Tabo. Owing to the
imperfect drying it is not fragrant, but it is extremely smokable. Fifty
pipefuls a day of it would not produce so much effect on the nerves as
one of the article known as Cavendish. But here and there among the
leaves there were a few of rich brown colour, slightly spotted with nitre
which produced a different effect. Two of our officers experimented on a
pipeful of this, which they deemed to be superior, and were inconceivably
wretched in consequence. When, however, these leaves are picked out, the
tobacco is mild and innocuous, as may be judged by the half-pint
pipe-bowls peculiar to this region. In every district near the grass-land
the plant is abundantly cultivated, for the purpose of commerce with the
herdsmen of the plains in exchange for meat.
The castor-oil plant was also extensively cultivated. Requiring a supply
of castor-oil as medicine, the beans were roasted, and then pounded in a
wooden mortar, and we expressed a fair quantity, which proved very
effective. We also required a supply for rifles, and their mechanisms,
and the men prepared a supply for anointing their bodies--an operation
which made them appear fresh, clean, and vigorous.
[Illustration: PIPES.]
Having discovered that four of our scouts were strangely absent, I
despatched Rashid bin Omar and twenty men in search of them. They were
discovered and brought to us next morning, and to my surprise the four
absentees, led by the incorrigible Juma Waziri, were driving a flock
of twenty fine goats, which the chief scout had captured by a ruse. I
had often been tempted to sacrifice Juma for the benefit of others,
but the rogue always appeared with such an inoffensive, and
crave-your-humble-pardon kind of face, which could not be resisted. He
was of a handsome Abyssinian type, but the hypocrisy on his features
marred their natural beauty. A Mhuma, Masai, Mtaturu, or Galla must
have meat, even more so than the Englishman. It is an article of faith
with him, that life is not worth living without an occasional taste of
beef. I therefore warned Juma again, and consoled myself with the
reflection, that his career as a scout could only be for a brief
time, and that he would surely meet natives of craft and courage equal
to his own some day.
We had made an ineffectual start on this day, had actually left the
village a few hundred yards when we were stopped by the depth of a river
forty yards wide and with a current of two and a half miles an hour. The
old crone called this the Ituri. Marvelling that between Ipoto and Ibwiri
a river 400 yards wide could be narrowed to such a narrow stream, we had
returned to Indesura for a day's halt, and I had immediately after sent
Lieutenant Stairs and Mr. Jephson with sufficient escort back along
yesterday's path to find a ford across the Ituri.
At 4 P.M. both officers returned to report a successful discovery of a
ford a mile and a half higher up the stream, and that they had set foot
upon the grass-land, in proof of which they held a bunch of fine young
succulent grass. Meantime, Uledi and his party had also found another
ford waist deep, still nearer Indesura.
On the evening of this day a happier community of men did not exist on
the face of the round earth than those who rejoiced in the camp of
Indesura. On the morrow they were to bid farewell to the forest. The
green grassy region of which we had dreamed in our dark hours, when
slumbering heavily from exhaustion of body and prostration from hunger
during the days of starvation, was close at hand. Their pots contained
generous supplies of juicy meat; in the messes were roast and boiled
fowls, corn mush, plantain flour porridge, and ripe bananas. No wonder
they were now exuberantly happy, and all except ten or twelve men were in
finer condition than when they had embarked so hopefully for the journey
in the port of Zanzibar.
On the 4th of December we filed out of Indesura and proceeded to the
ford. It was waist deep, and at this place fifty yards wide. Two of the
aneroids indicated an altitude of 3050 feet above the ocean--1850 feet
higher than the level of the river at the landing-place of Yambuya, and
2000 feet higher than the Congo at Stanley Pool.
From the Ituri we entered a narrow belt of tall timber on its left bank,
and, after waiting for the column to cross, marched on, led by Mr.
Mounteney Jephson along a broad elephant track for about 600 yards, and
then, to our undisguised joy, emerged upon a rolling plain, green as an
English lawn, into broadest, sweetest daylight, and warm and glorious
sunshine, to inhale the pure air with an uncontrollable rapture. Judging
of the feelings of others by my own, we felt as if we had thrown all age
and a score of years away, as we stepped with invigorated limbs upon the
soft sward of young grass. We strode forward at a pace most unusual, and
finally, unable to suppress our emotions, the whole caravan broke into a
run. Every man's heart seemed enlarged and lifted up with boyish
gladness. The blue heaven above us never seemed so spacious, lofty, pure,
and serene as at this moment. We gazed at the sun itself undaunted by its
glowing brightness. The young grass, only a month since the burning of
the old, was caressed by a bland, soft breeze, and turned itself about as
if to show us its lovely shades of tender green. Birds, so long estranged
from us, sailed and soared through the lucent atmosphere; antelopes and
elands stood on a grassy eminence gazing and wondering, and then bounded
upward and halted snorting their surprise, to which our own was equal;
buffaloes lifted their heads in amazement at the intruders on their
silent domain, heaved their bulky forms, and trooped away to a safer
distance. A hundred square miles of glorious country opened to our
view--apparently deserted--for we had not as yet been able to search out
the fine details of it. Leagues upon leagues of bright green pasture land
undulated in gentle waves, intersected by narrow winding lines of
umbrageous trees that filled the hollows, scores of gentle hills studded
with dark clumps of thicket, graced here and there by a stately tree,
lorded it over level breadths of pasture and softly sloping champaigns;
and far away to the east rose some frowning ranges of mountains beyond
which we were certain slept in its deep gulf the blue Albert. Until
breathlessness forced a halt, the caravan had sped on the
double-quick--for this was also a pleasure that had been long deferred.
[Illustration: EMERGING FROM THE FOREST.]
Then we halted on the crest of a commanding hill to drink the beauty of a
scene to which we knew no rival, which had been the subject of our
thoughts and dreams for months, and now we were made "glad according to
the days wherein we had been afflicted and the period wherein we had seen
evil." Every face gloated over the beauty of the landscape and reflected
the secret pleasure of the heart. The men were radiant with the
fulfilment of dear desires. Distrust and sullenness were now utterly
banished. We were like men out of durance and the dungeon free and
unfettered, having exchanged foulness and damp for sweetness and purity,
darkness and gloom for divine light and wholesome air. Our eyes followed
the obscure track, roved over the pasture hillocks, great and small,
every bosky islet and swarded level around it, along the irregularities
of the forest line that rose darkly funereal behind us, advancing here,
receding there, yonder assuming a bay-like canoe, here a cape-like point.
The mind grasped the minutest peculiarity around as quick as vision, to
cling to it for many, many years. A score of years hence, if we live so
long, let but allusion be made to this happy hour when every soul
trembled with joy, and praise rose spontaneously on every lip, and we
shall be able to map the whole with precision and fidelity.
After examining the contour of the new region before us with the
practical view of laying a course free from river or swamp, I led the
Expedition N.N.E. to a rocky knoll which was about four miles from us, in
order to strike the southern base of a certain hilly range that ran E. by
S. from the knoll. I imagined we should then be able to travel over
upland, trending easterly, without much inconvenience.
We reached the base of the rock-heap that stood about 300 feet above the
valley to our right, then perceiving that the obscure game track we had
followed had developed into a native highway running N.E., we struck
across the grassy upland to retain our hold upon the crown we had gained,
the short young grass enabling us to do so without fatigue. But near noon
the tall unburnt grass of last season interrupted our too-easy advance
with its tangle of robust stalks of close growth; but we bore on until
12.30, and after an hour of serious exercise halted by the side of a
crystal stream for refreshments.
In the afternoon we breasted the opposing grassy slope, and, after an
hour and a half of rapid pacing, selected a camp near the junction of two
streams, which flowed south-easterly. Relieved from their burdens, a few
tireless fellows set out to forage in some villages we had observed far
below our line of march in the valley. The suddenness of their descent
among the natives provided them with a rich store of fowls, sugar-cane,
and ripe branches of bananas. They brought us specimens of the weapons of
this new land: several long bows and lengthy arrows; shields of a heavy
rectangular form, formed of a double row of tough rods crossed, and
tightly bound together with fibre and smeared with some gummy substance.
They presented very neat workmanship, and were altogether impenetrable to
arrows or spears. Besides shields the natives wore vests of buffalo hide,
which appeared to be quite impervious to pistol shots.
Our course as far as the rocky knoll already described was nearly
parallel with the edge of the forest, our path varying in distance from
it from a half mile to a mile and a half. As a sea or a lake indents its
shore, so appeared the view of the line of forest.
The trend of the Ituri that we had crossed, which we must call West
Ituri, was E.S.E.. I should have estimated the source of the river to
have been distant from the crossing about 25 geographical miles N.N.W.
On the next day we advanced up a long slope of short grass land, and on
the crest halted to arrange the column with more order, lest we might be
suddenly confronted by an overwhelming force, for we were as yet ignorant
of the land, its people, and the habits of those among whom we had
dropped so suddenly. Marching forward we chose a slight track that
followed the crest leading E. by S., but soon all traces of it were lost.
However, we were on a commanding upland, and a score of miles were
visible to us in any direction out of which we might select any course. A
village was in view N.E. of us, and to it we directed our steps, that we
might avail ourselves of a path, for the closely-packed acreages of reedy
cane and fifteen-feet-high grass, that we stumbled upon occasionally,
were as bad as the undergrowth of the jungle. The very tallest and
rankest grass impeded us, and prevented rapid advance. We crossed jungly
gullies, on whose muddy ground were impressed the feet of lions and
leopards, and finally entered a tract of acacia thorn, which was a sore
annoyance, and out of this last we emerged into the millet fields of
Mbiri. In a few seconds the natives were warned of our approach, and fled
instinctively, and, Parthian-like, shot their long arrows. The scouts
dashed across every obstacle, and seized a young woman and a lad of
twelve, who were the means of instructing our poor ignorance. No long
conversation could be maintained with them, owing to our very imperfect
knowledge of any dialect spoken near this region, but a few names of
nouns assisted by gestures brought out the fact that we were in the
district of Mbiri, that the main road easterly would take us to the
Babusesse country, that beyond them lay the Abunguma, all of which
naturally we heard with supreme indifference. What did such names convey
to dull senses and blank minds? They had never heard of Shakespeare,
Milton, or even of Her Majesty the Queen.
"Had any of them heard of Muta, or Luta Nzige?"
A shake of the head.
"Of Unyoro?"
"Unyoro? Yes. Unyoro lies a great way off," pointing east.
"Of a great water near Unyoro?"
"The Ituri, you mean?"
"No, wider; ever so much wider than the Ituri--as wide as all this
plain."
But instead of confining themselves to monosyllables, which we might
easily have understood, the wretched woman and boy, anxious to convey too
much information, smothered comprehension by voluble talk in their
dialect, and so perplexed us that we had recourse to silence and
patience. They would show us the way to Babusesse at least.
The mode of hut construction is similar to that seen all over East and
Central Africa. It is the most popular. A cone roof occupies two-thirds
of the height; one-third is devoted to the height of the walls. Huts of
this pattern, scattered amongst the banana groves, are found every few
dozen yards. Paths lead from one to the other, and are most baffling to
the stranger, who without a local guide must necessarily go astray. To
every group of huts there are attached outhouses for cooking sheds, for
gossip, to store fuel, and doing chores; also circular grass-walled and
thatched little granaries raised a foot or so above the ground as
protection against vermin and damp.
Our people obtained a large quantity of ripe plantains and ripe bananas,
out of which the aborigines manufacture an intoxicating wine called
_marwa_. A few goats were also added to our flock, and about a dozen
fowls were taken. All else were left untouched according to custom, and
we resumed our journey.
The path was well trodden. Traffic and travel had tamped it hard and
smooth. It led S.E. by E. up and down grassy hills and vales. Near noon
we halted for refreshments, shaded by fine woods, and close by boomed a
loud cataract of the Ituri, we were told. This was rather puzzling. We
could not understand how the Ituri, which we had forded the day before,
could be roaring over precipices and terraces at this high altitude, and
after we had purposely struck away from its valley to avoid it.
A march of an hour and a half in the afternoon, apparently not very far
from the river, brought us to the populous district of the Babusesse. The
banana plantations were very extensive, reminding me of Uganda, and
their deep shades covered a multitude of huts. Fields of millet and
sesame, plots of sweet potatoes, occupied the outskirts of these
plantations, and there was ample evidence round about that the land was
thickly peopled and industriously cultivated.
Before entering the banana shades we repaired our ranks, and marched in
more compact order. A strong body of men armed with Winchesters formed
the advance guard; a similar number of men armed with Remingtons, under
the command of Stairs, closed the rear of the column. But however well
cautioned the men were against breaking rank, no sooner had the advance
guard passed safely through a dangerous locality than the main body
invariably despatched scores of looters into huts and granaries to hunt
up booty and fowls, bananas, goats, sugar-cane, and trivial articles of
no earthly use. These plantations hid a large number of natives, who
permitted the advance to pass because their files were unbroken, and
their eyes on the watch, but those straggling looters soon gave the
aborigines the opportunity. Some arrows flew well aimed; one pinned a
man's arm to his side, another glancing from a rib admonished its owner
of his folly. A volley from rifles drove the men away from their covert
without harm to any of them.
[Illustration: SHIELDS OF BABUSESSE.]
At the easternmost settlement we camped. There were only two large
conical huts and other outhouses in it, and around these the huts for the
night were arranged hastily, put up with banana leaves sufficient to shed
rain and dew.
At dusk I called the captives to me again, and attempted, during half an
hour, to gain a lucid answer to the question as to whether there was a
great body of water or great river east of us. When one of the headmen
who were assisting us demanded to know which was the largest Nyanza, that
of Unyoro, or that of Uganda--
"Nyanza!" cried the native boy--"Nyanza? Ay, the Nyanza lies this way"
(pointing east) "and extends that way" (north-east) "a long distance;"
and when asked how many "sleeps" intervened between the Babusesse, held
up three fingers on his dexter hand, and answered "three."
It was now dark, and we were suddenly startled by a shriek of pain, and a
sequent yell singularly weird, and with a note of triumph in it, and in
the silence that followed we heard the hurtling of arrows through the
banana leaves above our heads.
"Put out the fires! Keep cool. Where are the sentries? Why are they not
at their posts?" were the next words uttered.
The natives had stolen on us at the very hour when the camp was least
watched, for it was supper-time, and the guards, except on unusual
occasions, were permitted to feed before going out on guard duty for the
night. We soon ascertained that one arrow had penetrated the thigh of a
man named Salim to the depth of four inches, another had pierced the
roast leg of a kid before the fire, several others had perforated banana
stalks. Salim, after a little coaxing, bravely drew out the shaft until
the barbed point was seen, when, with a wrench, I extracted it with a
pair of pincers. Eucalyptine was then applied to the wound, and the man
was sent to his quarters.
Half an hour later, all the guards being now on duty, however, the
natives essayed another quarter of the camp, but the rifle-shots rang out
quickly in reply, and there was a scamper and a rustle heard. In the
distance we heard two rifles fired, and an agonised cry, by which we knew
that there were some of our incorrigible looters abroad.
Our force was weak enough, in all conscience, not in numbers, but in real
strength, for defence and capacity for bearing ammunition, and these
wanderers were always a source of great anxiety to me. It was useless to
reason and expostulate; only downright severity restrained them, and as
yet, so fresh were we from the horrors of the forest, that I had not the
moral courage to apply the screw of discipline; but when I assumed
mildness, their own heedless imprudence incurred punishments far more
severe than any of us would ever have thought of inflicting.
A heavy rain fell on us during the night, which detained us next morning
until eight o'clock. I employed the time in extracting something
intelligible respecting the character of the natives in front, but we
were all so profoundly ignorant of the language that we could make but
little headway. In the endeavour to make herself clear, the woman drew on
the ground a sketch of the course of the Ituri. This illustrated one of
the strangest facts in African geography that one could imagine. The
river was represented as going up to the crest of the watershed, flowing
steeply upward parallel with Lake Albert, and finally lifting itself over
to be precipitated into the Nyanza! Stupefied by what she said, I kept
her by me as we marched out of camp into the open. From the crown of a
hill she pointed out, half a mile below, the Ituri River flowing
eastward. The stretch in view was an east by south course.
Now here was a deep puzzle. We had crossed from the right bank to the
left bank of the Ituri two days previously, in N. Lat. 1 deg. 24': we were
now in N. Lat. 1 deg. 28'. Yet the Ituri we saw flowed E. by S. and E.S.S.,
and my route to Kavalli was obviously south of east.
I declined to perplex myself any more with the problem, or in trying to
understand what the woman meant, that the river we had ascended for 600
miles from the Congo flowed to the Nyanza. The only solution possible was
that there were two Ituris, one flowing to the Congo, the other into the
Nile basin; but both she and her brother stoutly maintained that there
was only one Ituri.
We continued on our journey, following a path which dipped down into the
valley. We presently stood on the banks of the stream, and the solution
was at hand. It was the main Ituri River, flowing south of west! We are
all wise after the event.
There was a clumsy, misshapen canoe in the river, and as Saat Tato was an
expert canoeist, he was detailed to ferry the caravan over for a reward
of 20 dollars. The river was 125 yards broad, about seven feet average
depth, with a current of two knots. It was a cataract of this stream
whose low thunder we had heard near Mbiri.
The natives of Abunguma, on the left side of the river, watched our
operations from a hill-top a mile off, with an air of confidence which
seemed to say, "All right, friends. When you are through, you will have
to reckon with us." Nothing could be done in such an open land as this
without "all the world knowing it." The Abunguma shook their spears
bravely at us; the Babusesse occupied every prominent point on the right
side of the river. It appeared once or twice as if our manhood was about
to be tested on an important scale. There was the comfort, however, that,
knowing the natives to be alert and active, we could not be surprised on
a pasture slope where the grass around the camp was but three inches
high.
Since we had entered Ibwiri we had fared luxuriously--for Africa. We had
enjoyed meat and milk daily. We had lived on fowls, young and dried
beans, sugar-cane, sweet potatoes, yams, colocassia, tomatoes, brinjalls,
melons, plantains, and bananas. On the people the effect was wonderful.
They were men in every respect superior both in body and spirit to the
gaunt and craven wretches whom the Arab slaves of Ipoto scourged and
speared without more than a mild protest. On the whites also the effect
had been most beneficial. Though spare, we were no longer meagre and
haggard; a little wine would have completed the cure.
A gentle grassy slope, on the next morning, took us, in the course of an
hour, to the crown of one of those long undulations so characteristic of
this region. It furnished us with another all-round view peculiarly
interesting to us. Our intended direction was southeast, as we were
bearing for a high conical peak at the end of a range of grass-covered
mountains, which afterwards became known to us as Mazamboni's Peak. We
dipped down into delightful vales, watered by cool and clear brooks.
Close to these were small clusters of native homesteads, with their
fields of unripe sorghum, sweet potato, and sugar-cane patches, &c. But
the homesteads were all abandoned, and their owners were observing us
from the sky-line of every superior hill. Finally we passed an empty
cattle zeriba, the sight of which was loudly cheered, and cries of "Ay,
the master is right, and every word comes to pass. First will come the
grass-land, then the cattle with brave men to defend them, then hills,
then the Nyanza, and lastly the white man. The grass-land we have seen,
here is the cattle yard, yonder are the mountains, the brave men and the
Nyanza and the white man we shall yet see, please God."
We bore on our way to a valley through which another river rushed and
roared. On our left was a rugged line of rocks that rose in huge and
detached masses, on the top of which a dozen men might be seated
comfortably. Connecting these huge rock masses was a lower line of rocks,
more uniform, forming the bare spine of a ridge. At some places we passed
so close to the base of this hill that we were within easy stone's throw
of the summits. But though we were prepared for a demonstration, the
natives remained singularly quiet. The path we followed halted at a
suspension bridge across a third "Ituri," which had better be
distinguished as East Ituri to prevent misunderstanding. This last river
was thirty yards wide, deep and swift as a rapid. Spanned by a bridge of
such fragile make that we could only pass one at a time in safety, it
required one hundred and twenty seconds for a single person to cross the
ninety-feet span, and the caravan was not on the other side entirely
before 6 P.M. As the crossing was in a position of great disadvantage,
riflemen had been on the look-out all day.
In the afternoon we saw a fine black cow and her calf issue out of a
defile in the rocky ridge just described, and clamours of "Beef,
beef--ay, beef, how are you? we have not seen you since we were young!"
rose loud. The Abunguma had hidden their cattle among the rocky hills,
and these specimens had probably been refractory.
[Illustration: SUSPENSION BRIDGE ACROSS THE E. ITURI.]
Leaving the picturesque valley of East Ituri on the 8th, we ascended an
easy slope to the top of a hill where we obtained a long view of the
crooked and narrow valley of the East Ituri, and were able to observe
that it came from an east-south-east direction. Shortly after, something
more like a plain opened before us, extending over a score of miles to
the south, bordered on the north by the stony ridge and valley we had
just left behind, while to the eastward rose Mazamboni's mountain range,
whose northern end, conspicuous by the tall peak, was our present
objective point.
At 9.30 A.M. we had approached several miles nearer this mountain range,
and before descending into the valley of a streamlet flowing northward,
we observed with wonder that the whole intervening space as far as the
mountains was one mass of plantations, indicative of a powerful
population. Here then, we thought, "will be the tug of war. The Abunguma
have left their settlements in order to join this numerous tribe, and
meet us with a fitting reception." No more populous settlements had been
seen since we had departed from Bangala on the Congo. A suspicion that
these were among the confederation of tribes who hemmed in the poor
anxious governor of Equatoria also crept into our minds, as we looked
upon this huge display of numbers and evidence of wealth and security.
With the view of not provoking the natives, and of preventing the
incorrigible looters of the column from the commission of mischief, we
took a south-east track to skirt the district. We were able to steer our
course between the plantations, so that no cover was afforded to an
enemy. At 11.30 we had reached the eastern extremity of the district, and
then rested for the noon halt and refreshment, under the shadow of a tree
whose branches rustled before a strong cool breeze from the Nyanza.
Resuming the march at 1 P.M. we entered the depths of banana plantations,
marvelling at the great industry evinced, and the neatness of the
cultivated plots. The conical homesteads were large and partitioned
within, as we observed while passing through a few open doorways, by
screens of cane grass. Every village was cleanly swept, as though they
had been specially prepared for guests. Each banana stalk was loaded with
bananas, the potato fields were extensive, the millet fields stretched
away on either side by hundreds of acres, and the many granaries that
had lately been erected manifested expectations of a bountiful harvest.
We finally emerged from the corn-fields without being once annoyed. We
thought the natives had been cowed by exaggerated reports of our power,
or they had been disconcerted by our cautious manoeuvre of leaving a fair
open margin between the line of march and the groves; but much to our
surprise we encountered no opposition, though large masses of the
aborigines covered the eminences bordering our route.
The broad and well-trodden path towards the mountains which we were now
rapidly approaching bisected an almost level plain, three miles wide,
rich with pasture grass in flower. The Eastern Ituri was not far off on
our left flank, and on the other side of it another populous settlement
was in view.
At 3 P.M. we arrived at the base of the Mountain of the Peak. Many of its
highest points were crowned with clusters of huts. The cotes of the
natives were in the folds of the mountain fronting us. The people
gathered in large groups on the nearest summits, and when we were near
enough the shouts of defiance were uttered with loud and strident voices.
We estimated the average height of the hills nearest to us at about 800
feet above the plain, and as the slopes were particularly steep we judged
their distance to be between 800 and 1000 yards from us.
Much to our pleasure and relief the path, instead of ascending those
steep slopes, skirted their base, and turned east, pursuing the direction
we wished being now in, North Lat. 1 deg. 25' 30". A valley unfolded to our
view as we rounded the corner of the Peak Range, with a breadth of one to
two miles wide, which was clothed with luxuriant sorghum ripening for the
sickle. On our right, rising immediately above us, was the north side of
Mazamboni's range; to our left, the ground, hidden by crops of grain,
sloped gradually to a rapid branch of the East Ituri, and beyond it rose,
an easy slope to a broad horse-shoe shaped grassy ridge, studded with
homesteads, green with millet and corn, and rich in banana groves. One
sweeping view of our surroundings impressed us with the prosperity of the
tribe.
[Illustration: OUR FIRST EXPERIENCES WITH MAZAMBONI'S PEOPLE.
VIEW FROM NZERA KUM HILL.]
On entering this rich crop-bearing valley a chorus of war-cries pealing
menacingly above our heads caused us to look up. The groups had already
become more numerous, until there were probably 300 warriors with shield,
spear, and bow, shaking their flashing weapons, gesturing with shield and
spear, crying wrathfully at us in some language. Waxing more ungovernable
in action they made a demonstration to descend; they altered their
intentions, returned to the summit, and kept pace with us--we along the
base, they along the crest of the fore hills, snarling and yelling,
shouting and threatening, which we took to be expressive of hate to us,
and encouragement to those in the valley.
Issuing out of the first series of cornfields, we heard the war-cries of
the valley natives, and comprehended that they were taking position in
favourable localities--the hill natives warning and guiding them. It was
now near 4 P.M., a time to pick out camp, to make ready for the night in
the midst of a population overwhelming in its numbers. Fortunately, close
at hand rose the steep hill of Nzera-Kum with a spur, whose level top
rose a hundred feet above the general face of the valley. It stood like
an islet in the valley, distant from the river 500 yards, and from the
base of Mazamboni's range 200 yards. From the crest of Nzera-Kum we could
command a view east and west of all the northern face of the high range,
and away over the summit lines of the horse-shoe ridge, across the Ituri
branch. Fifty rifles could hold a camp on such a position against a
thousand. We hurried up towards it, the warriors on the range slopes
converging downward as if divining our intentions; a mass of noisy
belligerents hastening towards the line of march from the river banks.
The scouts in the advance fired a few solitary shots to clear the front,
and we succeeded in reaching the islet hill and scrambled up. The loads
were thrown down, a few picked skirmishers were ordered to either flank
of the column to assist the rear-guard, others were directed to form a
zeriba around the crown of the spur; a body of thirty men was sent to
secure water from the river. In half an hour the column was safe on the
hill, the zeriba was near completion, there was water for the thirsty,
and we had a few minutes to draw breath and to observe from our
commanding elevation what were our surroundings. The bird's-eye view was
not a bit encouraging. About fifty villages were sprinkled through the
valley; plantation after plantation, field after field, village after
village met our vision in every direction. What lay on the mountains we
did not know. The swarms of lusty-voiced natives on the slopes now
numbered over 800. The air seemed filled with the uproar of the shouts.
The mountaineers appeared disposed to try conclusions at once. We were
fatigued with the march of 13 miles; the hot sun and weight of burdens
had weakened the physical powers of the men. Some of the best, however,
were picked out and sent to meet the mountaineers, while we stood and
watched to weigh the temper of our opponents. Four of the scouts were
foremost. An equal number of the mountaineers, not a whit loth for the
encounter, bounded gallantly to meet them. They intuitively felt that the
courage of our four men was not of the highest order. They approached to
within 100 yards of them, and prepared their bows against the rifles. Our
men delivered their fire harmlessly, and then backed; the mountaineers
advanced, with fingers on their bow-strings. Our four men fled, while a
hundred voices from our camp, looking down upon the scene, execrated
them. This was a bad beginning for our side; the natives accepted it as a
favourable omen to them, and yelled triumphantly. To check this glow, our
riflemen sought cover, and seriously annoyed the natives. Some at the
extremity of the hill of Nzera-Kum did execution among the mountaineers
on the slope of the range opposite, at 400 yards distance; others crept
down into the valley towards the river, and obtained a triumph for us;
others, again, working round the base of Nzera-Kum, effected a diversion
in our favour. Saat Tato, our hunter, carried away a cow from her owners,
and we thus obtained a taste of beef after eleven months' abstinence. As
night fell, natives and strangers sought their respective quarters, both
anticipating a busy day on the morrow.
Before turning in for the night, I resumed my reading of the Bible as
usual. I had already read the book through from beginning to end once,
and was now at Deuteronomy for the second reading, and I came unto the
verse wherein Moses exhorts Joshua in those fine lines, "Be strong and of
a good courage; fear not, nor be afraid of them: for the Lord thy God, He
it is that doth go with thee; He will not fail thee, nor forsake thee."
I continued my reading, and at the end of the chapter closed the book,
and from Moses my mind travelled at once to Mazamboni. Was it great
fatigue, incipient ague, or an admonitory symptom of ailment, or a shade
of spiteful feeling against our cowardly four, and a vague sense of
distrust that at some critical time my loons would fly? We certainly were
in the presence of people very different from the forest natives. In open
our men had not been tested as they were to-day, and what my officers and
self had seen of them was not encouraging. At any rate, my mind was
occupied with a keener sense of the danger incurred by us in adventuring
with such a small force of cowardly porters to confront the tribes of the
grass land than I remember it on any previous occasion. It seemed to me
now that I had a more thorough grasp of what might be expected. Whether
it followed a larger visual view of land and population, or that I was
impressed by the volume of human voices, whose uproar yet seemed to sound
in my ears, I know not. But a voice appeared to say, "Be strong and of a
good courage: fear not, nor be afraid of them." I could almost have sworn
I heard the voice. I began to argue with it. Why do you adjure me to
abandon the Mission? I cannot run if I would. To retreat would be far
more fatal than advance; therefore your encouragement is unnecessary. It
replied, nevertheless, "Be strong and of a good courage. Advance, and be
confident, for I will give this people and this land unto thee. I will
not fail thee nor forsake thee; fear not, nor be dismayed."
Still--all this in strict confidence--before I slept I may add that
though I certainly never felt fitter for a fight, it struck me, that both
sides were remarkably foolish, and about to engage in what I conceived to
be an unnecessary contest. We did not know even the name of the land or
of the people, and they were equally ignorant of our name and of our
purpose and motives. I sketched out my plans for the morrow, adjured the
sentries to keep strict watch, and in sleep became soon oblivious of this
Mazamboni--lord of the mountains and plains.
December 9th was a halt. In the morning we completed our thorn-bush
fence, distributed cartridges, and examined rifles. By 9 o'clock the
chill of early day retired before the warmth of a hot sun, and shortly
after the natives mustered in imposing numbers. War-horns, with the weird
notes heard in Usoga and Uganda in 1875, sounded the gathering, and over
twenty drums boomed from each mountain top. There were shouts and cries
flying in currents from mountain to valley, and back again, for we were
quite surrounded. About 11 a.m. some few natives descended close enough
for one Fetteh, a man of Unyoro, to distinguish what was said, and he
exchanged a hot abuse with them, until there was quite a wordy war.
Hearing that one of our people understood the language, I directed the
wrathful tongues in the interests of peace, and a more amicable language
resulted.
"We on our side," was said, "only fight in defence. You assail us while
quietly passing through the land. Would it not be better to talk to each
other, and try to understand one another first, and then, if we cannot
agree, fight."
"True, those are wise words," a man replied. "Tell us who you are. Where
you are from, and where you are going."
"We are of Zanzibar, from the sea, and our chief is a white man. We are
bound for the Nyanza of Unyoro."
"If you have a white man with you, let us see him, and we shall believe
you."
Lieutenant Stairs promptly stepped out of the zeriba and was introduced
by Fetteh.
"Now you tell us who you are," said Fetteh. "What land is this? Who is
your chief? And how far is the Nyanza?"
"This land is Undussuma, the chief is Mazamboni. We are Wazamboni. The
Ruweru (Nyanza) is reached in two days. It will take you five days. It
lies east. There is only one road, and you cannot miss it."
This began the exchange of friendly intercourse. Strangerhood was broken.
We then learned that there were two chiefs in Undussuma, one of whom
would not be averse to peace, and exchange of friendly gifts, if it were
agreeable to us. We gladly assented, and several hours were passed
without a hostile cry being heard, or a shot fired, except at the river,
the natives on whose shores were obstinate, and declined listening to
anything but war proposals.
In the afternoon a message came from Mazamboni saying he would like to
see the pattern and quality of our monies. We sent two yards of scarlet
uniform cloth, and a dozen brass rods, and a promise was given that early
next morning the chief himself would appear and go through the ceremony
of brotherhood with me.
The next day we were refreshed after an undisturbed night, and fondly
indulged in anticipations that in a few hours, perhaps, our camp would be
filled with friendly natives. We had been requested not to depart until a
return gift should arrive from Mazamboni. We accordingly had resolved on
another day's halt. The morning was still raw and cold, for we were 4,235
feet above the sea. A mist covered the tall mountain tops, and a slight
drizzle had set in, which excused our friends from a too early
appearance; but at the third hour the mist cleared away, and the outline
of the entire range was clear against a pale blue sky. Lieutenant Stairs,
Mr. Jephson, and myself, were out at the extreme west end of the spur
enjoying the splendid view, admiring the scenery, and wondering when such
a beautiful land would become the homesteads of civilized settlers.
Stairs thought that it resembled New Zealand, and said that he would not
mind possessing a ranche here. He actually went so far as to locate it,
and pointed out the most desirable spot. "On that little hill I would
build my house"--"Shebang" he called it. I wonder if that is a New
Zealand term for a villa--"There I would herd my cattle; my sheep could
browse on the mountain slope behind, and----"
But meantime the natives had appeared on the crests of the mountain in
lengthy columns, converging towards a common centre--a butt end of a
truncated hill--a thousand yards in an air line from where we stood, and
a voice like that of a mob orator, clear and harmonious, broke on our
ear. It proceeded from a man who, with a few companions, had descended to
about 300 feet above the valley. He was ten minutes speaking, and Fetteh
had been brought to listen and translate. Fetteh said that he commanded
peace in the name of the king; but strange to say, no sooner had the man
concluded his speech than loud, responsive yells rose from the valley in
a hideous and savage clamour, and then from every mountain top, and from
the slopes there was a re-echo of the savage outburst.
We surmised that such forceful yelling could not signal a peace, but
rather war; and in order to make sure, sent Fetteh down into the valley
below the speaker to ask him. The replies from the natives left us no
room to doubt. The two sounds--Kanwana, "peace," and Kurwana, "war," were
so similar that they had occasioned Fetteh's error.
"We do not want your friendship," they cried. "We are coming down to you
shortly to drive you out of your camp with our herdsmen's staffs." And a
treacherous fellow, who had crawled under cover of low bush, came near
causing us a severe loss--our interpreter especially having an
exceedingly narrow escape. Fetteh picked up the arrows and brought them
to us, and delivered his news.
There was then no alternative but to inflict an exemplary lesson upon
them; and we prepared to carry it out without losing a moment of time,
and with the utmost vigour, unless checked by proffers of amity.
The companies were mustered, and fifty rifles were led out by Lieutenant
Stairs towards those obstinate and fierce fellows on the other side of
the Ituri branch. A party of thirty rifles were sent under Mr. Jephson to
skirmish up the slopes to the left; and twenty picked men were sent with
Uledi to make a demonstration to the right. Rashid was ordered with ten
men to the top of Nzera-Kum to guard against surprise from that quarter.
Jephson and Uledi would be marching to their positions unobserved by the
mountaineers, because the crowns of the forehills would obstruct the
view, and would approach to them within 200 yards without being seen,
while Lieutenant Stairs' company, being further out in the valley, would
absorb their attention.
In a few minutes Stairs' company was hotly engaged. The natives received
our men with cool determination for a few minutes, and shot their arrows
in literal showers; but the Lieutenant, perceiving that their coolness
rose from the knowledge that there was a considerable stream intervening
between them and his company, cheered his men to charge across the river.
His men obeyed him, and as they ascended the opposite bank opened a
withering fire which in a few seconds broke up the nest of refractory and
turbulent fellows who had cried out so loudly for war. The village was
taken with a rush and the banana plantations scoured. The natives broke
out into the open on a run, and fled far northward. Lieutenant Stairs
then collected his men, set fire to the village, and proceeded to the
assault of other settlements, rattling volleys from the company
announcing the resistance they met.
Meanwhile, Uledi's party of chosen men had discovered a path leading up
the mountain along a spur, and after ascending 500 feet, led his men up
into view on the right flank of the mob observing and cheering their
countrymen in the valley. The Winchesters were worked most handsomely. At
the same time Mr. Jephson's party came out of the left ravine, and
together they had such a disastrous effect on the nerves of the natives
that they fled furiously up the slopes, Uledi and his men chasing them.
Mr. Jephson, after seeing them in full flight, faced eastward, and pushed
on for two miles, clearing every inhabitant out. By 1 P.M. all our men
were in camp, with only one man slightly wounded. Every man had behaved
wonderfully well; even the four cowards, who had been marked men, had
distinguished themselves.
At 2 P.M., the natives in the valley having returned, each party was
despatched once again. Stairs led his men across the Ituri branch, and
followed the running fugitives far northward, then veered sharply round
to join Jephson, who had continued his way eastward. Uledi's scouts were
sent up to the very summit of the mountain range; but on observing the
immense number of homesteads that dotted it, he prudently halted.
Until the afternoon the contest continued; the natives were constantly on
the run, charging or retreating. By evening not one was in sight, and the
silence around our camp was significant of the day's doings. The
inhabitants were on the mountains or far removed eastward and northward.
In the valley around us there was not a hut left standing to be a cover
during the night. The lesson, we felt, was not completed. We should have
to return by that route. In the natural course of things, if we met many
tribes of the quality of this, we should lose many men, and if we left
them in the least doubt of our ability to protect ourselves, we should
have to repeat our day's work. It was, therefore, far more merciful to
finish the affair thoroughly before leaving a tribe in unwhipped
insolence in our rear. The natives must have entertained an idea that we
could not fight outside our bush fence, which accounts for their tall
talk of driving us out with sticks, and that they were safe on the
mountains. We were compelled to root out the idea that they could harm us
in any way.
A cow neglected by her owner was burnt in one of the villages close by,
and furnished us with a second limited ration of roast beef.
On the 11th it rained again during the early morning, which kept us
indoors until 10 A.M. Some natives having then come out to demonstrate
their hostility on the mountains, Stairs, Jephson and Uledi led their men
up the mountain slopes in three separate small columns to the attack, and
made a successful tour among their stronghold. A small flock of goats was
captured, and distributed to the men, and our experiences of this day
satisfied the natives that they had nothing to gain by fighting.
[Illustration: SHIELD OF THE EDGE OF THE PLAINS.]
At one time it appeared as day would end with reconciliation, for a
native stood on a high hill above our position after all had reached
camp, and announced that he had been sent by Mazamboni to say that he
received our gifts, but that he had been prevented from visiting us
according to promise by the clamour of his young men, who insisted on
fighting. But now, as many of them had been killed, he was ready to pay
tribute, and be a true friend in future.
We replied that we were agreeable to peace and friendship with them, but
as they had mocked us, kept our peace presents, and then scornfully
called us women, they must purchase peace with cattle or goats, and if
they held up grass in their hands they could approach without fear.
It should be mentioned that when the warriors descended the mountain
slopes for the fight, every little squad of men was accompanied by a
large hound, of somewhat slender build, but courageous, and prompt to
attack.
The arms of the Wazamboni consisted of long bows five and a half feet
long, and arrows twenty-eight inches long, besides a long sharp spear.
Their shields were long and narrow generally, but there were many of the
true Uganda type. The arrows were cruelly barbed, and the spear was
similar to that of Karagwe, Uhha, Urundi, and Ihangiro.
[Illustration: VIEW OF THE SOUTH END OF ALBERT NYANZA. (_See page
306._)]
CHAPTER XII.
ARRIVAL AT LAKE ALBERT, AND OUR RETURN TO IBWIRI.
We are further annoyed by the natives--Their villages
fired--Gavira's village--We keep the natives at bay--Plateau of
Unyoro in view--Night attack by the natives--The village of
Katonza's--Parley with the natives--No news of the Pasha--Our supply
of cartridges--We consider our position--Lieutenant Stairs
converses with the people of Kasenya Island--The only sensible
course left us--Again attacked by natives--Scenery on the lake's
shore--We climb a mountain--A rich discovery of grain--The rich
valley of Undussuma--Our return journey to Ibwiri--The construction
of Fort Bodo.
On the 12th December we left camp at dawn without disturbance, or hearing
a single voice, and up to 9 A.M. it did not appear as if anybody was
astir throughout the valley. Our road led E. by S. and dipped down into
ravines, and narrow valleys, down which its tributaries from the mountain
range and its many gorges flowed under depths of jungle, bush, and
reed-cane. Villages were seen nestling amid abundance, and we left them
unmolested in the hope that the wild people might read that when left
alone we were an extremely inoffensive band of men. But at nine o'clock,
the chill of the morning having disappeared, we heard the first
war-cries, and traced them to a large group of villages that crowned a
detached line of hills occupying the foreground of the Undussuma range.
Perceiving that we continued our march without appearing to notice them,
they advanced boldly and hovered on our right flank and rear.
By 11 A.M. there were two separate bands of natives who followed us very
persistently. One had come from the eastward, the other was formed out of
the population of the villages in the valley that we had left undamaged
and intact.
By noon these bands had increased into numerous and frantic mobs, and
some of them cried out, "We will prove to you before night that we are
men, and every one of you shall perish to-day."
At this hour, refreshed by our halt, we resumed the march through a
grassy wilderness. There were no villages in view on either hand, but the
mobs followed us, now and then making demonstrations, and annoying us
with their harsh cries and menaces. An expert shot left the line of
march, and wounded two of them at a range of 400 yards. This silenced
them for awhile, as though they were absorbed in wondering what missile
could inflict injuries at such a distance. But soon their numbers
received fresh accessions, and their audacity became more marked. The
rear-guard band presently were heard firing, and possibly with effect; at
any rate it was clear they had received a check.
Finally, at 3.30, we came in view of the Bavira villages--the chief of
whom is called Gavira--situated on an open plain and occupying both banks
of a deep and precipitous ravine hollowed out of the clay by a
considerable tributary of the East Ituri. We in the front halted on the
eastern bank, as the natives--too tardy to effect anything--came rushing
down to prevent the crossing. Loads were at once dropped, skirmishers
were despatched from the advance to recross the river, and to assist the
rear guard, and a smart scene of battle-play occurred, at the end of
which the natives retreated on the full run. To punish them for four
hours' persecution of us we turned about and set fire to every hut on
either bank, then reforming we hastened up a steep hilly plateau, that
rose 200 feet above the plain, to meet the natives who had gathered to
oppose us. Long, however, before we could reach the summit they abandoned
their position and left us to occupy a village in peace. It being now a
late hour we camped, and our first duty was to render our quarters safe
against a night attack.
It should be observed that up to the moment of firing the villages, the
fury of the natives seemed to be increasing, but the instant the flames
were seen devouring their homes the fury ceased, by which we learned
that fire had a remarkable sedative influence on their nerves.
The village of Gavira's, wherein we slept that night, was 4,657 feet
above the sea. It had been a fine day for travel, and a S.E. breeze was
most cooling. Without it we should have suffered from the great heat. As
the sun set it became very cold; by midnight the temperature was 60 deg.. We
had travelled nine miles, and mostly all complained of fatigue from the
marching and constant excitement.
On the 13th we set off easterly a little after dawn, in order that we
might cover some distance before the aborigines ventured out into the
cold raw air of the morning. The short pasture grass was beaded with dew,
and wet as with rain. The rear guard, after disarranging our night
defences that the natives might not understand the manner of them, soon
overtook us, and we left the district in compact order ready for fresh
adventures. Until the third hour of the morning we were permitted to
travel amid scenes of peaceful stillness. We enjoyed the prospects, had
time to note the features of the great plain north of East Ituri, and to
admire the multitude of hilly cones that bounded the northern horizon, to
observe how the lines of conical hills massed themselves into a solid and
unbroken front to the east and west; how to the south of us the surface
of the land was a series of great waves every hollow of which had its own
particular stream; and how, about five miles off, the mountain range
continued from Undussuma East to the Balegga country, whose summits we
knew so well, formed itself into baylike curves wherein numerous
settlements found water and sweet grass for their cattle and moisture for
their millet fields, and finally prolonged itself, rounding northward
until its extremity stood east of us. Hence we observed that the
direction we travelled would take us before many hours between the
northern and southern ranges, to the top of a saddle that appeared to
connect them. A group of villages situated on the skyline of this saddle
was our objective point at present, until we could take further bearings
thence.
But at 9 A.M. the natives began to stir and look around. Every feature of
the wide landscape being then free from mist and fog. Our long
serpent-like line of men was soon detected and hailed with war-cries,
uttered with splendid force of lungs, that drew hundreds of hostile eyes
burning with ferocity and hate upon us. Village after village was passed
by us untouched, but this, as we experienced the day before, they did not
place to our credit, but rather debited us with pusillanimity, all
reports of their neighbours notwithstanding. We felt it in our veins that
we were being charged with weakness. A crowd of fifty natives stood
aside, 300 yards from our path, observant of our conduct. They saw us
defile through their settlements with kindly regard for their property,
and eyes fixed straight before us, intent on our own business of travel
only. Far from accepting this as a proof that there was some virtue in
us, they closed behind the column, loudly and imperiously summoned their
countrymen to gather together and surround us--a call their countrymen
appeared only too willing to obey. As soon as they deemed their numbers
strong enough to take the offensive, they charged on the rear guard,
which act was instantly responded to by good practice with rifles.
Every half-hour there was a stream at the bottom of its own valley, and a
breadth of cane-brake on either side of the brook, which required great
caution to keep the impulsive natives at bay.
That group of villages on the skyline already mentioned, connecting the
now converging lines of hills to north and south of us, became more and
more distinct as we steadily pressed on eastward, and I began to feel a
presentiment that before another hour was passed, we should see the
Albert Nyanza. But as though there was some great treasure in our front,
or as if Emin Pasha and his garrison found himself in the position of
Gordon during his last hours at Khartoum, and these were the beleaguering
hosts, the natives waxed bolder and more determined, increased in numbers
faster, the war-cries were incessantly vociferated from every eminence,
groups of men became mobs, and finally we became conscious that a supreme
effort was about to be made by them. We cast our eyes about and saw each
elevation black with masses of men, while the broad and rolling plain
showed lines of figures, like armies of ants travelling towards us.
At 11 A.M. we were near the crest of the last ridge intervening between
us and the saddle which we were aiming for, when we caught a view of a
small army advancing along a road, which, if continued, would soon cross
our track on the other side of the stream that issued from this ridge.
The attacking point I felt sure would be a knoll above the source of the
stream. The advance guard was about a hundred yards from it, and these
were ordered when abreast of the knoll to wheel sharply to the right, and
stack goods on its summit, and the word was passed to close files.
As we arrived at the summit of the knoll, the head of the native army,
streaming thickly, was at the foot of it on the other side, and without
an instant's hesitation both sides began the contest simultaneously, but
the rapid fire of the Winchesters was altogether too much for them, for,
great as was the power of the united voices, the noise of the Winchesters
deafened and confused them, while the fierce hissing of the storm of
bullets paralysed the bravest. The advance guard rushed down the slopes
towards them, and in a few seconds the natives turned their backs and
bounded away with the speed of antelopes. Our men pursued them for about
a mile, but returned at the recall, a summons they obeyed with the
precision of soldiers at a review, which pleased me more even than the
gallantry they had displayed. The greatest danger in reality with
half-disciplined men is the inclination to follow the chase, without
regard to the design the enemy may have in view by sudden flight. It
frequently happens that the retreat is effected for a ruse, and is often
practised in Uganda. On this occasion forty men were chasing 500, while
1,500 natives at least were certainly surveying the field on a hill to
the right of us, and a similar number was posted to the left of us.
Again we re-formed our ranks, and marched forward in close order as
before, but at 12.30 halted for refreshments, with a pretty wide circle
around us now, clear of noisy and yelling natives. Our noon halt
permitted them to collect their faculties, but though they were
undoubtedly sobered by the events of the morning they still threatened us
with imposing numbers of the Balegga, Bavira, and Wabiassi tribes.
After an hour's rest the line of march was resumed. We found an
exceedingly well-trodden path, and that it was appreciated was evident
from the rapid and elastic tread of the column. Within fifteen minutes we
gained the brow of the saddle, or rather plateau, as it turned out to be,
and, about twenty-five miles away, we saw a dark blue and uniform line of
table-land, lifted up into the clouds and appearing portentously lofty.
The men vented a murmur of discontented surprise at the sight of it. I
knew it was Unyoro, that between us and that great and blue table-land
was an immense and deep gulf, and that at the bottom of this gulf was the
Albert. For there seemed to be nothing else before us, neither hill,
ridge, or elevation, but that distant immense dark blue mass; the eastern
slopes of the northern and southern ranges dipped down steeply as it were
into a gulf or profoundly deep valley. Our people, on viewing the plateau
of Unyoro in the distance, cried out in a vexed manner "Mashallah! but
this Nyanza keeps going further and further away from us;" but I cheered
them up with, "Keep your eyes open, boys! You may see the Nyanza any
minute now," which remark, like many others tending to encourage them,
was received with grunts of unbelief.
But every step we now took proved that we were approaching an unusually
deep valley, or the Nyanza, for higher and higher rose the Unyoro plateau
into view, lower and lower descended the slopes on either hand of our
road, until at last all eyes rested on a grey cloud, or what is it, mist?
Nay, it is the Nyanza sleeping in the haze, for, looking to the
north-eastward it was the colour of the ocean. The men gazed upon the
lake fully two minutes before they realized that what they looked upon
was water, and then they relieved their feelings with cheers and
enthusiastic shouts.
[Illustration: THE SOUTH END OF THE ALBERT NYANZA, DEC. 13, 1887.]
We continued our pace a few minutes longer, until we stood on the verge
of the descent from the plateau, and near a small village perched on this
exposed situation we made a short halt to take bearings, inspect
aneroids, and reflect a little upon our next step.
Though the people were shouting and dancing, and thronging around me with
congratulations for having "hit the exact spot so well," a chill came
over me, as I thought of the very slight chance there was, in such a
country as this, of finding a canoe fit to navigate the rough waters of
the Albert. With my glass I scrutinized anxiously the distant shore of
the Lake, but I could not see any canoe, neither could I see a single
tree in all the long stretch of slope and extended plain of a size
suitable for a canoe, and the thought that, after all, our forced march
and continual fighting and sacrifice of life would be in vain, struck me
for the first time, even while upon every man's lips was the pious
ejaculation, "Thank God."
And yet it was just possible we might be able to buy a canoe with brass
rods and some red cloth. It would be too hard if our long travels hither
were to be quite in vain.
The scene I looked upon was very different to what I had anticipated. I
had circumnavigated the Victoria Nyanza and the Tanganika, and I had
viewed the Muta Nzige from a plateau somewhat similar to this, and canoes
were procurable on either Lake; and on the Victoria and Tanganika it
would not be difficult, after a little search, to find a tree large
enough for cutting out a canoe. But I saw here about twenty miles of most
barren slopes, rugged with great rocks, and furrowed with steep ravines
and watercourses, whose banks showed a thin fringe of miserable bush, and
between them were steeply descending sharp and long spurs, either covered
with rocky and clayey debris or tall green grass. Between the base of
this lengthy fall of slope and the Lake was a plain about five or six
miles in breadth, and about twenty miles long, most pleasant to look upon
from the great altitude we were on. It resembled a well-wooded park land,
but the trees spread out their branches too broadly to possess the
desirable stems. They appeared to me to be more like acacia, and
thorn-trees and scrub, which would be utterly useless for our purpose.
Our aneroids indicated an altitude of 5,000 feet. The islet marked on
Mason's chart as near Kavalli bore E.S.E., magnetic, about six miles from
our position. Laying Colonel Mason's chart of the Albert Nyanza before
us, we compared it with what was spread so largely and grandly over 2,500
feet below us, and we were forced to bear witness to the remarkable
accuracy of his survey. Here and there some trifling islets and two or
three small inlets of the Lake into that singular sunken plain which
formed the boundary of the Lake as its southerly extremity were observed
as omissions.
I had often wondered at Sir Samuel Baker's description of the Albert
Nyanza's extension towards the southwest, perhaps oftener after Colonel
Mason's mysteriously brusque way of circumscribing its "illimitability,"
but I can feel pure sympathy with the discoverer now, despite the
terrible "cutting off" to which it has been subjected. For the effect
upon all of us could not have been greater if the Albert stretched to
Khartoum. Whether limited or unlimited, the first view of water and
mountain is noble, and even inspiring. Even at its extremity the Lake has
a spacious breadth, but as we follow the lines of its mountain banks the
breadth widens grandly, the silver colour of its shallow head soon
changes into the deep azure of ocean, the continuing expanding breadth,
immense girdle of mountains and pale sky, lose their outlines, and become
fused into an indefinite blueness at the sea-horizon north-eastward,
through which we may vainly seek a limit.
Our point of observation was in N. Lat. 1 deg.. 23'.00". The extreme end of
the eastern end of the lake bore S.E. magnetic, and the extreme western
end bore S.E. and S.E. by S. Between the two extremities there were five
inlets, one of which reached two miles further south than any of those
observed points.
The table-land of Unyoro maintained an almost uniform level as far as we
could see, its terminable point being cut off from view by a large
shoulder of mountain, that thrust itself forward from the western range.
Southward of the lake and between these opposing heights--that of the
table-land of Unyoro on the east, and that of the table-land on the
west--extended a low plain which formerly, but not recently, must have
been inundated by the waters of the lake, but now was dry firm ground,
clothed with sere grass, gently rising as it receded south, and finally
producing scrubby wood, acacia and thorn, like the terrace directly below
us.
After a halt of about twenty minutes, we commenced the descent down the
slopes of the range. Before the rear-guard under Lieutenant Stairs had
left the spot, the natives had gathered in numbers equal to our own, and
before the advance had descended 500 feet, they had begun to annoy the
rear-guard in a manner that soon provoked a steady firing. We below could
see them spread out like skirmishers on both flanks, and hanging to the
rear in a long line up the terribly steep and galling path.
While they shot their arrows, and crept nearer to their intended victims,
they cried, "_Ku-la-la heh lelo?_"--"Where will you sleep to-night? don't
you know you are surrounded? We have you now where we wanted you."
Our men were not a whit slow in replying, "Wherever we sleep, you will
not dare come near; and if you have got us where you wanted us to be, why
not come on at once?"
Though the firing was brisk, there was but little hurt done; the ground
was adverse to steadiness, and on our side only one was wounded with an
arrow, but the combat kept both sides lively and active. Had we been
unburdened and fresh, very few of these pestilent fellows would have
lived to climb that mountain again.
The descent was continued for three hours, halting every fifteen minutes
to repel the natives, who, to the number of forty, or thereabouts,
followed us down to the plain.
Half a mile from the base of the mountain we crossed a slightly saline
stream, which had hollowed a deep channel, banked by precipitous and in
some places perpendicular walls of debris 50 feet high, on either side.
On the edge of one of these latter walls we formed a camp, the half of a
circle being thus unassailable; the other half we soon made secure with
brushwood and material from an abandoned village close by. Having
observed that the daring natives had descended into the plain, and
knowing their object to be a night attack, a chain of sentries were
posted at a distance from the camp, who were well hidden by the grass. An
hour after dark the attack was made by the band of natives, who, trying
one point after another, were exceedingly surprised to receive a fusilade
from one end of the half circle to the other.
This ended a troublous day, and the rest we now sought was well earned.
Inspecting the aneroid on reaching the camping-place, we discovered that
we had made a descent of 2,250 feet since we had left our post of
observation on the verge of the plateau above.
On the 14th we left the base of the plateau, and marched across the plain
that gently sloped for 5 miles to the lake. As we travelled on, we
examined closely if among the thin forest of acacia any tree would likely
be available for a canoe; but the plain was destitute of all but acacia,
thorn-bush, tamarind, and scrub--a proof that the soil, though
sufficiently rich for the hardier trees, had enough acrid
properties--nitre, alkali, or salts--to prevent the growth of tropical
vegetation. We, however, trusted that we should be enabled to induce the
natives to part with a canoe, or, as was more likely, probably Emin Pasha
had visited the south end of the lake, according to my request, and had
made arrangements with the natives for our reception. If not, why
ultimately perhaps we should have legitimate excuse for taking a
temporary loan of a canoe.
About a mile and a half from the lake we heard some natives cutting fuel
in a scrubby wood, not far from the road. We halted, and maintained
silence while the interpreter attempted to obtain a reply to his friendly
hail. For ten minutes we remained perfectly still, waiting until the
person, who proved to be a woman, deigned to answer. Then, for the first
time in Africa, I heard as gross and obscene abuse as the traditional
fishwoman of Billingsgate is supposed to be capable of uttering. We were
obliged to desist from the task of conciliating such an unwomanly
virago.
We sent the interpreter ahead with a few men to the village at the lake
side, which belonged to a chief called Katonza, and sometimes Kaiya
Nkondo, with instructions to employ the utmost art possible to gain the
confidence of the inhabitants, and by no means to admit rebuff by words
or threats, hostile action only to be accepted as an excuse for
withdrawal. We, in the meantime, were to follow slowly, and then halt
until summoned, close to the settlement.
The villagers were discovered totally unconscious of our approach and
neighbourhood. Their first impulse, on seeing our men, was to fly; but,
observing that they were not pursued, they took position on an anthill at
an arrow-flight's distance, more out of curiosity than goodwill.
Perceiving that our men were obliging, polite, and altogether harmless,
they sanctioned the approach of the caravan, and on seeing a white man
they were induced to advance near, while assurances of friendliness were
being assiduously reiterated. About forty natives mustered courage to
draw near for easy parley, and then harangues and counter-harangues, from
one side to the other, one party vowing by their lives, by the love of
their throats, by the blue sky above, that no harm was intended or evil
meditated--that only friendship and goodwill were sought, for which due
gifts would be given, the other averring that though their hesitation
might be misjudged, and possibly attributed to fear, still they had
met--often met--a people called the Wara-Sura, armed with guns like ours,
who simply killed people. Perhaps, after all, we were Wara-Sura, or their
friends, for we had guns also, in which case they were quite ready to
fight the instant they were assured we were Wara-Sura or their allies.
"Wara-Sura! Wara-Sura! What men are these? We never heard of the name
before. Whence are they?" &c., &c., and so on unceasingly for three
mortal hours in the hot sun. Our cajolings and our winsomest smiles began
to appear of effect, but they suddenly assumed moodiness, and expressed
their suspicion in the harsh, rasping language of Unyoro, which grated
horribly on the hearing. In the end our effort was a complete failure. We
had, unknown to ourselves, incurred their suspicion by speaking too
kindly of Unyoro and of Kabba Rega, who, we found later, was their mortal
enemy. They would not accept our friendship, nor make blood-brotherhood,
nor accept even a gift. They would give us water to drink, and they would
show the path along the lake.
"You seek a white man, you say. We hear there is one at Kabba Rega's
(Casati). Many, many years ago a white man came from the north in a
smoke-boat (Mason Bey), but he went away, but that was when we were
children. There has been no strange boat on our waters since. We hear of
strange people being at Buswa (Mswa), but that is a long way from here.
There northward along the lake lies your way. All the wicked people come
from there. We never heard any good of men who came in from the Ituri
either. The Wara-Sura sometimes come from there."
They condescended to show us the path leading along the shore of the
lake, and then stood aside on the plain, bidding us, in not unfriendly
tones, to take heed of ourselves, but not a single article for their
service would they accept. Wondering at their extraordinary manner, and
without a single legitimate excuse to quarrel with them, we proceeded on
our way meditatively, with most unhappy feelings.
Pondering upon the strange dead stop to that hopefulness which had
hitherto animated us, it struck us that a more heartless outlook never
confronted an explorer in wild Africa than that which was now so abruptly
revealed to us. From the date of leaving England, January 21, 1887, to
this date of 14th December, it never dawned on us that at the very goal
we might be baffled so completely as we were now. There was only one
comfort, however, in all this; there was henceforward no incertitude. We
had hoped to have met news of the Pasha here. A governor of a province,
with two steamers, life-boats, and canoes, and thousands of people we had
imagined would have been known everywhere on such a small lake as the
Albert, which required only two days' steaming from end to end. He could
not, or he would not, leave Wadelai, or he knew nothing yet of our
coming.[J] When compelled through excess of weakness to leave our steel
boat at Ipoto, we had hoped one of three things: either that the Pasha,
warned by me of my coming, would have prepared the natives for our
appearance, or that we could purchase or make a canoe of our own. The
Pasha had never visited the south end of the lake; there was no canoe to
be obtained, nor was there any tree out of which one could be made.
Since we had entered the grass land we had expended five cases of
cartridges. There remained forty-seven cases with us, besides those at
Ipoto in charge of Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke. Wadelai was distant
twenty-five days' journey by land, though it was only four by lake. If we
travelled northward by land, it was most likely we should expend
twenty-five cases in fighting to reach Wadelai, assuming that the tribes
were similar to those in the south. On reaching Emin Pasha we should then
have only twenty-two left. If we then left twelve cases only with him,
we should have only ten to return by a route upon which we had fired
thirty cases. Ten cases would be quite as an inadequate supply for us as
twelve would be for Emin. This was a mental review of our position as we
trudged northward along the shore of the Albert. But hoping that at
Kasenya Island, to which we were wending, we might be able to obtain a
canoe, I resolved upon nothing except to search for a vessel of some kind
for a couple of days, and failing that, discuss the question frankly with
my companions.
At our noon halt, a few miles north of Katonza's, the first note of
retreat was sounded. The officers were both shocked and grieved.
"Ah, gentlemen," said I, "do not look so. You will make my own regrets
greater. Let us look the facts fairly in the face. If the island of
Kasenya has no canoe to give us, we must retrace our tracks; there is no
help for it. We will devote to-day and to-morrow to the search, but we
are then face to face with starvation if we linger longer in this
deserted plain. There is no cultivation on this acrid lake terrace,
nothing nearer than the plateau. Our principal hope was in Emin Pasha. I
thought that he could make a short visit in his steamers to this end of
the lake, and would tell the natives that he expected friends to come
from the west. What has become of him, or why lie could not reach here,
we cannot say. But Katonza's villagers told us that they had never seen a
steamer or a white man since Mason Bey was here. They have heard that
Casati is in Unyoro. Without a boat it means a month's journey to us to
find him."
"There is but one way besides retreating that appears feasible to me, and
that is by seizing upon some village on the lake shore, and build an
entrenched camp, and wait events--say, for the news to reach Unyoro, or
Wadelai, or Kabba Rega; and Casati, Emin, or the Unyoro king may become
curious enough to send to discover who we are. But there is the food
question. These lake villagers do not cultivate. They catch fish and make
salt to sell to the people on the plateau for grain. We should have to
forage, ascending and descending daily that dreadful mountain slope. For
a week or so the natives of the plateau might resist every foraging
party, but finally surrender, and emigrate elsewhere to distant parts,
leaving a naked land in our possession. You must admit that this would be
a most unwise and foolish plan."
"Were our boat here, or could a canoe be procurable by any means, our
position would be thus:--We could launch and man her with twenty men,
supply them with ten or twelve days' provisions and an officer, and bid
the crew 'God speed,' while we could re-ascend to the plateau, seize upon
a good position near the edge of the plateau, render it quickly
unassailable, and forage north, south, and west in a land abounding with
grain and cattle, and keep sentries observing the lake and watching for
the signal of fire or smoke. On her arrival, a hundred rifles could
descend to the lake to learn the news of Emin Pasha's safety, or perhaps
of his departure, _via_ Ukedi and Usoga, to Zanzibar. The last is
probable, because the latest news that I received from the Foreign Office
showed that he meditated taking such a step. But now, as we are without
canoe or boat, I feel, though we are but four days by water from Wadelai,
that we are only wasting valuable time in searching for expedients, when
common-sense bids us be off to the forest, find some suitable spot like
Ibwiri to leave our surplus stores, sick men, and convalescents from
Ugarrowwa and Ipoto, and return here again with our boat and a few dozen
cases of ammunition. In this inexplicable absence of Emin, or any news of
him, we should be unwise in wasting our strength, carrying the too great
surplus of ammunition, when perhaps the Pasha has departed from his
province."
During our afternoon march we travelled along the lake until the island
of Kasenya bore from our camping-place 127 deg. magnetic, or about a mile
distant, and our observation point on the summit of the plateau bore
289 deg..
We made a bush fence, and halted at an early hour. The afternoon was
likewise spent in considering our position more fully under the new light
thrown upon it by the determined refusal of Katonza and his followers to
entertain our friendship.
On the morning of the 15th December I sent Lieutenant Stairs and forty
men to speak with the people of Kasenya Island, which is about 800 yards
from the shore. As the lake is very shallow, the canoe with two fishermen
which Lieutenant Stairs hailed could not approach the shore to within
several hundred yards. The mud was of unfathomed depth, and none dared to
put a foot into it. Along the water's edge the singular wood ambatch
thrives, and continues its narrow fringe around the southern extremity of
the lake, resembling from a distance an extensive range of fishermen's
stakes or a tall palisade. The fisherman pointed out a locality further
up the lake where they could approach nearer, and which was their
landing-place the distance they were then at barely allowing the sounds
of the voice to be heard. We spent the morning awaiting Lieutenant
Stairs, who had considerable difficulty with the mud and swamps. In the
afternoon I sent Mr. Jephson and forty men to the landing-place indicated
by the natives, which was a low bluff wooded at the summit, with depth of
water sufficient for all practical purposes. In reply to a hail a
fisherman and his wife came to within a good bow-shot from the shore, and
deigned to converse with our party. They said--
"Yes, we remember a smoke-boat came here a long time ago. There was a
white man (Colonel Mason) in her, and he talked quite friendly. He shot a
hippopotamus for us, and gave it to us to eat. The bones lie close to
where you stand, which you may see for yourselves. There are no large
canoes on this lake or anywhere about here, for the biggest will but hold
two or three people with safety, and no more. We buy our canoes from the
Wanyoro on the other side for fish and salt. Will we carry a letter for
you to Unyoro? No (with a laugh). No, we could not think of such a thing;
that is a work for a chief and a great man, and we are poor people, no
better than slaves. Will we sell a canoe? A little canoe like this will
carry you nowhere. It is only fit for fishing close to shore in shallow
waters like these. Which way did you come here? By the way of the Ituri?
Ah! that proves you to be wicked people. Who ever heard of good people
coming from that direction? If you were not wicked people you would have
brought a big boat with you, like the other white man, and shoot hippos
like him. Go your ways--yonder lies your road; but as you go you will
meet with people as bad as yourselves, whose work is to kill people.
There is no food close to this lake or in all this plain. Fishermen like
we have no need of hoes. Look around everywhere and you will not find a
field. You will have to go back to the mountains where there is food for
you; there is nothing here. Our business is to make salt and catch fish,
which we take to the people above, and exchange for grain and beans. This
island is Kasenya, and belongs to Kavalli, and the next place is
Nyamsassi. Go on. Why do you not go on and try your luck elsewhere? The
first white man stopped in these waters one night in his boat, and the
next morning he went on his way, and since then we have not seen him or
any other."
Go! The inevitable closed around us to fulfil the law that nothing worth
striving for can be obtained but by pain and patience. Look where we
might, a way to advance was denied to us, except by fighting, killing,
destroying, consuming and being consumed. For Unyoro we had no money, or
goods fit for Rabba Rega. Marching to Wadelai would only be a useless
waste of ammunition, and its want of it would probably prevent our
return, and so reduce us to the same helplessness as Emin Pasha was
reported to be in. If we cast our eyes lakewards we became conscious that
we were bipeds requiring something floatable to bear us over the water.
All roads except that by which we came were closed, and in the meantime
our provisions were exhausted.
At the evening's council we resolved to adopt the only sensible course
left us--that is, to return to Ibwiri, eighteen days' journey from here,
and there build a strong stockade, then to send a strong party to Ipoto
to bring up the boat, goods, officers, and convalescents to our stockade,
and after leaving fifty rifles there under three or four officers, hurry
on to Ugarrowwa's settlement, and send the convalescents from there back
to Ibwiri, and afterwards continue our journey in search of the Major and
the rear column before he and it was a wreck, or marched into that
wilderness whence we so narrowly escaped, and then, all united again,
march on to this place with the boat, and finish the mission thoroughly,
with no anxieties in the rear bewildering or enfeebling us.
The following day, December 16th, a severe rainstorm detained us in camp
until 9 A.M. The low hard plain absorbed the water but slowly, and for
the first hour we tramped through water up to the knee in some places. We
then emerged on a gently rolling plain, where the grass was but three
inches high, with clumps of bush and low trees a few score of yards
apart, making the whole scene resemble an ornamental park. Arriving at
the path connecting the landing-place of Kasenya with the mountain pass
by which we descended, we crossed it, keeping parallel to the lake shore,
and about a mile and a half from it. Presently herds of game appeared,
and, as our people were exceedingly short of provisions, we prepared to
do our best to obtain a supply of meat. After some trouble a male kudu
fell to my share, and Saat Tato, the hunter, dropped a hartebeest. Two
miles beyond the landing-place of Kasenya we halted.
Our object in halting here was to blind the natives of Katonza's, who, we
felt sure, would follow us to see if we had moved on, for naturally,
having behaved so unruly to us, they might well entertain fears, or at
least anxiety, respecting us. At night we proposed to retrace our steps,
and follow the road to the foot of the mountain pass, and before dawn
commence the steep and stony ascent, and be at the summit before the
natives of the table-land above would be astir--as a struggle with such
determined people, heavily loaded as we were, was to be avoided if
possible.
About 3 P.M., as we were occupied in dividing the game among the hungry
people, some native yells were heard, and half a dozen arrows fell into
the halting-place. Nothing can give a better idea of the blind stupidity
or utter recklessness of these savages than this instance of half a score
of them assaulting a well-appointed company of 170 men in the wilderness,
any two of whom were more than a match for them in a fight. Of course,
having delivered their yells and shot their arrows, they turned sharply
about and fled. Probably they knew they could rely upon their speed, for
they left our pursuing men far out of sight in an incredibly short time.
The ten savages who thus visited us were the same who had affected such
solicitude as to come to ascertain if we had lost the road yesterday.
In my rambles after meat during the day, far down the shore of the Lake
from the halting-place, I came to vast heaps of bones of slaughtered
game. They seem to have been of many kinds, from the elephant and
hippopotamus down to the small bush-bok. It is probable that they had
been surrounded by natives of the district who, with the assistance of
fire, had slaughtered them in heaps within a circle of not more than 300
yards in diameter.
Saat Tato the hunter, after wounding a buffalo, was deterred from
following it by the appearance of a full-grown lion, who took up the
chase.
The shore of the Lake as it trends North Easterly, increases greatly in
beauty. Over a score of admirable camping-places were seen by me close by
the edge of the Lake, with slopes of white firm sand, over much of which
the waves rolled ceaselessly. Behind was a background of green groves
isleted amid greenest sward, and game of great variety abounding near by;
while a view of singular magnificence and beauty greeted the eye in every
direction.
At 5.30 P.M. we gathered together, and silently got into order of march
for the base of the mountain. We had three sick people with us, two of
them had not yet recovered from the effects of our miserable days in the
great forest, another suffered from a high fever incurred in last night's
rain-storm.
At 9 P.M. we stumbled upon a village, which confused us somewhat, but the
huge mountain, rising like a dark cloud above us, prevented us from
retracing our steps, which without it we might well have done, as it was
extremely dark. In dead silence we passed through the sleeping village,
and followed a path out of it, which, degenerating into a mere trail, was
soon lost. For another hour we bore on, keeping our eyes steadily fixed
on the darker shadow that rose to the starry sky above us, until at last
wearied nature, betrayed by the petulance of the advance guard, demanded
a halt and rest. We threw ourselves down on the grass even where we
halted, and were soon in deepest slumber, indifferent to all troubles.
At dawn we rose from a deep sleep, drenched with dew and but little
refreshed, and gazing up at the immense wall of the table-land that rose
in four grand terraces of about 600 feet each, we discovered that we were
yet about two miles from the foot of the pass. We therefore pressed
forward, and shortly reached the base of the ascent. By aneroids we were
150 feet above the level of the Lake, which was 2400 feet above the sea,
and we were 2500 feet below the summit of the saddle, or sunken ridge
between the Northern and Southern ranges whose Eastern ends frowned above
us.
While the carriers of the expedition broke their fast on the last morsels
of meat received from yesterday's hunting, thirty picked men were sent up
to seize the top of the ascent, and to keep the post while the loaded
caravan struggled upward.
After half-an-hour's grace we commenced ascending up the rocky and
rain-scoured slope, with a fervid "Bismillah" on our lips. After the
fatiguing night-march, the after-chill of the dew, and drizzling rain and
cold of the early morn, we were not in the best condition to climb to a
2500 feet altitude. To increase our discomfort, the Eastern sun shone
full on our backs, and the rocks reflected its heat in our faces. One of
the sick men in delirium wandered away, another suffering from high
bilious fever surrendered and would proceed no further. When we were
half-way up twelve natives of Katonza's were seen far below on the
plains, bounding along the track in hot chase of the Expedition, with the
object of picking up stragglers. They probably stumbled across our sick
men, and the ease with which a delirious and unarmed person fell a
sacrifice to their spears would inspire them with a desire to try again.
However, Lieutenant Stairs was in charge of the rear guard, and no doubt
would give a good account of them if they approached within range.
At the top of the second terrace we found a little stream which was
refreshingly cool, for the quartzose rocks and gneissic boulders were
scorching. That the column suffered terribly was evident by the manner it
straggled in fragments over the slopes and terraced flats, and by the
streams of perspiration that coursed down their naked bodies. It was a
great relief that our sharp-shooters held the brow of the hill, for a few
bold spearmen might have decimated the panting and gasping sufferers.
At the top of the third terrace there was a short halt, and we could
command a view far down to the rear of the column, which had not yet
reached the summit of the first terrace, and perceived the twelve natives
steadily following at about 500 yards' distance, and one by one they were
seen to bend over an object, which I afterwards found from the commander
of the rear-guard was our second sick man. Each native drove his spear
into the body.
Observing their object, it was resolved that their hostility should be
punished, and Saat Tato the hunter and four other experts were posted
behind some large rocks, between which they could observe without being
detected.
In two and three-quarter hours we reached the brow of the plateau, and
were standing by the advance-guard, who had done excellent service in
keeping the enemy away, and as the rear-guard mounted the height we heard
the sharp crack of rifles from the ambushed party, who were avenging the
murder of two of their comrades. One was shot dead, another was borne
away bleeding, and the ferocious scavengers had fled.
During the short breathing pause the advance-guard were sent to explore
the village near by, which, it seems, was the exchange place between the
plateau natives and Lakists, and the gratifying news of a rich discovery
soon spread through the column. A large store of grain and beans had been
found, sufficient to give each man five days' unstinted rations.
[Illustration: CORN GRANARY OF THE BABUSESSE.]
At 1 P.M. we resumed our march, after giving positive command that close
order should be maintained in order to avoid accidents and unnecessary
loss of life. From the front of the column, the aborigines, who had in
the interval of the halt gathered in vast numbers, moved away to our
flanks and rear. A large party hid in some tall grass through which they
supposed we should pass, but we swerved aside through a breadth of short
grass. Baffled by this movement they rose from their coverts and sought
by other means to gratify their spleenish hate.
In crossing a deep gully near the knoll, which had already witnessed a
stirring contest between us, the centre and rear of the column became
somewhat confused in the cany grass, and crossed over in three or four
broken lines; our third sick man either purposely lagged behind, or felt
his failing powers too weak to bear him further, and laid down in the
grass, but it is certain he never issued from the gully. We in the
advance halted for the column to reform, and just then we heard a storm
of triumphant cries, and a body of about 400 exulting natives came
leaping down the slopes, infatuated with their noisy rage and indifferent
to rear-guards. Doubtless the triumphant cries were uttered when the sick
man's fate was sealed. We had lost three! The rush was in the hopes of
obtaining another victim. And, indeed, the rear-guard, burdened with
loads and harassed by their duties, seemed to promise one speedily. But
at this juncture an expert left the advance and proceeded to take
position three hundred yards away from the line of march, and nearer to
the exultant natives, who were bounding gleefully towards the tired
rear-guard. His first shot laid a native flat, a second smashed the arm
of another and penetrated his side. There was an instant's silence, and
the advance leaped from their position to assist the rear-guard, who were
immediately relieved of their pursuers.
An hour's journey beyond this scene we camped on a tabular hill, which
commanded a wide view of rich plains, for the night--footsore and weary
beyond any former experience.
On this afternoon I reflected upon the singularity that savages
possessing such acute fear of death should yet so frequently seek it.
Most men would have thought that the losses which had attended their
efforts on the 10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th would deter such as these from
provoking strangers who had proved themselves so well able to defend
themselves. At one time we had almost been convinced that fire would
teach them caution; we had also thought that keeping in a quiet line of
march, abstaining from paying heed to their war-cries and their
manoeuvres, and only act when they rushed to the attack, were sufficient
to give them glimpses of our rule of conduct. But this was the fifth day
of our forbearance. We were losing men, and we could ill afford to lose
one, for a vast work remained unfinished. We had still to penetrate the
forest twice, we had to proceed to Ipoto to carry our boat to the Nyanza,
search the shores of the Lake as far as Wadelai--even Duffle, if
necessary--for news of Emin, to return back again to the assistance of
Major Barttelot and the rear-column--who were by this time no doubt
looking anxiously for help, wearied with their overwhelming task--and
again to march through these grass-land tribes to be each time subject to
fatal loss through their unprecedented recklessness and courage. I
resolved, then, that the next day we should try to find what effect more
active operations would have on them, for it might be that, after one
sharp and severe lesson and loss of their cattle, they would consider
whether war was as profitable as peace.
Accordingly, the next day before dawn I called for volunteers. Eighty men
responded with alacrity. The instructions were few--
"You see, boys, these natives fight on the constant run; they have sharp
eyes and long limbs. In the work of to-day we white men are of no use. We
are all footsore and weary, and we cannot run far in this country.
Therefore you will go together with your own chiefs. Go and hunt those
fellows who killed our sick men yesterday. Go right to their villages and
bring away every cow, sheep, and goat you can find. Don't bother about
firing their huts. You must keep on full speed, and chase them out of
every cane-brake and hill. Bring me some prisoners that I may have some
of their own people to send to them with my words."
Meanwhile we availed ourselves of the halt to attend to our personal
affairs. Our shoes and clothing needed repair, and for hours we sat
cobbling and tailoring.
At five in the afternoon the band of volunteers returned, bringing a
respectable herd of cattle with several calves. Six bulls were
slaughtered at once, and distributed to the men according to their
companies, who became nearly delirious with happiness.
"Such," said Three o'clock the hunter, "is life in this continent with a
caravan. One day we have a feast, and on the next the stomach is craving.
Never are two days alike. The people will eat meat now until they are
blind, and next month they will thank God if they get as much as a
wood-bean." Saat Tato had discovered, like myself, that life in Africa
consists of a series of varied sufferings with intervals of short
pleasures.
[Illustration: A VILLAGE OF THE BAVIRI: EUROPEANS TAILORING, ETC.]
The cold was very great on this high land. Each night since we had
entered the grass country we had been driven indoors near sunset by the
raw misty weather of the evening, and we shivered with chattering teeth
in the extreme chilliness of the young day. On this morning the
temperature was at 59 deg. Fahrenheit. The men were stark naked owing to the
exactions and extortions of the Manyuema, and had taken kindly to the
leather dresses of the natives, and the bark cloths worn by the
aborigines of the forest. After experiencing the extremes of cold to
which these open pasture-lands were subject, we no longer wondered at the
tardiness shown by the inhabitants to venture out before nine o'clock,
and it would have been manifest wisdom for us to have adopted their
example, had our task permitted it.
On the 19th December we struck across the rolling plains towards
Mazamboni. As we came near Gavira's we were hailed by a group of natives,
who shouted out, "The country lies at your feet now. You will not be
interfered with any more; but you would please us well if you killed the
chief of Undussuma, who sent us to drive you back."
At noon, as we were abreast of the Balegga Hills, two parties of forty
men each were observed to be following us. They hailed us finally, and
expressed a wish to "look us in the face." As they declined the
permission to approach us without arms, they were sharply ordered away,
lest we should suspect them of sinister designs. They went away
submissively.
In the afternoon we came to the villages of those who had so persistently
persecuted us on the 12th. The people were spread over the hills
vociferating fiercely. The advance-guard were urged forward, and the
hills were cleared, despite the storms of abuse that were poured out by
the Balegga.
A few of the captured cattle furnished milk. Our goats also gave an ample
supply for tea and coffee, which we were bound to accept as evidence that
the heart of Africa could supply a few comforts.
On the 20th our march lay through the rich valley of Undussuma, the
villages of which had been fired on the 10th and 11th. Already it had
recovered its aspect of populousness and prosperity, for the huts were
all built anew, but it was still as death, the inhabitants sitting on the
mountains looking down upon us as we marched past. Not being challenged
or molested, we passed through in close order amidst a voiceless peace.
May it not be that by comparing one day's conduct with another, the now
from then, the children of Mazamboni will accept the proffer of
friendship which we may make on our return? We felt that the next time we
came into the land we should be received with courtesy, if not with
hospitality. Thus steadily, in view of hundreds of Mazamboni's warriors,
we passed through the renovated valley. The millet was now ripe for the
harvest, and with our departure westward, happy days were yet in store
for them.
The next day we entered the Abunguma country, and after fording the East
Ituri River, camped on the right bank.
The 22nd was a halt--both Lieutenant Stairs and myself were prostrated by
ague and footsores; and on the 23rd we marched to the main Ituri River,
where we found the Babusesse had withdrawn every canoe. We proceeded down
along the bank to a part of the stream that was islanded. By 2 P.M. of
the 24th we had made a very neat and strong suspension bridge from the
left bank to an island in midstream, though only two men could travel it
at a time. Uledi, the coxswain of the advance, with a chosen band of
thirteen men, swam from the island to the right bank with their rifles
over their shoulders, and the gallant fourteen men scoured up and down
the banks for canoes, but were unsuccessful. In the meantime a terrible
storm of hail as large as marbles beat down our tents, nearly froze the
men, and made everybody miserable with cold. The temperature had suddenly
fallen from 75 deg. to 52 deg. Fahrenheit. After lasting fifteen minutes the sun
shone on a camp ground strewn with hail.
At daylight, Christmas morning, I sent Mr. Jephson and Chief Rashid
across the river with instructions to make a raft of banana stalks. It
was noon before it was finished, but in the meantime the caravan was
passing by the suspension bridge to the island, and the ferriage by raft
commenced, taking four men with loads at one trip. In one hour we
transported forty men and their loads by these banana stalks. Getting
more confident, we sent six men and six loads at one trip, and by 4 P.M.
No. 2 Company was safe across. No. 1 Company then turned to haul the
cattle from the left bank island, and after the rear-guard had crossed by
the bridge, "Three o'clock" laid his bill-hook to the suspension bridge,
and with a few strokes destroyed it.
[Illustration: GREAT ROCK NEAR INDE-TONGA.]
By noon of the 26th the Expedition was across the main Ituri River. Six
calves were slaughtered for a Christmas ration of beef. The next day one
of our head men died from inflammation of the lungs, caused by a chill
caught while halting on the brow of the plateau after the perspiring
ascent from the lake plain. By the 29th we had reached Indesura; we
thence proceeded to the small village of three huts near Iyugu. On the
1st of January, 1888, we camped at Inde-tongo, and the next day passed
by a gigantic granite rock in the forest, which sometimes is used by the
forest natives as a refuge resort during internecine strife.
On the 6th January we passed by Indemwani, and came across the spot
whence Msharasha, a Zanzibari, had fallen from a log and broken his neck.
The scavengers of the woods--the red ants--had eaten the scalp and picked
the skull clean, until it resembled a large ostrich egg. The chest of the
body was still entire, but the lower limbs were consumed clean. On the
next day we entered Ibwiri, and came to Boryo's village; but, alas! for
our fond hopes of rendering the village comfortable for occupation, the
natives had set fire to their own fine dwellings. Fortunately for us,
they had taken the precaution to pick out the finest boards, and had
stacked many of them in the bush. The large stores of Indian corn had
been hastily removed into temporary huts built within the recesses of
impervious bush. We set to at once to collect the corn as well as the
boards, and before night we had begun the construction of the future Fort
Bodo, or the "Peaceful Fort."
[Illustration: VIEW OF FORT BODO.]
-----
[J] In November, 1887, Emin Pasha wrote to his friend Dr.
Felkin: "All well; on best terms with chiefs and people;
will be leaving shortly for Kibiro, on east coast of
Lake Albert. Have sent reconnoitering party to look out
for Stanley, which had to return with no news yet.
Stanley expected about December 15th (1887)." We arrived
on the 14th.
CHAPTER XIII.
LIFE AT FORT BODO.
Our impending duties--The stockade of Fort Bodo--Instructions to
Lieutenant Stairs--His departure for Kilonga-Longa's--Pestered by
rats, mosquitoes, &c.--Nights disturbed by the lemur--Armies of red
ants--Snakes in tropical Africa--Hoisting the Egyptian
flag--Arrival of Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson from
Ipoto--Report of their stay with the Manyuema--Lieutenant Stairs
arrives with the steel boat--We determine to push on to the Lake at
once--Volunteers to convey letters to Major Barttelot--Illness of
myself and Captain Nelson--Uledi captures a Queen of the
Pigmies--Our fields of corn--Life at Fort Bodo--We again set out
for the Nyanza.
On arriving at West Ibwiri, about to build Fort Bodo, I felt precisely
like a "city man" returning from his holiday to Switzerland or the
sea-side, in whose absence piles of business letters have gathered, which
require urgent attention and despatch. They must be opened, read, sifted,
and arranged, and as he reflects on their import he perceives that there
are many serious affairs, which, unless attended to with method and
diligence, will involve him in confusion. Our holiday trip had been the
direct and earnest march to the Albert Lake, to serve a Governor who had
cried to the world, "Help us quickly, or we perish." For the sake of
this, Major Barttelot had been allowed to bring up the rear column, the
sick had been housed at Ugarrowwa's and Kilonga-Longa's stations, the
extra goods had been buried in a sandy cache at Nelson's starvation camp
or stored at Ipoto, the boat _Advance_ had been disconnected and hidden
in the bush, and Nelson and Surgeon Parke had been boarded with the
Manyuema, and everything that had threatened to impede, delay, or thwart
the march had been thrust aside, or eluded in some way.
But now that the Governor, who had been the cynosure of our imaginations
and the subject of our daily arguments, had either departed homeward, or
could, or would not assist in his own relief, the various matters thrust
aside for his sake required immediate attention. So I catalogued our
impending duties thus:--
To extricate Nelson and Parke from the clutches of the Manyuema, also to
bring up the convalescents, the _Advance_ steel boat, Maxim machine gun,
and 116 loads stored at Ipoto.
To construct Fort Bodo, to securely house a garrison; make a clearing;
plant corn, beans, tobacco, that the defenders may be secure, fed, and
comforted.
To communicate with Major Barttelot by couriers, or proceed myself to
him; to escort the convalescents at Ugarrowwa's.
[Illustration: VIEW OF FORT BODO.]
If boat was stolen or destroyed, then to make a canoe for transport to
the Nyanza.
If Barttelot was reported to be advancing, to hasten supplies of corn and
carriers to his assistance.
And first, the most needful duty was to employ every soul in the building
of the stockade, within which the buildings could be constructed at more
leisure, and without the necessity of having rifles slung to our
shoulders. During our absence the natives had burnt West Ibwiri, and
Boryo's fine village was a smoking ruin when we entered. But the finest
boards had been stripped off the buildings, and were stacked outside, and
the corn had been hastily removed to temporary huts in impervious bush
two hundred yards away. These were now invaluable to us.
By the 18th of January the stockade of Fort Bodo was completed. A hundred
men had been cutting tall poles, and bearing them to those who had sunk a
narrow trench outlining the area of the fort, to plant firmly and closely
in line. Three rows of cross poles were bound by strong vines and rattan
creepers to the uprights. Outside the poles, again, had been fixed the
planking, so that while the garrison might be merry-making by firelight
at night, no vicious dwarf, or ferocious aborigine might creep up, and
shoot a poisoned arrow into a throng, and turn joy to grief. At three
angles of the fort, a tower sixteen feet high had been erected, fenced,
and boarded, in like manner, for sentries by night and day to observe
securely any movement in the future fields; a banquette rose against the
stockade for the defenders to command greater view. For during the months
that we should be employed in realizing our stated tasks, the Manyuema
might possibly unite to assault the fort, and its defence therefore
required to be bullet-proof as well as arrow-proof.
When the stockade was completed, the massive uprights, beams, hundreds of
rafters, thousands of climbers, creepers, vines, for the frames of the
officers' buildings, storerooms, kitchens, corn-bins, outhouses, piles of
phrynia leaves for roofing the houses, had to be collected, and then when
the gross work was so far advanced on the evening of the 18th, Lieutenant
Stairs was summoned to receive his special instructions, which were
somewhat as follows:--
"You will proceed to-morrow with a hundred rifles to Ipoto, to see what
has become of Nelson, Parke, and our sick men, and if living to escort
every man here. You will also bring the boat _Advance_, and as many goods
as possible. The last letters from Nelson and Parke informed us of many
unpleasant things. We will hope for the best. At any rate, you have one
hundred men, strong and robust as the Manyuema now, and their march to
the Albert Lake has made men of them. They are filled with hate of the
Manyuema. They go there independent, with corn rations of their own. You
may do what you like with them. Now, if Nelson and Parke have no
complaints of hostility other than general niggardliness and sulkiness of
the Manyuema, do not be involved in any argument, accusation, or
reproach, but bring them on. If the boat is safe, and has not been
injured, halt but one day for rest, and then hoist her up on your
shoulders and carry her here. But if the survivors will prove to you that
blood has been shed by violence, and any white or black man has been a
victim, or if the boat has been destroyed, then consult with the
surviving whites and blacks, think over your plans leisurely, and let the
results be what they ought to be, full and final retaliation. That is
all, except remember for God's sake that every day's absence beyond a
reasonable period necessary for marching there and back, will be dooming
us here to that eternal anxiety which follows us on this Expedition
wherever we go. It is enough to be anxious for Barttelot, the Pasha,
Nelson and Parke and our sick men, without any further addition."
Three cows were slaughtered for meat rations for Stairs' Expedition, each
man received 120 ears of corn, goats, fowls, and plantains were taken for
the commander and his two friends, and the party set off for
Kilonga-Longa on the 19th.
Stairs' party at muster consisted of-- The garrison numbered--
88 men. 60 men.
6 chiefs. 3 cooks.
1 officer. 4 boys.
1 boy. 3 whites.
1 cook. --
1 Manyuema. 70
--
98
After the departure of Stairs, I commenced the construction of a corn-bin
to store 300 bushels of Indian corn, and to plaster the interior of
head-quarters. Jephson busied himself in levelling floor of officers'
house. Men carried clay, others rammed and tamped. Some men were on the
roofs arranging the large-leaved phrynia one above the other on a kind of
trestle frame, others formed ladders, made clay-dough for the walls,
doors and windows for the houses, built kitchens, excavated latrines, or
dug the ditch--ten feet wide, six feet deep--through a hard yellow clay,
that lay under the twenty-four inches of humus and loam of the clearing.
When the houses were completed, we made a whitewash out of wood ashes,
which gave them a clean and neat appearance.
[Illustration: PLAN OF FORT BODO AND VICINITY. _By Lieut. Stairs, R.E._]
On the 28th, head-quarters was ready for occupation. We had cleared three
acres of land, cut down the bush clean to the distance of 200 yards from
the fort, chopped the logs--the lighter were carried away, the heavier
were piled up--and fire applied to them, and the next day folded the
tents and removed to our mansions, which, as Jephson declared, were
"remarkably snug." There was at first a feeling of dampness, but a
charcoal fire burning night and day soon baked the walls dry.
To February 6 we extended the clearing, but discovering that natives were
prowling about the fort, planting poisoned splinters in the paths,
cutting down the bananas, and bent on general mischief, half of the
garrison were divided into two parties of patrols, to scour the
plantations and the adjoining forest. On this day's explorations several
camps of dwarfs were found at the distance of a mile from the fort, with
stores of plantains in their possession. They were thoroughly rousted
out, and their camps were destroyed.
After a few days' experiences of life in the buildings we found we were
to be annoyed by hosts of rats, fleas, and microscopically small
mosquitoes. The rats destroyed our corn and bit our feet, sported
wantonly over our faces, and played hide-and-seek under our bedclothes.
It seems that by their wondrous craft they had discovered the natives
were about to burn West Ibwiri, and had migrated in time out of harm's
way into the deep bush and the corn fields, and they probably had a dim
idea that such an eligible place would not remain long without tenants.
When the commodious houses of the Europeans were erected, with spacious
lofts, and corn-bins with an inexhaustible supply of grain, they had
waited until everything was prepared; but in the meantime the strange
white men had excavated a long and deep ditch half round the fort, the
walls of which had been carved perpendicularly out of the clay, into
which, in their scurry and hurry to take possession, several families of
rats tumbled, and one morning "Randy," the fox-terrier, leaped in among
them, and exterminated the unfortunates. Still, from the Zanzibari
village some wise old rats had found safe entrance and multiplied so fast
that, until we became accustomed to their playful though rude sport, we
thought them to be an intolerable nuisance.
At the same time the warm dry clay floors began to breed fleas by
myriads. Poor "Randy" was most miserable from these vexatious torments.
We were in no better plight. While dressing they made our limbs black
with their numbers. To suppress this pest we had recourse to keeping the
floors constantly damp, and to sweeping the floors twice a day.
The ordinary mosquito netting was no protection against the mosquitoes of
the clearing. They sailed through the open work as mice would creep
through antelope nets, and the only remedy was to make mosquito curtains
out of cotton muslin, which happily succeeded, but half suffocated the
sleepers.
Our soap had long ago been exhausted, and as a substitute, though it was
not agreeable to the smell, and was an altogether unsaleable article, we
manufactured a soft soap out of castor-oil and lye, and, after a few
experiments, succeeded in turning out a hard ball-like substance, which
had all the desired effect.
Every night, from Yambuya to the plains, we had been troubled by harsh
screams from the lemur. It began at a startling loud key, very
deliberate, and as it proceeded the sounds became louder, quicker, and
higher, in a quick succession of angry, grating, wailing cries. In the
darkness and silence of the night, they sounded very weird. Soon, from a
distance of perhaps 200 yards, commenced a response in the same strain,
from another sexual mate. Sometimes two or three pairs of these would
make sleep impossible, if any indisposition had temporarily disturbed the
usual rest.
Armies of red ants would sometimes invade the fort from the clearing;
their columns were not interrupted by the ditch. In long, thick, unbroken
lines, guarded by soldiers on either flank, the innumerable insects would
descend the ditch and ascend the opposite sides, over the parapets,
through the interstices of the poles, over the banquette, and down into
the plaza of the fort, some columns attacking the kitchen, others
headquarters, the officers' mess-house, and woe betide any unlucky naked
foot treading upon a myriad. Better a flogging with nettles, or cayenne
over an excoriated body, or a caustic bath for a ravenous itch, than
these biting and venomous thousands climbing up the limbs and body,
burying themselves in the hair of the head, and plunging their shining,
horny mandibles into the flesh, creating painful pustules with every
bite. Every living thing seems disturbed at their coming. Men are
screaming, bellowing with pain, dancing, and writhing. There is a general
rustle, as of a host of migrant creatures among the crisp dry phrynia
leaves overhead. The rats and mice, snakes, beetles, and crickets are
moving. From a slung cot I have observed, by candle-light, the avengers
advancing over the floor of my house, scaling the walls, searching the
recesses of every layer of leaves, skirmishing among the nooks and
crannies, mouse-holes, and cracks; heard moaning and crying of little
blind mice, and terrified squealing of motherly and paternal rats, and
hailed them as a blessing, encouraging them along on their career of
destruction, until presently some perverse and undisciplined tribes would
drop from the roof on my cot, and convert their well-wisher into a
vindictive enemy, who, in his rage, would call aloud for hot glowing
embers and roast them alive by thousands, until the air was heavy with
the odour of frizzling and frying ants. Bad luck to them!
While digging in the stiff yellow clay, to form the ditch, we have come
across burnt wood in the hard compacted material, 5 feet below the
surface of the humus. Yet there were stately trees, 100, 150, and 200
years old, above. The site was level, and apparently undisturbed.
One of our surprises has been the immunity we have enjoyed from
snake-bites in tropical Africa. The continent swarms with reptiles of all
kinds, from the silvery and blind typhlops to the huge python; but while
travelling and navigating over 24,000 miles of land and water in Africa,
only two men have been wounded, neither of which cases proved mortal. But
the instant we begin clearing a forest, or hoeing a field or a roadway,
we begin to realize the dangers we have escaped. During the work of
clearing the prostrate logs, and rooting out the bushy undergrowth and
preparing for cultivation, we came across many specimens, some remarkably
beautiful. Coiled in the bushes, green as a tender young wheat-blade,
were the slender whip-snakes, which dropped down among the men when the
bill-hook was applied to destroy their perches. Various species of the
Dendrophis, of brilliant colouring, also were revealed. Three bloated
puff-adders, gorgeous in their complicated system of decorations, were
killed; four horned snakes crept out of their holes to attack and be
slain; one of the Lycodontidae, curious for its long fangs, was roasted
out of its hiding-place, while several little, blind, blunt-headed,
silvery snakes, not much larger than earthworms, were turned up by the
hoes. Tortoises were very common, and the mephitis left frequent traces
of his existence.
While kites, the most daring of their tribe, soared above every clearing
in the forest, we never met a single vulture until we reached the
grass-land. A few white-collared eagles now and then made their
appearance, but there were parrots innumerable. From grey dawn to dusk
these birds always and everywhere made their presence known. A few herons
occasionally rested on trees in the clearing towards evening. They were
probably fatigued with their flight from the Nyanza. The black ibis and
wagtails were our constant companions in the wilds. Trees with weaver
birds and their nests were a feature near every forest village. The
neighbourhood, and finally our plantations, even within a dozen yards of
the fort, were visited by troops of elephants. Buffalo and wild-hog
tracks were common, but we were not naturalists. None of us had leisure,
and probably but little taste, for collection of insects, butterflies,
and birds. To us an animal or a bird was something to eat, but with all
our efforts we seldom obtained anything. We only noted what happened to
catch our eyes or cross our track. We had too many anxieties to be
interested in anything save what was connected with them. If a native or
a Zanzibari picked up a brilliant longicorn beetle or hawk-moth, or fine
butterfly, or a huge mantis, or brought birds' eggs, or a rare flower, a
lily or an orchid, a snake or a tortoise, my mind wandered to my own
special business, even while gazing at and approving the find. My family
was altogether too large to permit frivolity; not an hour passed but my
fancies fled after Stairs at Ipoto; or my thoughts were filled with
visions of Barttelot and Jameson struggling through the forest,
overwhelmed with their gigantic task, or they dwelt upon the mystery
surrounding the Pasha, or upon the vicious dwarfs and the murderous
Balesse and their doings, or upon the necessities of providing, day after
day, food and meat for the present, as well as for future months.
On the 7th of February the sounding line was stretched out to measure out
the approaches to the gates of the fort, and most of the garrison were
employed for several days in cutting broad, straight roads, east and
west, for quick travel and easy defence. Mighty logs were cut through and
rolled aside, the roads were cleaned, so that a mouse might be detected
crossing them at 200 yards off, a bridge was built across the stream west
of the fort, by which the scouts were enabled to proceed from each of the
plantations in a short time, by night or by day. It may well be imagined
what effect this flood of light had upon the crafty natives, who
preferred burrowing in dark shades, and creep under the lee of monster
logs, furtively spying out opportunities for attack. They felt that they
could not cross the road at any point without becoming a target for a
sentry's rifle, or their tracks would betray them to the patrols.
On the next morning we raised a flag-staff 50 feet high, and as the
Egyptian flag was hoisted up, the Soudanese were permitted to salute it
with twenty-one rounds.
We had scarcely finished the little ceremony when a shot was fired at the
end of the western road, the sentry at the tower commanding it sang out,
"Sail ho," and we knew the caravan was coming in from Ipoto.
Surgeon Parke was the first to arrive, looking wonderfully well, but
Nelson, who suffered from sore feet, and entered the fort an hour later,
was prematurely old, with pinched and drawn features, with the bent back
and feeble legs befitting an octogenarian.
The following account will speak for itself, and will prove that the stay
of these officers at the Manyuema village required greater strength of
mind and a moral courage greater than was needed by us during our stormy
advance across the grass-land. They were not inspired by energising
motives to sustain or encourage them in their hour of suffering from
physical prostration, sickness, and the wearying life they led among
those fearful people, the Manyuema, whereas we had been borne up by the
novelties of new scenes, the constant high pitch of excitement, the
passion of travel and strife. They suffered from the want of the
necessaries of life day after day, while we revelled in abundance, and
the greatest difficulty of all was to bear all these sufferings inflicted
upon them by Ismailia, Khamis, and Sangarameni, who were slaves of
Kilonga-Longa, who was the slave of Abed bin Salim, of Zanzibar, sweetly
and pleasantly.
_Report of Surgeon_ T. H. Parke, _Army Medical Department, in medical_
_charge of E. P. R. Expedition._
Fort Bodo, _8 February, 1888_.
Sir,--I have the honour to forward this report for your
information. In compliance with your orders dated 24th October,
1887, I remained at the Manyuema Camp to take charge of invalids
and impedimenta left there on your departure, 28th October, up to
the time the relief party arrived, 25th January, 1888. Of those
invalids whom you left at camp, seven were sufficiently recovered
to send on with Captain Jephson, 7th November; those remaining were
increased in number by the arrival of Captain Nelson, his two boys,
and two men, 3rd November; also headman Umari and nine men, who
were found in a starving condition in the bush by Kilonga-Longa,
and brought to camp by him 9th January; this made a total of one
sick officer and thirty-nine invalids remaining in camp; of this
number Captain Nelson and sixteen men left with the relief party.
Twelve men were away on a journey looking for food, therefore
remain at Manyuema Camp, and eleven deaths occurred; this extremely
high mortality will no doubt astonish you, especially as it was
entirely due to starvation, except in two instances only. From the
time you left the Manyuema Camp until our departure, 26th January,
the chiefs gave little or no food to either officers or men; those
men who were sufficiently strong to do a good day's work, sometimes
got as many as ten heads of corn (Indian) per man, but as the
working men were not constantly employed, their average ration of
corn was about three per day; those invalids unable to work, of
whom there were many, received no food from the chiefs, and were
therefore obliged to exist on herbs. Remembering the wretched and
debilitated condition of all these men, both from privation and
disease, you will readily understand that the heartless treatment
of the Manyuema chiefs was sufficient to cause even a much greater
mortality.
The men were badly housed, and their scanty clothing consisted of
about half a yard of native bark-cloth, as they sold their own
clothes for food; they experienced not only the horrors of
starvation, but were cruelly and brutally treated by the Manyuema,
who drove them to commit theft by withholding food, and then scored
their backs with rods, and in one case speared a man to death
(Asmani bin Hassan) for stealing.
Captain Nelson arrived in a very weak condition, requiring good
food and careful treatment. He visited the chiefs, and made them
handsome presents of articles costing about L75, with a view to win
their sympathy; however, they continued to give little or no food
to officers or men: they said that no arrangement had been made for
provisioning Captain Nelson, and any food they sent to me was
entirely of their own generosity, as no arrangement had been made
by you. I asked them to let me see the written agreement between
you and them, which they did; also another document written in
Arabic characters, which I could not read. In their agreement with
you I saw that they had promised to provision the officers and men
whom you would leave. I appealed to them, and remonstrated with
them, nevertheless they supplied less and less food, until finally
they refused to give any on the plea that they had none. The height
of this generosity would be reached when they would send two or
three cups of Indian meal to feed Captain Nelson, myself and the
boys, until the next donation would turn up in six or seven days
afterwards. During the last seven weeks we did not receive any food
whatever from the chiefs. Owing to their refusal to give us food,
we were obliged first to sell our own clothes, and eight rifles
belonging to the Expedition to provide ourselves and boys with
food. I repeatedly reminded Ismaili (chief) of the conversation he
had with you in your tent the night before you left the camp, when
he promised to look after and care for the officers and men whom
you left in camp. Although the chiefs had no food to supply
according to their agreement, yet they had always plenty to sell,
their object being to compel us to sell the arms and ammunition for
food. I send you a complete list of effects left in my charge by
Captain Jephson, 7th November, all of which were correct when the
relief party arrived, with the following exceptions, viz.:--two
boxes Remington ammunition, and one rifle, which were stolen by a
Zanzibari (Saraboko), and, I believe, sold to the Manyuema chiefs.
Several attempts were made to steal the arms, boxes, &c.; on the
night of November 7th, the hut in which the baggage was stored was
set on fire with a view to taking everything with a rush in the
confusion, caused by the fire: however, their dream was frustrated,
as Captain Nelson, who was ever awake saw the blaze, and gave the
alarm just in time for ourselves and our boys to put out the fire
before it got to the baggage. I then had the tents pitched
according to your directions, not being able to do so earlier, as I
had no assistance. All the rifles, ammunition, boxes, &c., were
packed in the tents, one of which was occupied by Captain Nelson,
and the other by myself. Every effort was made to prevent things
being stolen; nevertheless, even Captain Nelson's blankets were
taken by a thief who got under the tent from behind. On another
occasion I heard a noise at my tent-door, and, jumping out of bed
quickly, I found a box of ammunition ten yards off, which had just
been taken out of my tent. The thief escaped in the dark.
On the night of January 9th, I heard a noise outside my tent, and,
suspecting a thief, I crept out noiselessly to the back, where I
caught "Camaroni," a Zanzibari, in the act of stealing a rifle
through a hole which he had cut in the tent for this offence. Life
at the Manyuema Camp was almost intolerable. Apart from
starvation, the people, their manner and surroundings, were of the
lowest order, and, owing to the mounds of fecal matter and
decomposing vegetation which were allowed to collect on the paths
and close to their dwellings, the place was a hotbed of disease.
Captain Nelson was confined to his bed from sickness for over two
months, and I got blood-poisoning, followed by erysipelas, which
kept me in bed for five weeks. During our illness the chiefs paid
us frequent visits, but always with a view to covet something which
they saw in our tents. Their avarice was unbounded, and they made
agreements one day only to be broken the next. After the arrival of
Kilonga-Longa and his force of about 400, including women,
children, and slaves, food became really scarce, therefore the
Manyuema were obliged to send out large caravans to bring in food.
Twelve Zanzibaris who are absent accompanied these caravans in
search of food, and had not returned when I left the camp with the
relief party. Starvation was so great just before we left that the
native slaves seized one of their comrades, who had gone some
distance from the camp to draw water, cut him in pieces, and ate
him.
In conclusion, I may mention that Captain Nelson and myself did
everything we could to preserve a good feeling with the Manyuema
chiefs and people, and we parted on friendly terms.
T. H. Parke.
(_Surgeon A. M. D._)
_To_ H. M. Stanley, Esq.,
_Commanding E. P. R. Expedition_.
The contrast between the sadly-worn men who reached us from that hot-bed
of suffering at Ipoto and our beautifully sleek and glossy men who had
reached the Albert was most marked. Their flesh was wasted, their muscles
had become shrivelled, their sinews were shrunk, and their distinctive
and peculiar individualities seemed to have altogether vanished until it
had become a difficult matter to recognise them.
On the 12th of February Lieutenant Stairs and his column appeared with
every section of the boat in good order. He had been absent twenty-five
days, and his mission had been performed with a sacred regard to his
instructions and without a single flaw.
The evening of that date was remarkable for a discussion between the
headmen and ourselves as to our future steps. I discovered that all the
headmen were unanimous for proceeding to the Nyanza to launch the boat
and search for news of Emin. My desire was equally great to obtain news
of the Pasha; nevertheless, I think very little was required to induce me
to abandon the search for the Pasha to obtain news of Major Barttelot,
but officers and men were alike unanimous in their demand that we should
resolve the fate of Emin Pasha. A compromise was finally effected. It was
determined that couriers should be sent with our letters to Major
Barttelot, with a map of our route and such remarks as would be of
practical use to him. It was also decided that Lieutenant Stairs, after
two days' rest, should escort these couriers as far as Ugarrowwa's, and
see them safely across the river, and that on returning he should escort
the convalescents, who, too feeble to march, had been housed in that
settlement on the 18th September; that in order that Lieutenant Stairs
should "participate in the honour of being present at the relief of Emin
Pasha," we should wait for him until the 25th of March. Meantime we
should continue the work of enlarging our domain for corn and bean
planting, to prevent any scarcity of food while engaged in the forest.
The distance between Fort Bodo and Ipoto was seventy-nine miles,[K] or
158 miles the round journey, which had occupied Lieutenant Stairs
twenty-five days, at the average of six and one-third miles per day, but
he had reached Ipoto within seven days, and Jephson and Uledi had
accomplished the distance in the same time, that is, at an average rate
of travel of a little over eleven miles per day. Now, as Ugarrowwa was
104 miles beyond Ipoto, or 183 miles from Fort Bodo, it was estimated
that the journey of 366 miles which Stairs was now about to undertake
might be performed within thirty-four days, or at the rate of ten and
three quarter miles per day. This would be magnificent travelling,
especially in the forest, but as various circumstances might protract the
period, it was agreed that if we moved towards the Nyanza on the 25th
March, and as the carriage of the boat would necessitate short stages, we
should travel slowly, that he might have the opportunity of overtaking
us.
On the morning of the 16th February, at muster, it was proclaimed that
twenty first-class volunteers were required to convey our letters to
Major Barttelot, at L10 reward for each man if they succeeded in reaching
him, because, said I, "You have all combined to demand that we should
find the Pasha first. It is well. But I feel as anxious about the Major
as I do about the Pasha. We must find both. You who remember what we
suffered must feel what the Major and his friends feel, in those horrible
stretches of unpeopled woods, having no idea where they are going or what
is waiting for them. You know how grateful we should have been, had we
met anybody who could have warned us of the hunger and misery we should
meet. Therefore every man who volunteers must be acknowledged as the
fittest for this noble work by everyone here. Master Stairs, whom you all
know as a man who is never tired, and never says 'enough' when there is
something to be done, will show you the road as far as Ugarrowwa's, he
will see that you are ferried over with food, and cartridges sufficient,
and when you leave, you must race along our old road, which you cannot
lose, like men running for a big prize. These letters must be put into
the hands of the Major, that he and your brothers may be saved. Where are
these fifty dollar men?"
Of course at such times the Zanzibaris are easily roused to enthusiasm,
and every man considers himself a hero. Over fifty men came to the front
challenging any one to say aught against their manliness or courage, but
they had to undergo a searching criticism and bantering review from their
fellows and officers, their courage, powers of endurance, activity,
dispositions, strength, soundness of mind and body were questioned, but
at last twenty men satisfactory to Commander and people received rations,
and they were specially enrolled among the men of merit who for
distinguished service were to be rewarded with varying sums of money, in
addition to their pay, on reaching Zanzibar. Lieutenant Stairs left for
Ipoto and Ugarrowwa's at 9 o'clock with fowls, goats, corn, and plantain
flour rations for the long journey.
On the 18th my left arm, which had been very painful for four days
previously, developed a large glandular swelling, which our surgeon said
would prove to be an abscess.
[Illustration: _Stanford's Geographical Estab._]
The following is taken from my diary:--
_February 19th to March 13th_.--On Sunday night, the 19th, I was attacked
with inflammation of the stomach, which has been called by Dr. Parke
sub-acute gastritis, of so severe a character that during the first week
I had only a confused recollection of great pain in the arm and stomach,
and general uselessness. Dr. Parke has been most assiduous in his
application to my needs, and gentle as a woman in his ministrations. For
once in my life every soul around me was at my service, and I found
myself an object of universal solicitude night and day. My faithful
friends, Parke and Jephson, waited, and watched, and served. Poor Nelson
was himself a victim to ill-health, fevers, debility, eruptions and
ulcers, the effects of his terrible agony at Starvation Camp, but he
would come, sometimes tottering weakly, to express his sympathy. In the
afternoons the Doctor would permit the headmen to visit me, to convey to
the anxious Zanzibaris their personal opinions and views of my case.
During most of these twenty-three days I have been under the influence of
morphia, and the time has passed in unconsciousness. But I am now slowly
recovering. Two days ago the abscess, which had become very large, was
pierced, and I am relieved of that pain. Meanwhile my daily diet has
consisted of a pint of milk--thanks to the Balegga cow--mixed with water.
I am therefore so feeble as to be scarcely able to move.
During my illness I have to regret the loss of two good men, Sarmini and
Kamwaiya, who have been killed with arrows, and one of the headmen has
been severely wounded. This occurred during a patrolling tour as far as
the Ihuru, fourteen geographical miles due north from here. Uledi and a
party has discovered the haunts of the dwarfs and taller aborigines who
rob our plantain groves to be at Alesse and Nderi, fourteen geographical
miles east.
I find that Uledi has captured a Queen of the Pigmies, who is the wife of
the Chief of Indekaru. She was brought in to be seen by me with three
rings of polished iron around her neck, the ends of which were coiled
like a watch spring. Three iron rings were suspended to each ear. She is
of a light brown complexion, with broad round face, large eyes, and small
but full lips. She had a quiet modest demeanour, though her dress was but
a narrow fork clout of bark cloth. Her height is about four feet four
inches, and her age may be nineteen or twenty. I notice when her arms are
held against the light, a whity-brown fell on them. Her skin has not that
silky smoothness of touch common to the Zanzibaris, but altogether she is
a very pleasing little creature.
[Illustration: THE QUEEN OF THE DWARFS.]
_March 13th to April 1st_.--By the 25th I was well enough to be able to
move about a few hundred yards at a time. My arm was still stiff and I
was exceedingly feeble. Nelson has recovered somewhat from his successive
fits of illness. During my convalescence I have been supported each
afternoon to the centre of a lofty colonnade of trees, through which our
road to the Nyanza leads, where in an easy chair I have passed hours of
reading and drowsing.
It has been a daily delight while helped to my leafy arcade to observe
the rapid change in the growth of the corn in the fields, and to see how
we have been encroaching upon the forest. Our cultivable area, after
being cleaned, hoed, and planted, was not long left with its bare brown
face naked. On a certain day it became green with the young corn blades,
it had sprouted by thousands as though at the word of command. Only
yesterday, as it were, we smiled to see the tender white stalk arched for
a spring under a slowly rising clod, a now the clods have been brushed
aside, the arched stalks have sprung upright, and the virgin plants have
unfolded their tender green crests. Day by day it has been a wonder how
the corn has thriven and grown, with what vigour the stalks have
thickened, enlarged in leaf, and deepened in green. Side by side in due
rank and order they have risen, the blades have extended towards one
another in loving embrace, until the whole has become a solid square
field of corn, the murmur of which is like the distant wash of a languid
sea over a pebbly beach.
This is the music to which I listen devoutly, while my medical friend
sits not far off on the watch, and sentries stand still at each end of
the avenue on guard. A gentle breeze blows over the forest and breathes
upon the corn, causing a universal shiver and motion throughout, and I
sit watching the corn tops sway and nod, and salute each other, with the
beautiful grace and sweet undertones of many wavelets, until drowsiness
overcomes me and seals my senses, and sleep bears me to the region of
fantasy. As the sun appears low in the west, and lights the underwood
horizontally with mellow light, my kind doctor assists me to my feet and
props me, as I wend to the Fort, my corn with dancing motion and waving
grace bidding me farewell.
In the warm teeming soil the corn has grown apace until it has reached a
prodigious height, tall as the underwood of the forest. Only a few weeks
ago I searched amid the clods for a sign of sprouting; a little later and
I might still have seen a scampering mouse; a few days ago it was breast
high; to-day I look up and I can scarcely touch the point of a
rapier-like blade with a five-foot staff, and a troop of elephants might
stand underneath undetected. It has already flowered; the ears, great and
swelling, lying snug in their manifold sheaths, give promise of an
abundant harvest, and I glow with pleasure at the thought that, while
absent, there need be no anxiety about the future.
I am resolved to-morrow to make a move towards the Nyanza with the boat.
This is the forty-sixth day of Stairs' absence. I had sent twenty
couriers--one of whom returned later--to Major Barttelot. Stairs and his
personal attendants numbered seven. I shall leave forty-nine in fort;
inclusive of Nelson there will be 126 men left to escort the boat to the
Nyanza. Total, 201 of advance column remaining out of 389, exclusive of
such convalescents as may be obtained at Ugarrowwa's.
Tippu-Tib has evidently been faithless, and the Major is therefore
working the double stages, some hundreds of miles behind; the nineteen
couriers are speeding towards him, and are probably opposite the Nepoko
at this date, and Stairs has found so many men yet crippled with ulcers
that he is unable to travel fast. With 126 men I attempt the relief of
Emin Pasha the second time. The garrison consists of all those who suffer
from debility, anaemia--who were fellow-sufferers with Nelson at
Starvation Camp--and leg sores, some of which are perfectly incurable.
The labour performed about the fort is extensive. Nelson has an
impregnable place. The fields of corn and beans are thriving, and of the
latter I have enjoyed a first dish to-day. The plantain groves appear to
be inexhaustible.
Our broad roads extend about half a mile each way. Ten scouts patrol the
plantations every morning, that the mischievous pigmies may not destroy
the supplies of the garrison, and that no sudden onsets of natives may be
made upon the field hands while at work.
Surgeon Parke accompanies us to the Nyanza to-morrow according to his own
earnest request. Though his place is in the fort with the invalids, there
are none who require greater attention than can be given by Captain
Nelson through his boys, who have been instructed in the art of bathing
the sores with lotions of carbolic acid and water.
[Illustration: WITHIN FORT BODO.]
Our men on the Sundays have amused themselves with performing military
evolutions after the method taught by General Matthews at Zanzibar. They
are such capital mimics that his very voice and gesture have been
faithfully imitated.
Life at Fort Bodo, on the whole, has not been unpleasant except for
Captain Nelson and myself. It is true we have fretted and never been
free from anxiety respecting the whereabouts and fate of our friends. We
have also been anxious to depart and be doing some thing towards
terminating our labours, but circumstances which we cannot control rise
constantly to thwart our aims. We have therefore striven to employ every
leisure hour towards providing unstinted supplies of food, in the hope
that fortune will be good enough veer round once in our favour, and bring
Barttelot and our friends Jameson, Ward, Troup, and Bonny, with their
little army of men, to Fort Bodo before our second return from the
Nyanza.
-----
[K] Seventy-nine miles one way, and eighty-four miles by
another way.
CHAPTER XIV.
TO THE ALBERT NYANZA A SECOND TIME.
Difficulties with the steel boat--African forest craft--Splendid
capture of pigmies, and description of the same--We cross the Ituri
river--Dr. Parke's delight on leaving the forest--Camp at
Besse--Zanzibari wit--At Nzera-Kum-hill once more--Intercourse with
the natives--"Malleju," or the "Bearded One," being first news of
Emin--Visit from chief Mazamboni and his followers--Jephson goes
through the form of friendship with Mazamboni--The medicine men,
Nestor and Murabo--The tribes of the Congo--Visit from chief
Gavira--A Mhuma chief--The Bavira and Wahuma races--The varying
African features--Friendship with Mpinga--Gavira and the
looking-glass--Exposed Uzanza--We reach Kavalli--The chief produces
"Malleju's" letter--Emin's letter--Jephson and Parke convey the
steel boat to the lake--Copy of letter sent by me to Emin through
Jephson--Friendly visits from natives.
On the 2nd day of April, 1888, after a drizzly rain had ceased to fall,
we filed out at noon with a view to attempt a second time to find the
Pasha, or to penetrate the silence around him. We had now our steel boat
in twelve sections, and the stem and stern being rather beamy we
discovered very soon that a good deal of cutting with axes and bill-hooks
was required to permit them to pass between the trees. The caravan in
single file, laden with boxes, bales, and baggage, would find no
difficulty; the narrower sections two feet wide passed through without
trouble, but the plough-shaped stem and stern pieces soon became jammed
between two colossal trees which compelled a retreat and a detour through
the bush, and this could not be effected without clearing a passage. It
was soon evident that our second trip to the Nyanza through the forest
would consume some days.
The advance guard scanning the track, and fully lessoned in all the
crooked ways and wiles of the pigmies and aborigines, picked up many a
cleverly-hidden skewer from the path. At some points they were freely
planted under an odd leaf or two of phrynium, or at the base of a log,
over which, as over a stile, a wayfarer might stride and plant his foot
deep into a barbed skewer well smeared with dark poison. But we were too
learned now in the art of African forestcraft, and the natives were not
so skilled in the invention of expedients as to produce new styles of
molestation and annoyance.
The dwarfs' village at the crossing was our next resting-place, and
Indemwani was reached on the 4th. The next day we moved to another
dwarfs' village, and in the neighbouring plantain grove Saat Tato and a
few friends, while collecting a few of the fruit, made a splendid capture
of pigmies. We had four women and a boy, and in them I saw two distinct
types. One evidently belonged to that same race described as the Akka,
with small, cunning, monkey eyes, close, and deeply set. The four others
possessed large, round eyes, full and prominent, broad round foreheads
and round faces, small hands and feet, with slight prognathy of jaws,
figures well formed, though diminutive, and of a bricky complexion.
"Partial roast coffee," "chocolate," "cocoa," and "_cafe au lait_" are
terms that do not describe the colour correctly, but the common red clay
brick when half baked would correspond best in colour to that of the
complexion of these little people. Saat Tato reported that there were
about twenty of them stealing plantains which belonged to the natives of
Indepuya, who were probably deterred from defending their property by the
rumour of our presence in the woods. The monkey-eyed woman had a
remarkable pair of mischievous orbs, protruding lips overhanging her
chin, a prominent abdomen, narrow, flat chest, sloping shoulders, long
arms, feet turned greatly inwards and very short lower legs, as being
fitly characteristic of the link long sought between the average modern
humanity and its Darwinian progenitors, and certainly deserving of being
classed as an extremely low, degraded, almost a bestial type of a human
being. One of the others was a woman evidently a mother, though she could
not have seen her seventeenth year. No fault could be found in the
proportion of any one member; her complexion was bright and healthy; her
eyes were brilliant, round, and large; her upper lip had the peculiar cut
of that of the Wambutti noticeable in the woman at Ugarrowwas, and the
chief's wife of Indekaru, which is the upper edge curving upward with a
sharp angle and dropping perpendicularly, resembling greatly a clean up
and down cut with a curl up of the skin as though it had contracted
somewhat. I believe this to be as marked a feature of the Wambutti as the
full nether lip is said to be characteristic of the Austrian. The colour
of the lips was pinkish. The hands were small, fingers delicate and long,
but skinny and puckered, the feet measured seven inches and her height
was four feet four inches.
So perfect were the proportions of this girl-mother that she appeared at
first to be but an undersized woman, her low stature being but the result
of premature sexual intercourse or some other accidental circumstance,
but when we placed some of our Zanzibar boys of fifteen and sixteen years
old by her side, and finally placed a woman of the agricultural
aborigines near her, it was clear to everyone that these small creatures
were a distinct race.
Three hours beyond this great Mbutti village we reached Barya-Kunya amid
a drizzly rain.
On the 8th we reached Indepessu, and two days later we travelled from the
base of Pisgah, along an easterly path, a new track which led us through
the little villages of Mande to the Ituri river. The natives had all fled
from Mande and the slopes of Pisgah across the river with their movable
property, and the men were awaiting events on the left bank, confident
that they were beyond reach. As we emerged into view on the right bank I
was quite struck with the light brown mass the warriors made against the
blackish green of the vegetation behind them. Had they been of the colour
of the Zanzibaris they would have formed an almost black mass, but they
resembled in colour the ochreous clay banks of this river. They shot a
few arrows amongst us across the 150 yards wide stream; some fell short
and others hurtled harmlessly by us several yards. In our turn we replied
and a general scamper occurred. Ninety minutes later the Expedition was
across the Ituri by means of the boat. The vanguard picked up a ten-pound
packet of clean native salt which had been dropped by the natives in
their flight. Salt was a condiment greatly needed, and we were greatly
rejoiced at the prize. We were now in the territory of the Bakuba, near
the clearing of Kande-kore, which was one of the richest clearings in the
forest of the Upper Congo basin. On the edge of the bank we were 3,000
feet above the sea.
Three-and-a-half hours' march from the Ituri, we issued out of the
forest, and again the change from perpetual twilight to brilliant
sunlight, and a blue sky was astonishing, and we all smiled to witness
its effects on the nerves of our gentle friend and companion, the first
son of Erin who had ever viewed the grass lands of these regions. This
was the 289th day of Dr. Parke's forest life, and the effect of this
sudden emergence out of the doleful shades in view of this enlarged view
from the green earth to the shining and glowing concave of Heaven caused
him to quiver with delight. Deep draughts of champagne could not have
painted his cheeks with a deeper hue than did this exhilarating prospect
which now met him.
On the road just before leaving the bush we passed a place where an
elephant spear had fallen to the ground, and buried itself so deep that
three men were unable to heave it up. Such a force, we argued, would have
slain an elephant on the instant.
While sketching Pisgah Mountain in the afternoon from our first camp in
the pasture land, I observed a cloud approaching it from the N.W., and
all the forest beyond was shaded by its deep shadows, while the rolling
plains still basked in hot sunshine. Presently another cloud from the
S.E. appeared round the southern extremity of Mazamboni's range, and as
it advanced, spread over the blue sky, and became merged with the cloud
over the forest, and then rain fell.
At an altitude of 3,200 feet above the sea the village of Besse is
situated, seven hours' march from the Ituri. Though it was yet early
forenoon we camped, the abundance of good ripe bananas, corn, fowls,
sugar-cane, and banana wine being very tempting, and the distance to
other villages east being unknown. Quite an active skirmish soon occurred
while we were engaged making ready our quarters. Fetteh, the sole
interpreter to the tribes of the plains, was grievously wounded over the
stomach. The Babesse attempted various means to molest us as the long
grass favoured them, but by posting sharpshooters in the native lookouts
in the trees the knowledge that their tactics were supervised soon
demoralised them.
We had some speech by means of a native of Uganda with one of these
natives, who among his remarks said, "We are quite assured that you black
men are creatures like ourselves, but what of those white chiefs of
yours? Whence do they come?"
"Oh," our man replied, with wonderful facility for fraudful speech,
"their faces change with the birth of each moon, when the moon is getting
full their colour is dark like our own. They are different from us, as
they came from above originally."
"Ah, true, it must be so," responded the astonished native, as he brought
his hand up to his mouth from politeness, to cover the mouth that
expanded with surprise.
The more we understand the language of these natives, the more we are
struck with the identity of a common origin. How could such as these
people have ever heard of such a thing as wit. I heard one native say to
a Zanzibari who had met more than his match when he burst out so
impatiently at one who had staggered against him,
"Such a fool as thou wast surely never seen elsewhere?"
To which the native replied, with a benevolent smile,
"Ay, it is my lord, who is the sole possessor of wisdom."
"Ah, but you are wickedness itself" (personified).
"I must not deny it, for all goodness is with thee."
It is a common reply among a certain class of white folks when one is
accused of being naughty, to reply to the accuser that he is a gentleman,
but it must be admitted that the African reply is not inferior in
politeness.
A little east of Besse we lost the native track, and were obliged to
strike across country, steering straight for Undussuma Peak which now
began to lift itself into view, over the swells of grass-land that spread
in great waves towards its foot. The sun was fearfully hot, and as the
march was mainly through tall grass, we were greatly fatigued. In the
afternoon we reached a wooded hollow near a pellucid cool stream, which
had its birthplace somewhere among the slopes of Undussuma Range now
distant about five miles.
On the 14th, after a march of six hours, we were camped on the spur of
Nzera-Kum-hill, and before us was the same scene which on the 10th and
11th of December witnessed our struggles for mastery with Mazamboni and
his tribe. So far our experiences on this journey were very different. We
saw no leaping exulting warriors, nor heard a single menace or war-cry;
but, as we intended to halt here a day, it was necessary to know what to
expect, and we despatched our Mganda interpreter to hail the natives, who
were seated afar off on the hilltops looking down upon us. At 5 P.M.
after several patient efforts, they were induced to descend and approach,
and they finally entered our camp. The process of establishing a
friendship then was easy. We could look into one another's faces, and
read as in a book what each thought of the other. We mutually exchanged
views, wherein they learned that we only needed a free passage to the
Lake unmolested, that we had not appeared as enemies, but strangers
seeking a halting-place for the night, to pursue our road the next day
without disturbance. They pleaded, as an excuse for their former
behaviour, that they were assured we were Wara-Sura (soldiers of Kabba
Rega) who periodically visited their country, devastated their land, and
carried off their cattle.
When we were both convinced that friendship was possible, that our former
misunderstanding should not interfere with our future relations, they
heard the mystery of our presence explained, that we were only travelling
to discover a white chief, who years ago was reported to be somewhere
near the sea of Unyoro. Had they ever heard of such a man?
They answered eagerly, "About two moons after you passed us--when you
came from the Nyanza--a white man called '_Malleju_,' or the _Bearded
One_, reached Katonza's in a big canoe, all of iron.
"Mother! however could she float; and in the middle of it there rose a
tall black tree, and out of it came smoke and sparks of fire, and there
were many many strange people aboard, and there were goats running about
as in a village square, and fowls in boxes with bars, and we heard the
cocks crow as merrily as they do among our millet. _Malleju_ with a deep
deep voice asked about you--his brother? What Katonza said to him we do
not know, but _Malleju_ went away in the big iron canoe, which sent as
much smoke up into the air as though she was on fire. Have no doubt you
will find him soon; Mazamboni shall send his runners to the Lake, and by
to-morrow's sunset Katonza shall be told of the arrival of _Malleju's_
brother."
This was the first news we had heard of Emin Pasha, and it was with the
view of this news spreading abroad, and for preparing the natives for the
irruption of strangers out of the unknown west, that I had sent couriers
from Zanzibar in February, 1887. Had Emin, who expected us December 15th,
but taken the trouble to have sent his steamers a nine-hours' steaming
distance from his station of Mswa, we should have met with his people
December 14th, been spared five days' fighting, a four months' loss of
time, and on or about the 15th of March I should have been within the
palisades of Yambuya in time to save Barttelot from his assassin,
Jameson from his fatal fever attack, Troup from the necessity of being
invalided home, Ward from his wholly useless mission to St. Paul de
Loanda, and Mr. Bonny from days of distress at Banalya.
The next day was a severe one for me. All the talking was levelled at me,
and I was imprisoned in my chair from dawn to dusk by crowds of Bavira
agriculturists and Wahuma shepherds and herdsmen, chiefs and slaves,
princes and peasants, warriors and women. It was impolitic to stir from
the close circle which the combined oligarchy and democracy of Undussuma
had formed around me. What refreshments were taken were handed to me over
the heads of nobles and serfs five deep. My chair was in the centre,
three umbrella bearers relieved one another--the sun ran his course from
east to west; it glowed at noon hours with the intense heat known in
torrid deserts, from three to five it scorched my back, then it became
cooler, but until the circles broke and were dissolved by the approaching
cold accompanying the dusk, I was a martyr to the cause of human
brotherhood.
At a very early hour Mazamboni appeared outside of the zeriba with an
imposing retinue of followers. He was escorted to the middle of the camp
with every mark of respect, officers gracefully bowing their welcome,
Zanzibaris and Soudanese, who had chased him and his legions over the
hills in December, looking as innocent as though they had never tasted
meat and smiling a summer greeting. Our best mats were spread under a
sickly dwarf tree for the convenience of the august guest, ivory horns
gave forth mellow blares, reminding me of the imperial court of the
Ramessean autocrat of Uganda, Usoga, and the island archipelagoes of the
Victorian Sea. Nothing was omitted that experience with a thousand chiefs
of dark Africa had taught me was necessary for lighting up a swarthy face
with humour, pleasure, content, and perfect trust. Mazamboni accepted
every attention as his by right Divine, but no smile or word greeted us.
Was the man deaf and dumb? No; he spoke briefly and low to his
sub-chiefs, and his satellites roared with bull voices, as though I
needed an auricular trumpet to hear, and the sounds stunned me as though
they were rung with a trip-hammer.
"My friends," said I, "my head will crack if you go on thus; besides, you
know wisdom is precious. Why should the herd hear State policy?"
"Ah, truly!" said one sage with a beard as white as the father of the
Commons ought to have. Nestor lowered his voice, and garrulously
rehearsed the history of the land, described the effect created upon it
by the column's approach in December, the hasty councils that were held,
and the rash resolution they had adopted, confessing that when they heard
there were white men with the strangers they suspected they were wrong in
continuing their hostile attitude, but the youthful warriors had been too
impetuous and overruled the cautious counsels of the ancients of their
tribe; that when they had seen us return from the Nyanza and depart in
peace towards the forest, they then knew that the Wara-Sura, as we were
believed to be, would never have returned so soon from their own Lake,
but would have crossed the Semliki to their own country, and then, when
they had heard of _Malleju_, the white chief of the iron canoe, was
seeking for us, they were convinced they had been all wrong. "But never
mind," said we, "the strangers will return from the Kivira (forest), and
we shall make it up with them. If they seek our friendship they shall
have it, and Mazamboni's blood shall mingle with that of their chief; and
we shall be one people, and lo! you have come, and the dreams of our wise
men have become real facts. Mazamboni sits as a brother by the side of
the white chief; let us see the blood mingle, and never a cloud shall
come between you while you are in the land; the belongings of Mazamboni
are yours, his warriors, wives, children, the land and all that stands on
the face of it are yours. Have I said well, oh, warriors?"
"Well and truly you have spoken," murmured the circles.
"Shall Mazamboni be a son of 'Bula Matari?'"
"He shall."
"Shall there be true peace between us and the strangers?"
"Yea," came in an emotional shout from the mass.
Then the mutual right hands of my son, Mr. Jephson, who volunteered to be
sacrificed, were clasped crosswise over the crossed knees, the native
Professor of Medicine made a slight incision in his arm until the red
blood dyed it. My Professor of Secret Ritualism caused the dark red blood
of Mazamboni to well out of the vein, and as the liquid of life flowed
and dropped over the knees, the incantations were commenced by the sage
with the white beard, and as he shook the pebbles in the magic gourd at
the range of the peak opposite, and at the horse-shoe range yonder in the
plains, and to eastward and westward of the valley, he delivered his
terrible curses from the summit of Nzera-Kum, and all men listened unto
him with open lips:--
"Cursed is he who breaks his plighted vow.
"Cursed is he who nourisheth secret hate.
"Cursed is he who turneth his back against his friend.
"Cursed is he who in the day of war denieth his brother.
"Cursed is he who deviseth evil to his friend whose blood has become one
with his own.
"May the itch make him loathsome, and the hair of his head be lost by the
mange; may the adder wait for him by the path, and the lion meet him on
his way; may the leopard in the darkness besiege his house, and his wife
when she draweth water from the stream, be seized; may the barbed arrow
pin his entrails, and the sharp spear be dyed in his vitals; may sickness
waste his strength, and his days be narrowed with disease; may his limbs
fail him in the day of battle, and his arms stiffen with cramps," and so
on, invoking every evil and disease most dreaded, and the Zanzibari
Professor of Secret Ritualism, somewhat dumbfounded at first at the
series of curses delivered so volubly by Nestor, seized his magic gourd,
and shook it at the hills and the valley, at the head of Mazamboni with
awful solemnity; at Nestor himself, and the awe-struck following around,
and outdid Nestor, from perverted ambition, by frenzy, voice, and
gesture, in harmony with it; his eyes rolled wildly, foam came from his
lips; he summoned every blight to fall upon the land and its productions,
every damnable agency in his folk-lore to hound Mazamboni for ever; every
dark and potent spirit out of the limbo of evil imagination to torture
him in his waking and sleeping hours, until his actions were so
fantastic, his denunciation so outrageous, his looks so like one
possessed with a demon, that everyone, native and Zanzibari, broke out
into uncontrollable laughter, which caused Murabo, our "medicine man," to
sober instantly, and to say in Swahili to us, with a conceited shake of
the head,
"Ay! master, how do you like that style for high acting?" which reminded
me of nothing so much as Hamlet out-ranting Laertes.
Mazamboni, though undoubtedly paramount chief of Undussuma, seems to be
governed by an unwritten constitution. His ministers also are his
principal kinsmen, who conduct foreign and home policy even in his
presence, so that in affairs of government his voice is seldom heard.
Most of the time he sat silent and reserved--one might almost say
indifferent. Thus this unsophisticated African chief has discovered
that--whether from intuition or traditional custom it is hard to say--it
is best to divide government. If the principle has been derived from
custom, it proves that from the Albert Nyanza down to the Atlantic the
thousand tribes of the Congo basin spring from one parent tribe, nation,
or family. The similarity in other customs, physiognomy, and roots of
languages, lend additional proofs to substantiate this.
We discovered that the chiefs, as well as the lesser folk, were arrant
beggars, and too sordid in mind to recognise a generous act. Though a
peace was strenuously sought by all, yet the granting of it seemed to
them to be only a means of being enriched with gifts from the strangers.
Mazamboni, even after a long day's work, could only be induced to give
more than a calf and five goats as a return for a ten-guinea rug, a
bundle of brass wire, and ivory horns from the forest. The chief of
Urumangwa and Bwessa, that flourishing settlement which in December had
so astonished us with its prosperity, likewise thought that he was
exceedingly liberal by endowing us with a kid and two fowls.
Among our visitors to-day were Gavira, the chief of the Eastern Bavira,
who proclaimed from a hill that the land lay at our feet when we were
returning from the Lake; and also a Mhuma chief, who wore unblushingly
the fine scarlet cloth of which we had been mulcted in December to buy
peace. He never offered a return gift so long deferred.
[Illustration: ONE OF MAZAMBONI'S WARRIORS.]
We discovered that there were two different and distinctly differing
races living in this region in harmony with each other, one being clearly
of Indo-African origin, possessing exceedingly fine features, aquiline
noses, slender necks, small heads, with a grand and proud carriage; an
old, old race, possessing splendid traditions, and ruled by inflexible
custom which would admit of no deviation. Though the majority have a
nutty-brown complexion, some even of a rich dark brown, the purest of
their kind resemble old ivory in colour, and their skins have a
beautifully soft feel, as of finest satin. These confine themselves
solely to the breeding of cattle, and are imbued with a supercilious
contempt for the hoemen, the Bavira, who are strictly agricultural. No
proud dukeling in England could regard a pauper with more pronounced
contempt than the Wahuma profess for the Bavira. They will live in the
country of the Bavira, but not in their villages; they will exchange
their dairy produce for the grain and vegetables of the hoemen, but they
will never give their daughters in marriage but to a Mhuma born. Their
sons may possess children by Bavira women, but that is the utmost
concession. Now in this I discover the true secret of the varying
physiognomies, and the explanations in the variation of facial types.
We have the true negroidal cast of features in the far-away regions of
West Africa, with which this proud high-caste race could not possibly
come in contact during many centuries; we have the primitive races of the
forest, the Akkas, Wambutti, Watwa, and Bushmen, of which the Wambutti
are by far the handsomest; have the Zulus, the Mafitte, Watuta, Wahha,
Warundi, Wanya-Ruanda, semi-Ethiopic; we have the Ethiopic, slightly
degraded, except in the aristocratic families, as in the Wahuma, or, as
they are variously called, Waima, Wachwezi, Wawitu, and the Wataturu, who
represent two human streams, one coming from Ethiopia by way of
South-East Galla into Unyoro and the high pastoral lake regions, and the
other flowing direct south. The Victoria Lake lies between these sections
of superior African humanity.
A Bavira chief complained to me of the haughty contempt with which the
Bavira were regarded by the Wahuma, in just such words as these: "They
call us hoemen, and laugh to scorn the sober regularity with which we,
tilling the dark soil, live through our lives in honest labour. They
sweep round on foraging excursions, and know no loved and fixed home;
they settle down wherever they are tempted (by pasture), and when there
(is trouble) they build a house in another spot."
But to my narrative, as I may deal with the subject further in a special
chapter. On the 16th, furnished by Mazamboni with twelve guides, escorted
by Gavira and fifty warriors, accompanied by a long line of new friends
behind the rear guard, assisted by more than a hundred carriers, we
marched to the territory of Gavira, to the village where we had rested in
the naked hill-village, after a terrible day of excitement, on the 12th
of December. We were now a peaceful procession, with somewhat of a
triumphal character. For at every village we appeared the warriors came
out and hailed us with friendly greetings, and at Makukuru, the name of
the village which we already knew, the women lu-lu-lued. From this
settlement in Uzanza we enjoyed an extensive view, embracing all eastward
to the brow of the high land overlooking the gulf of the Albert Lake
westward as far as Pisgah, six marches distant northward to the cones of
Bemberri, southward the hills of the Balegga rose, a mile off.
The Chief of the Bavira is known as Gavira--an hereditary title, though
his name is Mpinga. He was a pleasant little man, but stingy; and when
not engaged in State councils, talkative. He and his tribe begged for
friendship similar to that which was established with Mazamboni; we were
only too willing to accede--the conditions being that he should be
hospitable to the Expedition on its journeys through his country. Having
halted one day at Mazamboni's, it was necessary that we should do equal
honour to Gavira; and as this place was only two short marches, or one
long march, to the Nyanza, we agreed.
In the evening, two natives arrived from Mbiassi, of the tribe Ba-biassi,
chief of the district of Kavalli, which extended, in a broad strip, down
to the Nyanza, who informed me that their chief possessed a small packet,
covered with dark cloth, for me, which had been given him by Mpigwa, of
Nyamsassi, who had received it from a white man known to them as
_Malleju_.
We were surrounded on the next day by hundreds of friendly people, who
seemed unable to gaze sufficiently at us. They therefore placidly
squatted on their haunches, quietly contemplating our movements; the
younger members were deputed by the old to gather fuel and sweet
potatoes, and to bring millet grain to camp. For trifling gifts, the
Zanzibaris obtained their most devoted service for building their huts,
and carrying water and attending to their fires, grinding their millet
grain into flour; while our men contentedly sat down, encouraging them to
hard labour with a friendly nod and bland smile, some bit of iron-work, a
pinch of beads, a cowrie or two, or a wristlet of brass wire. Every man
picked up a warm-hearted, and ingenious brother; and, excepting in
cooking, the natives were admitted into the privilege of fast
friendship.
The chief Gavira was robed, in the afternoon, in bright scarlet cloth of
first-class quality, and escorted around the camp, with all honour, by
our headmen, who introduced him to the various messes with high tribute
to his good disposition. He was afterwards shown a mirror, at which he
and his elders expressed extraordinary astonishment and fright. They took
the reflection of their own faces to be a hostile tribe advancing from
the earth towards them, and started to run to a safer distance; but
instinctively they halted, as they saw that we did not stir. They then
returned on tip-toe, as if to ask what that sudden vision of black faces
could possibly have been; for the mirror had been dropped on its face
into the case. In answer to their mute appeal, it was opened again, and
they gazed at it fixedly. They whispered to one another--"Why, the faces
resemble our own!" They were told that what they saw was a reflection of
their own remarkably prepossessing features; and Mpinga, with pride,
blushed darkly at the compliment. Perceiving that he could be trusted
with it without shock to his nerves, it was put into his hand; and it was
amusing to see how quickly personal vanity increased; his elders crowded
around him, and all grouped around and were pleased to note how
truthfully the mirror reflected each facial characteristic. "See that
scar--it is just and exact; but lo! look at your broad nose, Mpinga;
why, it is perfect! Ay, and look at that big feather; it actually waves!
It is too--too wonderful! What can it be made of? It is like water; but
it is not soft by any means; and on the back it is black. Ah, but we have
seen a thing to-day that our fathers never saw, eh?"
Uzanza exposed, and open to every blast from each quarter of heaven, will
be remembered for a long time. As the sun set, the cold winds blew from
lakeward, and smote us sorely; we were so accustomed to the equable
temperature of the forest, and so poor in clothing. One officer armed
himself with his waterproof; another put on his ulster; and still the
wind penetrated to the marrow; and there was no warmth but in the snug
beehive huts of the Bavira--whither we retired.
Instead of pursuing along our first course to the Lake, we struck
north-east to the village of Kavalli, where the mysterious packet was
said to be. The grass was short cropped by numerous herds of cattle, and
covered every inch and made it resemble a lawn, save where the land
dipped down into the miniature canyons, which had been scooped out by
centuries of rain.
As we traversed the smiling land, hailed, and greeted, and welcomed, by
the kindly Bavira, we could not forbear thinking how different all this
was from the days when we drove through noisy battalions of Bavira,
Babiassi, and Balegga, each urging his neighbours, and whooping and
hallooing every one to our extermination, with the quick play of light on
crowds of flashing spears, and yard-long arrows sailing through the air
to meet us; and now we had 157 Bavira actually in front of the advance
guard, as many behind the rear guard, while our 90 loads had been
distributed among voluntary carriers who thought it an honour to be
porters to the same men whom they had hounded so mercilessly a few months
previous.
Soon after the arrival of the now numerous column before the thorny
zeriba of Kavalli, the chief, a handsome young Mhuma, with regular
features, tall, slender, and wonderfully composed in manner, appeared, to
show us where we might camp. To such as chose to avail themselves of
shelter in his village he accorded free permission; and on being asked
for the packet of _Malleju_, he produced it; and, as he handed it to me,
said that only his two young men, of all the country, knew that he
possessed it; and anxiously asked if he had not done an excellent thing
in keeping the secret safe.
[Illustration: KAVALLI, CHIEF OF THE BA-BIASSI.]
Untying the cover, which was of American oil-cloth, I found the following
letter:--
Dear Sir,--
Rumours having been afloat of white men having made their
apparition somewhere south of this Lake, I have come here in quest
of news. A start to the furthest end of the Lake, which I could
reach by steamer, has been without success, the people being
greatly afraid of Kabba Rega people, and their chiefs being under
instructions to conceal whatever they know.
To-day, however, has arrived a man from Chief Mpigwa, of Nyamsassi
country, who tells me that a wife of the said chief has seen you at
Undussuma, her birthplace, and that his chief volunteers to send a
letter of mine to you. I send, therefore, one of our allies, Chief
Mogo, with the messenger to Chief Mpigwa's, requesting him to send
Mogo and this letter, as well as an Arabic one, to you, or to
retain Mogo and send the letter ahead.
Be pleased, if this reaches you, _to rest where you are_, and to
inform me by letter, or one of your people, of your wishes. I could
easily come to Chief Mpigwa, and my steamer and boats would bring
you here. At the arrival of your letter or man, I shall at once
start for Nyamsassi, and from there we could concert our further
designs.
Beware of Kabba Rega's men! He has expelled Captain Casati.
Believe me, dear Sir, to be
Yours very faithfully,
(Signed) Dr. Emin.
Tunguru (Lake Albert).[L]
25/3/88. 8 P.M.
The letter was translated to our men, upon hearing which, they became mad
with enthusiasm; nor were the natives of Kavalli less affected, though
not with such boisterous joy, for they perceived that the packet they had
guarded with such jealous care was the cause of this happiness.
Food poured in gratuitously from many chiefs, and I directed Mbiassi to
inform the districts around that a contribution from each tribe or
section would be gladly received.
On the 20th, I despatched Mr. Jephson and Surgeon Parke, with 50 rifles
and two native guides of Kavalli, to convey the steel boat, _Advance_,
down to Lake Albert. I am informed by the guides that Mswa station was
distant two days only, by boat sailing along the western shore. Mr.
Jephson was entrusted with the following letter to Emin Pasha:--
_April 18th, 1888._
Dear Sir,--
Your letter was put into my hands by Chief Mbiassi, of Kavalli, (on
the plateau), the day before yesterday, and it gave us all great
pleasure.
I sent a long letter to you from Zanzibar by carriers to Uganda,
informing you of my mission and of my purpose. Lest you may not
have received it, I will recapitulate in brief its principal
contents. It informed you first that, in compliance with
instructions from the Relief Committee of London, I was leading an
Expedition for your relief. Half of the fund necessary was
subscribed by the Egyptian Government, the other half by a few
English friends of yours.
It also informed you that the instructions of the Egyptian
Government were to guide you out of Africa, if you were willing to
leave Africa; if not, then I was to leave such ammunition as we had
brought with us for you, and you and your people were then to
consider yourselves as out of the service of Egypt, and your pay
was to cease upon such notification being given by you. If you were
willing to leave Africa, then the pay of yourself, officers and
men, was to continue until you had landed in Egypt.
It further informed you that you yourself was promoted from Bey to
Pasha.
It also informed you that I proposed, on account of the hostility
of Uganda, and political reasons, to approach you by way of the
Congo, and make Kavalli my objective point.
I presume you have not received that letter, from the total
ignorance of the natives at Kavalli about you, as they only knew of
Mason's visit, which took place ten years ago.
We first arrived here after some desperate fighting on the 14th
December last. We stayed two days on the shore of the Lake near
Kavalli, inquiring of every native that we could approach if they
knew of you, and were always answered in the negative. As we had
left our boat a month's march behind, we could get no canoe by fair
purchase or force, we resolved to return, obtain our boat, and
carry it to the Nyanza. This we have done, and in the meantime we
constructed a little fort fifteen days' march from here, and stored
such goods as we could not carry, and marched here with our boat
for a second trial to relieve you. This time the most violent
natives have received us with open arms, and escorted us by
hundreds on the way. The country is now open for a peaceful march
from Nyamsassi to our fort.
Now I await your decision at Nyamsassi. As it is difficult to
supply rations to our people on the Nyanza plain, I hope we shall
not have to wait long for it. On the plateau above there is
abundance of food and cattle, but on the lower plain, bordering the
Nyanza, the people are mainly fishermen.
If this letter reaches you before you leave your place, I should
advise you to bring in your steamer and boats, rations sufficient
to subsist us while we await your removal, say about 12,000 or
15,000 lbs. of grain, millet, or Indian corn, &c., which, if your
steamer is of any capacity, you can easily bring.
If you are already resolved on leaving Africa, I would suggest that
you should bring with you all your cattle, and every native willing
to follow you. Nubar Pasha hoped you would bring all your
Makkaraka, and leave not one behind if you could help it, as he
would retain them all in the service.
The letters from the Ministry of War, and from Nubar Pasha, which I
bring, will inform you fully of the intention of the Egyptian
Government, and perhaps you had better wait to see them before
taking any action. I simply let you know briefly about the
intentions of the Government, that you may turn the matter over in
your mind, and be enabled to come to a decision.
I hear you have abundance of cattle with you; three or four milk
cows would be very grateful to us if you can bring them in your
steamer and boats.
I have a number of letters, some books and maps for you, and a
packet for Captain Casati. I fear to send them by my boat, lest you
should start from your place upon some native rumour of our having
arrived here, and you should miss her. Besides, I am not quite sure
that the boat will reach you; I therefore keep them until I am
assured they can be placed in your hands safely.
We shall have to forage far and near for food while we await your
attendance at Nyamsassi, but you may depend upon it we shall
endeavour to stay here until we see you.
All with me join in sending you our best wishes, and are thankful
that you are safe and well.
Believe me, dear Pasha,
Your most obedient servant,
Henry M. Stanley.
Commanding Relief Expedition
His Excellency Emin Pasha,
Governor of Equatorial Provinces, &c., &c., &c.
[Illustration: MILK VESSEL OF THE WAHUMA.]
During our halt at Kavalli several hundred natives from the districts
round about paid us friendly visits, and the chiefs and elders tendered
their submission to me. They said the country was mine, and whatever my
commands might be, would be promptly done. By the ready way food was
brought in, there was no reason to doubt their sincerity, though as yet
there was no necessity to take it too literally. So long as we were not
starving, nothing could happen to disturb the peaceful relations
commenced with Mazamboni. According to my means each chief received a
present of cloth, beads, cowries, and wire. Mbiassi furnished me with a
quart of milk daily in a wooden bowl of this pattern.
-----
[L] When, after reaching Zanzibar, I read Emin Pasha's
letter to the Editor of Petermann's 'Mitteilungen' (see
No. 4 of the 'Gotha Geog. Journal'), dated 25th March,
1888 (the same date that the above letter was written),
which concluded with the significant words: "If Stanley
does not come soon, we are lost," most curious thoughts
came into my mind which the intelligent reader will find
no difficulty in guessing. Happily, however, the Pasha
kept his own secret until I was far away from Bagamoyo,
and I was unable to inquire from him personally what
were his motives for not coming to Kavalli, December
14th, 1887, the date he expected us; for remaining
silent two months and a half in his own stations after
that date, and then writing two such letters as the one
above and that to Petermann's Magazine on the same
date.
CHAPTER XV.
THE MEETING WITH EMIN PASHA.
Our camp at Bundi--Mbiassi, the chief of Kavalli--The Balegga
granaries--Chiefs Katonza and Komubi express contrition--The kites
at Badzwa--A note from Jephson--Emin, Casati and Jephson walk into
our camp at old Kavalli--Descriptions of Emin Pasha and Captain
Casati--The Pasha's Soudanese--Our Zanzibaris--The steamer
_Khedive_--Baker and the Blue Mountains--Drs. Junker and Felkin's
descriptions of Emin--Proximity of Kabba Rega--Emin and the
Equatorial Provinces--Dr. Junker's report of Emin--I discuss with
Emin our future proceedings--Captain Casati's plans--Our camp and
provisions at Nsabe--Kabba Rega's treatment of Captain Casati and
Mohammed Biri--Mabruki gored by a buffalo--Emin Pasha and his
soldiers--My propositions to Emin and his answer--Emin's
position--Mahommet Achmet--The Congo State--The Foreign Office
despatches.
On the 25th we departed from Kavalli and camped at Bundi, at an altitude
of 4,900 feet above the sea. The village proper was situated 400 feet
higher, on the crest of one of those ranges of hills which form the
dividing-line between the Congo basin and that of the Nile. From its
folds westerly escaped the first infant streams which flowed into East
Ituri. On the other side of the narrow rocky spine issued streams which
dropped into the gulf of the Albert. Our camp was situated on the very
brow of the plateau, in full view of a large portion of the south end of
the Albert.
Mbiassi, the handsome chief of Kavalli, accompanied us to do the honours
of his tribe to his guests. He commanded the people of Bundi to hurry
forward an ample contribution to the camp, and also despatched messengers
to the redoubtable Komubi, chief of the Eastern Balegga, who seemed to be
considered by these stubborn foes of Kabba Rega as their "Only General,"
with a message not to lag behind in supplying with food a man, who might
be induced to lend his aid in punishing Kabba Rega some day. Mbiassi,
commonly called Kavalli by his people, after his district, was a
diplomat.
On the 26th we descended the plateau slope once more in 2 hours 45
minutes--and at the foot of it we were quartered in the Balegga village
of Badzwa, 2,300 feet below Bundi camp. The Balegga had decamped, but as
it was Kavalli's property, he assumed charge, and distributed corn from
its granaries, according to the needs of our united followers, sufficient
for five days' rations.
Messengers from Katonza, the chief who had declined our friendship on
December 14th, who had refused our proffered gifts, who had sent his men
to throw arrows into our bivouac of the 16th, and murdered our two sick
men, came to say that he was "dying" to see me. He had now heard that
Mazamboni, Gavira, Kavalli, and many others were hand-and-glove with the
strangers who had humbly begged a drink of water from his people, and he
had hastened to make reparation, like Shimei the Benjamite. Before I
could frame an answer, stalwart Komubi, the "only general," had descended
from the Balegga Hills with a white cow, several goats, and bundles of
sweet potatoes, besides many jars of potent beer. It was Komubi and his
stubborn fellows who had clung to the rear guard on the 13th December
with such persistency, and had attempted a night attack. He now frankly
came to express contrition and sorrow that he had mistaken us for Kabba
Rega's bandits, and to surrender his country wholly into my hands, and
his life, if I so wished it. With this bold chieftain we made friends
quickly enough, and after a lengthy interview parted. To Katonza we
replied that we would think of his message.
I now turn to the diary form.
_August 27th._--Halt at Badzwa. The kites are very bold in this
neighbourhood. Seeing their daring, we amused ourselves with putting
pieces of meat on the roof of a hut within arm's length of a man
standing by, and each time the kite succeeded in escaping with the meat,
as the bird, sailing and wheeling round the spot, seemed to know when the
attention was relaxed, and that moment dropped plump upon the meat, and
sailed away with it fast gripped before the outstretched hand could seize
him.
Our hunter, "Three o'clock," went out, and returned with the meat of a
fine kudu he had shot.
_April 28th._--Halt. Wadi Mabruki, another hunter, went out this morning
to compete at game-hunting with "Three o'clock," and in the afternoon he
and his followers brought three young roan antelope.
_April 29th._--At 8 A.M., as we were about to break camp to march to the
Lake, a native guide appeared with a note from Jephson, dated April 23rd,
which stated that he had safely reached Mswa, a station of Emin Pasha's,
and that messengers had been despatched by the Commandant, Shukri Agha,
to apprise Emin Pasha of our appearance on the lake. A basket of
onions--a gift from Shukri Agha--accompanied the note.
At 9 A.M. we set out for the Lake. Two hours later we were camped about a
quarter of a mile from the shore, not far from the bivouac ground
occupied by us on the 16th December, and on the site of old Kavalli, as
the chief showed us. We had five days' rations of grain with us, and meat
could be procured from the plain behind us, as it swarmed with large game
of various kinds.
From my tent-door, at 4.30 P.M., I saw a dark object loom up on the
north-east horizon of the lake. I thought it might be a native canoe, or
perhaps the steel boat _Advance_ returning, but a binocular revealed the
dimensions of a vessel much larger than a boat or canoe could possibly
be, and presently a dark puff of smoke issuing from it declared her to be
a steamer. An hour later we could distinguish a couple of boats in tow,
and at 6.30 P.M. the steamer dropped anchor in the baylet of Nyamsassi,
in shore of the island of that name. Scores of our people were on the
beach in front of our camp firing guns, and waving signals, but though
we were only two miles from the island, no one appeared to observe us.
Ardent messengers were therefore sent along the shore to inform the party
on board of our presence, and these were, unhappily, so exuberant, that
as they fired their rifles to give notice, they were fired at in return
by the Soudanese, who naturally enough took the wild figures for Kabba
Rega's people. However, no harm was done; the boat's crew distinguished
their comrades' cries, the word was passed that the people on shore were
friends, and the boat was made ready to convey our visitors to the beach
near the camp. At eight o'clock, amid great rejoicing, and after repeated
salutes from rifles, Emin Pasha himself walked into camp accompanied by
Captain Casati and Mr. Jephson, and one of the Pasha's officers. I shook
hands with all, and asked which was Emin Pasha? Then one rather small,
slight figure, wearing glasses, arrested my attention by saying in
excellent English, "I owe you a thousand thanks, Mr. Stanley; I really do
not know how to express my thanks to you."
"Ah, you are Emin Pasha. Do not mention thanks, but come in and sit down.
It is so dark out here we cannot see one another."
At the door of the tent we sat, and a wax candle threw light upon the
scene. I expected to see a tall thin military-looking figure, in faded
Egyptian uniform, but instead of it I saw a small spare figure in a
well-kept fez and a clean suit of snowy cotton drilling, well-ironed and
perfect fit. A dark grizzled beard bordered a face of a Magyar cast,
though a pair of spectacles lent it somewhat an Italian or Spanish
appearance. There was not a trace on it of ill-health or anxiety; it
rather indicated good condition of body and peace of mind. Captain
Casati, on the other hand, though younger in years, looked gaunt,
care-worn, anxious, and aged. He likewise dressed in clean cottons, with
an Egyptian fez for a head-covering.
[Illustration: EMIN AND CASATI ARRIVE AT OUR LAKE SHORE CAMP.]
Brief summaries of our incidents of travel, events in Europe, occurrences
in the Equatorial Provinces and matters personal, occupied the best part
of two hours, after which, to terminate the happy meeting, five half-pint
bottles of champagne--a present from my friend Greshoff, of Stanley
Pool--were uncorked and duly drank to the continued good healths of Emin
Pasha and Captain Casati.[M]
The party were conducted to the boat, which conveyed them to the
steamer.
_April 30th._--Marched Expedition to Nsabe, a fine dry grassy spot, fifty
yards from Lake and about three miles from Nyamsassi Island. As we passed
the anchorage of the steamer _Khedive_, we found a detachment of the
Pasha's Soudanese drawn up on the Lake shore on parade to salute us with
music. The Pasha was dressed in his uniform coat, and appeared more of a
military man than last night.
Our Zanzibaris, by the side of these upright figures, seemed altogether a
beggarly troop, and more naked than ever. But I was not ashamed of them.
It was by their aid, mean as they appeared, that we had triumphed over
countless difficulties, and though they did not understand drill, nor
could assume a martial pose, the best of these Soudanese soldiers were
but children to them for the needs of a Relief Expedition. After this
little ceremony was over I delivered to the Pasha thirty-one cases of
Remington ammunition, and I went aboard the steamer, where I breakfasted
on millet cake fried in syrup, and a glass of new milk.
The steamer proved to be the _Khedive_, built by Samuda Brothers in 1869,
and is about ninety feet long by seventeen or eighteen feet wide; draught
five feet. Though nearly twenty years old, she is still serviceable
though slow. The upper works look well enough, but she is much patched
below water, I am told.
On board, besides the Pasha, were Casati, Vita Hassan, a Tunisian
apothecary, some Egyptian clerks, an Egyptian lieutenant, and some forty
Soudanese soldiers, besides a fine crew. Sometimes, from the familiar
sounds heard during moments of abstraction, I fancied myself at
Alexandria or on the Lower Congo; but, looking up, and taking a sweeping
view around, I became assured that I was on board of a steamer afloat on
Lake Albert. As we move slowly about a mile and a half from the shore
northward, the lofty mass of the plateau of Unyoro is to our right, and
to our left is an equally formidable plateau wall, the ascents and
descents of which we know so well. By a glance at the mass of Unyoro,
which is darkly blue, I see the reason Baker gave the name of Blue
Mountains to our plateau wall, for were we steaming along the Unyoro
shore the warm vapour would tint our plateau wall of similar colour. When
we have left Nyamsassi Island astern, a damp sheet of rock, wetted by the
stream we crossed yesterday in our descent, glistens in the sun like a
mirror, and makes it resemble a clear falling sheet of water. Hence Baker
gave it the name of a Cascade, as seen by him from the eastern side.
Dr. Junker and Dr. Felkin, especially in the _Graphic_ numbers of
January, 1887, made us expect a nervous, wiry, tall man of six feet, or
thereabouts, but in reality Emin Pasha does not exceed 5 feet 7 inches in
height. I remember that the former was anxious that the trousers ordered
in Cairo for his friend should be long enough in the extremities. About
six inches were cut off the legs before they fitted. He tells me he is
forty-eight years old. In appearance he does not indicate such an age;
his beard is dark almost to blackness, while his activity would befit a
man of thirty or thirty-five.
The Pasha tells me that he has visited Monbuttu, but, like the travellers
Schweinfuerth, Casati, Piaggia, and Junker, he has not made any
astronomical observations, but confined himself solely to the compass
survey. The meteorology of this climate, however, has received greater
attention, as might be expected from his methodical habitude of mind.
About noon we anchored off Nsabe, and I went ashore to bestir the men to
make a respectable camp suitable for a protracted halt in a country that
we might well call dangerous owing to the proximity of Kabba Rega. That
king, having thrown down the gage of battle to Emin Pasha, might fancy
himself strong enough, with his 1,500 rifles, to test our strength; or
the Waganda, during their raids, might hear of our vicinity and be
tempted by expected booty to make a visit to us.
This evening Emin Pasha came ashore, and we had a lengthy conversation,
but after all I am unable to gather in the least what his intentions may
be. I have delivered to him his mails, the Khedive's "High Order," and
Nubar Pasha's letter.
I had an idea that I might have to wait about two weeks, when we would
all march to the plateau and occupy a suitable spot in Undusuma, where,
after seeing everything done for complete security and comfort, I could
leave him to return to the assistance of the rear column. On being
re-united we could resume our march within a few days for Zanzibar; but
the Pasha's manner is ominous. When I propose a return to the sea to him,
he has the habit of tapping his knee, and smiling in a kind of "We shall
see" manner. It is evident he finds it difficult to renounce his position
in a country where he has performed viceregal functions.
After laying before him at some length the reasons of the abandonment of
the Equatorial Provinces by Egypt he replied, "I see clearly the
difficulty Egypt is in as regards retention of these provinces, but I do
not see so clearly my way of returning. The Khedive has written to me
that the pay of myself, officers and men will be settled by the Paymaster
General if we return to Egypt, but if we stay here we do so at our own
risk and on our own responsibility, and that we cannot expect further aid
from Egypt. Nubar Pasha has written to me a longer letter, but to the
same effect. Now, I do not call these instructions. They do not tell me
that I must quit, but they leave me a free agent."
"Well, I will supplement these letters with my own positive knowledge, if
you will permit me, as the Khedive and Nubar Pasha are not here to
answer for themselves. Dr. Junker arrived in Egypt telling the world that
you were in great distress for want of ammunition, but that you had a
sufficient quantity to defend your position for a year or perhaps
eighteen months, providing no determined attack was made on you, and you
were not called upon to make a prolonged resistance; that you had
defended the Equatorial Provinces so far successfully; that you would
continue to do so to the utmost of your ability, until you should receive
orders from your Government to do otherwise; that you loved the country
and people greatly; that the country was in a prosperous state--quiet and
contented--possessed of almost everything required to maintain it in this
happy condition; that you would not like to see all your work thrown
away, but that you would much prefer that Egypt should retain these
provinces, or failing Egypt, some European Power able and willing to
continue your work. Did Dr. Junker report you correctly, Pasha?"
"Yes, he did."
"Well, then, the first idea that occurred to the minds of the Egyptian
officials upon hearing Dr. Junker's report was, that no matter what
instructions you received, you would be disinclined to leave your
provinces, therefore the Khedive says that if you remain here, you do so
upon your own responsibility, and at your own risk, and you are not to
expect further aid from Egypt.
"Our instructions are to carry a certain quantity of ammunition to you,
and say to you, upon your obtaining it, 'Now we are ready to guide and
assist you out of Africa, if you are willing to accompany us, and we
shall be delighted to have the pleasure of your company; but if you
decline going, our mission is ended.'
"Let us suppose the latter, that you prefer remaining in Africa. Well,
you are still young, only forty-eight; your constitution is still good.
Let us say you will feel the same vigour for five, ten, even fifteen
years longer; but the infirmities of age will creep on you, and your
strength will fade away. Then you will begin to look doubtingly upon the
future prospect, and mayhap suddenly resolve to retire before it is too
late. Some route will be chosen--the Monbuttu route, for instance--to the
sea. Say that you reach the Congo, and are nearing civilization; how will
you maintain your people, for food must then be bought for money or
goods? And supposing you reach the sea, what will you do then? Who will
assist you to convey your people to their homes? You rejected Egypt's
help when it was offered to you, and, to quote the words of the Khedive,
'You are not to expect further aid from Egypt.'
"If you stay here during life, what becomes of the provinces afterwards?
Your men will fight among themselves for supremacy, and involve all in
one common ruin. These are grave questions, not to be hastily answered.
If your provinces were situated within reasonable reach of the sea,
whence you could be furnished with means to maintain your position, I
should be one of the last to advise you to accept the Khedive's offer,
and should be most active in assisting you with suggestions as to the
means of maintenance; but here, surrounded as this lake is by powerful
kings and warlike peoples on all sides, by such a vast forest on the
west, and by the fanatic followers of the Mahdi on the north, were I in
your place, I would not hesitate one moment what to do."
"What you say is quite true," replied the Pasha, "but we have such a
large number of women and children, probably 10,000 people altogether!
How can they all be brought out of here? We shall want a great many
carriers."
"Carriers for what?"
"For the women and children. You surely would not leave them, and they
cannot travel."
"The women must walk; for such children as cannot walk, they will be
carried on donkeys, of which you say you have many. Your people cannot
travel far during the first month, but little by little they will get
accustomed to it. Our women on my second expedition crossed Africa; your
women, after a little while, will do quite as well."
"They will require a vast amount of provisions for the road."
"Well, you have a large number of cattle, some hundreds, I believe. Those
will furnish beef. The countries through which we pass must furnish grain
and vegetable food. And when we come to countries that will accept pay
for food, we have means to pay for it, and at Msalala we have another
stock of goods ready for the journey to the coast."
"Well, well. We will defer further talk of it till to-morrow."
_May 1st_.--Halt at Nsabe.
About 11 a.m. Emin Pasha came ashore, and upon being seated we resumed in
a short time our conversation of last evening.
"What you told me last night," began the Pasha, "has led me to think that
it is best we should retire from Africa. The Egyptians are very willing
to go I know. There are about fifty men of them besides women and
children. Of those there is no doubt, and even if I stayed here I should
be glad to be rid of them, because they undermine my authority, and
nullify all my endeavours for retreat. When I informed them that Khartoum
had fallen and Gordon Pasha was slain they always told the Nubians that
the story was concocted by me, and that some day we should see the
steamers ascend the river for their relief. But of the Regulars, who
compose two battalions I am extremely doubtful. They have led such a free
and happy life here, that they would demur at leaving a country where
they enjoy luxuries such as they cannot hope for in Egypt. They are
married, and besides, each soldier has his harem; most of the Irregulars
would doubtless retire and follow me. Now supposing the Regulars refused
to leave, you can imagine my position would be a difficult one. Would I
be right in leaving them to their fate? Would it not be consigning them
all to ruin? I should have to leave them their arms and ammunition, and
on my retiring all recognized authority and discipline would be at an
end. There would would presently rise disputes and factions would be
formed. The more ambitious would aspire to be chiefs by force, and from
rivalries would spring hate and mutual slaughter, involving all in one
common fate."
"It is a terrible picture you have drawn, Pasha," I said. "Nevertheless,
bred as I have been to obey orders, no matter what may happen to others,
the line of your duty, as a faithful officer to the Khedive, seems to me
to be clear."
"All you have to do, according to my idea, is to read the Khedive's
letter to your troops, and ask those willing to depart with you to stand
on one side, and those preferring to remain to stand on the other, and
prepare the first for immediate departure, while to the latter you can
leave what ammunition and guns you can spare. If those who remain number
three-fourths or four-fifths of your force, it does not at all matter to
any one what becomes of them, for it is their own choice, nor does it
absolve you personally from the line of conduct duty to the Khedive
directs."
"That is very true," replied the Pasha; "but supposing the men surround
me and detain me by force?"
"That is unlikely, I should think, from the state of discipline I see
among your men; but of course you know your own men best."
"Well, I shall send the steamer down to-morrow with the Khedive's letter,
and you would oblige me greatly if you would allow one of your officers
to go and show himself to the troops at Duffle. Let him speak to the men
himself, and say that he has come from the representative of the
Government, who has been specially sent by the Khedive to bring them out,
and perhaps when they have seen him, and talked with your Soudanese, they
will be willing to depart with us. If the people go, I go; if they stay,
I stay."
"Now supposing you resolve to stay, what of the Egyptians?"
"Oh, those I shall have to ask you to take charge of."
"Now will you be good enough to ask Captain Casati if we are to have the
pleasure of his company to the coast, for we have been instructed to lend
him every assistance in our power?"
Captain Casati answered through Emin Pasha.
"If the Governor Emin goes, I go; if he stays, I stay."
"Well, I see, Pasha, that in the event of your staying your
responsibilities will be great, for you involve Captain Casati in your
own fate."
(A laugh), and the sentence was translated to Casati, and the gallant
Captain at once replied.
"Oh, I absolve Emin Pasha from all responsibility connected with me, for
I am governed by my own choice entirely."
"May I suggest then, Pasha, if you elect to remain here, that you make
your will?"
"Will! What for?"
"To dispose of your pay of course, which must by this time be
considerable. Eight years I believe you said? Or perhaps you meditate
leaving it to Nubar Pasha?"
"I give Nubar Pasha my love. Pho! There can be only about two thousand
and odd pounds due. What is such a sum to a man about to be shelved? I am
now forty-eight and one of my eyes is utterly gone. When I get to Egypt
they will give me some fine words and bow me out. And all I have to do is
to seek out some corner of Cairo or Stamboul for a final resting-place. A
fine prospect truly!"
In the afternoon Emin Pasha came again to my tent, and during our
conversation he said that he had resolved to leave Africa--"if his people
were willing; if not, he would stay with them."
I learned also that the Egyptians were only too willing to leave for
their mother-land, and that there were about sixty-five of them. That the
first battalion of Regulars numbered a little over 650, and that the
second battalion amounted to nearly 800. That he had about 750 Remington
rifles, and that the rest were armed with percussion muskets.
_May 2nd._--The _Khedive_ steamer left this morning for the northward,
first to Mswa Station, thence to Tunguru, fourteen and a half hours'
steaming from hence; two days later she will sail for Wadelai, the third
day for Duffle. She carries letters from the Pasha to bring up sixty or
seventy soldiers, a Major, and as many carriers as can be mustered. She
will probably be fourteen days absent. In the meantime we await here her
return.
I omitted to state before that the Pasha brought with him, according to
my letter, a few bullocks and milk cows, about forty sheep and goats, and
as many fowls, besides several thousand pounds of grain, as rations to
subsist the Expedition pending the time we should remain on the Nyanza,
as the shore in the neighbourhood of Nsabe is entirely destitute of food
except what may be obtained by hunting. With care we have quite three
weeks' provisions on hand.
Meanwhile the Pasha remains here with Captain Casati and about twenty
soldiers, and is camped about 300 yards south of us. He and his people
are comfortably hutted. There is every prospect of a perfect rest free
from anxiety for some two weeks, while myself and officers will have the
society of a most amiable and accomplished man in the Pasha. Casati does
not understand English, and his French is worse than my own, so I am
excluded from conversing with him. I learn from the Pasha, however, that
Casati has had a difficult time of it in Unyoro. Until December last,
things progressed tolerably well with him. Residing in Unyoro as Emin
Pasha's Agent, he was the means of forwarding the Pasha's letter to
Uganda, and transmitting such packets of letters, books, medicines, etc.,
that Mr. Mackay, Church Missionary Agent, could spare.
Then from Uganda there came suddenly news to Kabba Rega of our
Expedition, whose force rumour had augmented to thousands of
well-appointed soldiers, who intended to unite with the Pasha's force,
and sweep through Unyoro and Uganda devastating every land; and
presently a packet of letters for myself and officers was put in Kabba
Rega's hands, confirming in a measure the truth of this report. An
officer was sent to Casati's house, and the Wanyoro pillaged him of every
article, and bound him and his servants to a tree, besides treating him
personally with every mark of indignity. Mohammed Biri, an Arab, who had
been mainly the medium of communication between Casati and Mr. Mackay,
was, I am told, treated in a worse fashion--probably executed as a spy
and traitor. Captain Casati and his personal servants, after a while were
led out from Unyoro, by Kabba Rega's officials, and when beyond the
frontier were tied to trees again in a nude state. By some means,
however, they managed to untie themselves and escape to the neighbourhood
of the Lake, where one of the servants discovered a canoe and set out for
the western shore across the Lake to Tunguru to obtain help from Emin
Pasha. One of the Pasha's steamers came across the daring fellow, and the
captain on hearing the news, after supplying his vessel with fuel,
steamed away to acquaint the Pasha. In a few hours the _Khedive_ steamer
was under way, commanded by the Governor in person, who had a detachment
of soldiers with him. After searching for some time the eastern shore, as
directed by Casati's servant, the steamer was hailed from shore by
Casati, who in a few moments found himself safe in the arms of his
friend. Some soldiers were sent on shore, and Kibero was burnt in
retaliation for the injuries done to his agent. Of course, Casati, having
been turned out naked into the wilderness, lost all his personal
property, journals and memoirs, and with these our letters.
The Captain placed a way-bill in my hand, wherein I learn that postal
carriers left Zanzibar on the 27th July, just one month after we had left
Yambuya, so that our letters were duly received at Msalala on the 11th
September, and arrived at the Church Missionary Station in Uganda,
November 1st; and that Captain Casati received six packets of letters on
the 1st December, just twelve days before we arrived on the western
shore of the Nyanza. As he was expelled on the 13th February, 1888,
according to his account our mails seem to have long lain on his hands,
probably no means having been presented of sending them to the Pasha.
This morning 3 o'clock (Saat Tato) the hunter set out to shoot game for
the camp, accompanied by a few young fellows anxious to participate in
the sport. Two buffalo fell victims to the hunter's unerring aim, but a
third one, wounded only in the leg, according to the cunning instinct of
the beast, rushed away, and making a circle hid himself in some branchy
acacias to await his opponent. Mabruki, the son of Kassin, thought he
knew the art of buffalo hunting, and set out on the tracks of the wounded
animal. The buffalo on the alert no sooner discovered his enemy, than
uttering a hoarse bellows charged and tossed him, one of his horns
entering the thigh of the unhappy man. While thus prostrate, he was
pounded with the head, gored in the side, arms, and ripped in the body,
until Saat Tato, hearing the screams, rushed to the rescue when almost
too late, and planting a shot in the buffalo's head, rolled him over,
dead. A young man hurried to camp to acquaint us with the sad accident.
"Three o'clock" set out again, and shot four fine buck roan antelope.
While Mabruki was being borne, shockingly mangled, in a cot to our camp,
a strong detachment of men were bearing the remains of three buffaloes,
and four roan antelopes to serve as provisions for a people already
gorged with beef and grain, but, strange to say, there was as much eager
clamour and loud demand for their due share as if the men were famished.
On the night of April 30th a strong gale blew nearly all night, and the
Pasha signalled to the _Khedive_ to drop two anchors. As there was good
holding ground the steamer rode the gale safely. Since then we have had
several strong squalls accompanied with rain day and night.
_May 3rd_.--Nsabe Camp.
Kavalli's people, like good subjects to their absent prince, came to
visit him to-day, bringing with them ten baskets of potatoes, which were
kindly distributed between us and Emin Pasha.
During a long conversation this afternoon Emin Pasha stated, "I feel
convinced that my people will never go to Egypt. But Mr. Jephson and the
Soudanese whom you are kind enough to leave with me will have an
opportunity to see and hear for themselves. And I would wish you would
write out a proclamation or message which may be read to the soldiers, in
which you will state what your instructions are, and say that you await
their declaration. From what I know of them I feel sure they will never
go to Egypt. The Egyptians, of course, will go, but they are few in
number, and certainly of no use to me or to any one else."
This has been the most definite answer I have received yet. I have been
awaiting a positive declaration of this kind before venturing upon any
further proposition to him. Now, to fulfil my promise to various parties,
though they appear somewhat conflicting, I have two other propositions to
make. My first duty is to the Khedive, of course; and I should be glad to
find the Pasha conformable, as an obedient officer who kept his post so
gallantly until ordered to withdraw. By this course he would realize the
ideal Governor his letters created in my mind. Nevertheless, he has but
to speak positively to induce me to assist him in any way to the best of
my power.
"Very well," I said; "and now pray listen, Pasha, to two other
propositions I have the honour of making to you from parties who would be
glad to avail themselves of your services. Added to that which comes from
His Highness the Khedive, these two will make three, and I would suggest
that, as there appears to be abundant time before you, that you examine
each on its merits and elect for yourself.
"Let me repeat them. The first proposition is that you still continue to
be an obedient soldier and accompany me to Egypt. On arrival, yourself,
your officers and men, will receive your pay up to date. Whether you will
be employed by the Government in active service I do not know; I should
think you would. Officers of your kind are rare, and Egypt has a frontier
where such services as you could render would be valuable. In answer to
this proposition you, however, say that you feel convinced your men will
not depart from here, and that in the event of a declaration to that
effect being given by them that you will remain with them.
"Now, my second proposition to you comes from Leopold, King of the
Belgians. He has requested me to inform you that in order to prevent the
lapse of the Equatorial Provinces to barbarism, and provided they can
yield a reasonable revenue, the Congo State might undertake the
government of them if it could be done by an expenditure of about L10,000
or L12,000 per annum; and further, that his Majesty King Leopold was
willing to pay a sufficient salary to you--L1,500 as Governor, with the
rank of General--in the belief that such employment agrees with your own
inclination. Your duty would be to keep open the communications between
the Nile and Congo, and to maintain law and order in the Equatorial
Provinces.
"My third proposition is: If you are convinced that your people will
positively decline the Khedive's offer to return to Egypt, that you
accompany me with such soldiers as are loyal to you to the north-east
corner of Victoria Nyanza, and permit me to establish you there in the
name of the East African Association. We will assist you to build your
fort in a locality suitable to the aims of such an association, leave our
boat and such things as would be necessary for your purpose with you, and
then hasten home across the Masai Land, lay the matter before the East
African Association, and obtain its sanction for the act, as well as its
assistance to establish you permanently in Africa. I must explain to you
that I have no authority to make this last proposition, that it issues
from my own goodwill to you, and with an earnest desire to save you and
your men from the consequences of your determination to remain here. But
I feel assured that I can obtain its hearty approval and co-operation,
and that the Association will readily appreciate the value of a trained
battalion or two in their new acquisition, and the services of such an
administrator as yourself.
"Pray, grant me a patient hearing for a moment or two while I explain
definitely to you your position here. The whole system of Egyptian
extension up to the Albert Nyanza was wrong. In theory it was beautiful,
and it was natural. What more natural than that the Government
established at the mouth of a river should desire to extend its authority
up along the banks to its source, and such a source as the Nile has.
Unhappily, however, it was an Egyptian Government, which, however honest
in its intentions, could only depend upon officials of the lowest moral
quality and mental calibibre. It is true the chief official in these
regions has been a Baker, or a Gordon, or an Emin, but all the
subordinates were Egyptians or Turks. As you multiplied your stations and
increased your posts, you lessened your own influence. While in the
centre of your orbit there might be a semblance of government; the outer
circles remained under the influences of Turkish and Egyptian officers of
some Cairene Pasha, or Bey, or Effendi, whose conduct was licentious and
capricious. By military force the country was taken and occupied, and by
force the occupation has been maintained ever since. A recognized
Government, even if it be that of Egypt, has a legal and moral right to
extend its authority and enlarge its domain. If it executes its will
effectively, so much the better. Civilization will be benefited, and all
peoples are better under a constituted Government than under none. But
was there an effective Government? As far as Lado and Gondokoro, near the
White Nile Cataracts, it was tolerable I admit. Steamers could steam from
Berber as far as Lado, and the chief official could superintend such
sub-Governments as were established, but when, before making roads or
preparing and ensuring the means of communication, the Egyptian
Government approved the acts of expansion undertaken over the immense,
trackless, inaccessible area of the extreme Soudan, it invited the
catastrophe that happened. When Mohammed Achmet fired the combustible
material that the extortionate subordinates had gathered, the means for
extinguishing the flames were scattered over an area of about 500,000
square miles. The Governor-General was slain, his capital taken; one
province after another fell; and their governors and soldiery, isolated
and far apart, capitulated; and you, the last of these, only saved
yourself and men by retreating from Lado. Expanded on the same system,
and governed only by the presence of military, these former Egyptian
acquisitions, if retaken would invite a similar fate. If the military
occupation were effective, and each sub-Government cohered to the other,
the collapse of the Government need not be feared; but it can never be
effective under Egypt. Neither her revenues nor her population can afford
it. In the absence of this, only self-interest of the peoples governed
can link these distant territories to the Government of Egypt; and this
is an element which seems never to have been considered by those
responsible for this sudden overgrowth of Cairene empire. When has this
self-interest of the people been cultivated or fostered? The captains
marched their soldiery to a native territory, raised a flag-staff, and
hoisted the red banner with the crescent, and then with a salute of
musketry declared the described district around formally annexed to
Egypt. Proclamations were issued to all concerned, that henceforth the
ivory trade was a monopoly of the Government; and in consequence, such
traders as were in the land were deprived of their livelihood. When, to
compensate themselves for the loss of profit incurred by these measures,
the traders turned their attention to slaves, another proclamation
crushed their enterprise in that traffic also. A large number of the
aborigines derived profit from the sale of ivory to the traders, others
had lame interests in the capture and sale of slaves, while the traders
themselves, having invested their capital in these enterprises,
discovered themselves absolutely ruined, both money and occupation gone.
Remember, I am only considering the policy. Thus there were left in the
Soudan hundreds of armed caravans, and each caravan numbered from a score
to hundreds of rifles. When Mohamed Achmet raised the standard of revolt
he had some advantages to offer to the leaders of these caravans made
desperate by their losses. What had the Government officials to offer?
Nothing. Consequently all vestiges of the Government that had been so
harsh, so arbitrary, and unwise, were swept away like chaff. It was to
the interest of traders to oppose themselves to the Government, and to
endeavour to restore a state of things which, though highly immoral as
considered by us, to them meant profit, and, what is more, relief from
oppression.
"Now consider the Congo State, which has extended itself much more
rapidly than Egyptian authority was extended in the Soudan. Not a shot
has been fired, no violence has been offered to either native or trader,
not a tax has been levied except at the seaport where the trader embarks
his exports. Native chiefs voluntarily offered their territories, and
united under the blue flag with the golden star. Why? Because there were
many advantages to be derived from the strangers living among them.
First, they were protected against their stronger neighbours, every
eatable they could raise and sell brought its full value to them of such
clothing and other necessaries they needed. Whatever trade they
had--ivory, rubber, palm-oil, or kernels--was free and untaxed, and their
native customs, or domestic matters, were not interfered with. It was
founded without violence, and subsists without violence; when, however,
the Congo State initiates another policy, taxes their trade, lays hands
upon the ivory as a Government monopoly, meddles with their domestic
institutions, absorbs tyrannically all the profits of the European
trader, before it is firmly established on the soil, and gathered about
its stations sufficient physical force to enable it to do so with
impunity, the Congo State will collapse just as disastrously and as
suddenly as was the case with Egyptian authority in the Soudan. The
disaster that occurred at Stanley Falls station is an indication of what
may be expected.
"Now every man who reflects at all will see that these Provinces of yours
can never be re-occupied by Egypt while Egypt is governed by Egyptian
officials. Egypt cannot afford the sums necessary to maintain an
effective occupation over a territory so remote. They are too distant
from Wadi Haifa, the present true limit of her territory. When she
connects Wadi Haifa with Berber, or Khartoum or Suakim with Berber by
railway, Lado may be considered the extreme southern limit of her
territory. When a railway connects Lado with Duffle the true limit of
Egyptian authority will be the southern end of this Lake, provided always
that the military force will be sufficient to maintain this mode of
communication uninterrupted. When do you think all this will happen?
During your lifetime?
"Who else, then, will be so quixotic as to cast a covetous eye on these
Provinces? The King of the Belgians? Well, there is a stipulation
connected with this proposal, and that is, if the Provinces can 'give a
reasonable revenue.' You are the best judge of this matter, and whether
L10,000 or L12,000 subsidy will suffice for the support of the Government
of these Provinces. The revenue, whatever it may be with this additional
sum, must be sufficient to maintain about twenty stations between here
and Yambuya, a distance of 650 miles or thereabouts; that is, to pay
about 1,200 soldiers, about fifty or sixty officers, and a supreme
Governor, furnish their equipments, the means of defence, and such
transport force as may be necessary to unite the most distant part with
the Congo.
"Failing the King of the Belgians, who else will undertake your support
and maintenance, befitting your station and necessity? There are enough
kind-hearted people in this world possessed of sufficient superfluous
means to equip an Expedition once, say, every three years. But this is
only a temporary expedient for mere subsistence, and it scarcely responds
to your wishes. What then? I await your answer, Pasha, again begging to
be excused for being so talkative.
"I thank you very much, Mr. Stanley, I do assure you, from my heart. If I
fail to express my gratitude, it is because language is insufficient. But
I feel your kindness deeply, I assure you, and will answer you frankly.
"Now, to the first proposition you have made me, I have already given my
answer.
"To the second I would say that, first of all, my duty is to Egypt. While
I am here, the Provinces belong to Egypt, and remain her property until I
retire. When I depart they become 'no man's land.' I cannot strike my
flag in such a manner, and change the red for the blue. I have served the
first for thirty years; the latter I never saw. Besides, may I ask you
if, with your recent experience, you think it likely that communication
could be kept open at reasonable cost?"
"Undoubtedly not at first. Our experiences have been too terrible to
forget them soon; but we shall return to Yambuya for the rear column, I
anticipate, with much less suffering. The pioneer suffers most. Those who
follow us will profit by what we have learned."
"That may be, but we shall be at least two years before any news can
reach us. No, I do not think that proposition, with all due gratitude to
His Majesty King Leopold, can be entertained, and therefore let us turn
to the last proposition.
"I do not think that my people would object to accompanying me to the
Victoria Nyanza, as their objection, so far as I know, only applies to
going to Egypt. Assuming that the people are willing, I admire the
project very much. It is the best solution of the difficulty, and by far
the most reasonable. For consider that three-fourths of the 8,000 people
are women, children, and young slaves. What would the Government do with
such a mass of people? Would it feed them? Then think of the difficulty
of travel with such an army of helpless people. I cannot take upon
myself the responsibility of leading such a host of tender-footed people
to die on the road. The journey to the Victoria is possible. It is
comparatively short. Yes, by far the last proposition is the most
feasible."
"There is no hurry, since you are to await the arrival of the rear
column. Turn the matter over in your mind while I go to bring the Major
up. You have certainly some weeks before you to consider the question
thoroughly."
I then showed him the printed Foreign Office despatches furnished to me
by order of Lord Iddesleigh. Among these was a copy of his letter to Sir
John Kirk, wherein he offered the Province in 1886 to England, and stated
that he would be most happy to surrender the Province to the British
Government, or, in fact, any Power that would undertake to maintain the
Province.
"Ah," said the Pasha, "they should never have published this letter. It
was private. What will the Egyptian Government think of my conduct in
venturing to treat of such a matter?"
"I cannot see the harm," I replied; "the Egyptian Government declares its
inability to keep the Province, the British Government will have nothing
to do with it, and I do not know of any company or body of men who would
undertake the maintenance of what I regard, under all the circumstances,
as a useless possession. In my opinion it is just 500 miles too far
inland to be of any value, unless Uganda and Unyoro have been first
brought under law; that is, if you persist in declining King Leopold's
offer. If you absolutely decline to serve the King of the Belgians, and
you are resolved to stay in Africa, you must trust in my promise to get a
British Company to employ you and your troops, which probably has by this
time been chartered with the purpose of constituting a British possession
in East Africa."
-----
[M] The following entries must be read while bearing in mind
that thirty-five days previously the Pasha had written
to the Editor of Petermann's 'Mitteilungen' a letter,
which he concluded with the significant words, "_If
Stanley does not come soon, we are lost_."
CHAPTER XVI.
WITH THE PASHA (_continued_).
Fortified stations in the Province--Storms at Nsabe--A nest of
young crocodiles--Lake Ibrahim--Zanzibari raid on Balegga
villages--Dr. Parke goes in search of the two missing men--The
Zanzibaris again--A real tornado--The Pasha's gifts to
us--Introduced to Emin's officers--Emin's cattle forays--The
_Khedive_ departs for Mswa station--Mabruki and his wages--The
Pasha and the use of the sextant--Departure of local
chiefs--Arrival of the _Khedive_ and _Nyanza_ steamers with
soldiers--Arrangements made to return in search of the
rear-column--My message to the troops--Our Badzwa road--A farewell
dance by the Zanzibaris--The Madi carriers' disappearance--First
sight of Ruwenzori--Former circumnavigators of the Albert
Lake--Lofty twin-peak mountain near the East Ituri River--Aid for
Emin against Kabba Rega--Two letters from Emin Pasha--We are
informed of an intended attack on us by chiefs Kadongo and
Musiri--Fresh Madi carriers--We attack Kadongo's camp--With
assistance from Mazamboni and Gavira we march on Musiri's camp
which turns out to be deserted--A phalanx dance by Mazamboni's
warriors--Music on the African Continent--Camp at Nzera-kum
Hill--Presents from various chiefs--Chief Musiri wishes for peace.
_May 4th._--Mswa, I am told, is 9 hours' distance from Nsabe camp by
steamer, thence to Tunguru is 5 hours, and to Wadelai 18 hours. The other
fortified stations are named Fabbo, east of Nile; Duffle end of
navigation; Horiyu, Labore, Muggi, Kirri, Bedden, Rejaf, and three or
four small stations inland, west of the Nile.
He has spoken in a more hopeful tone to-day of the prospects of returning
from the shores of the Albert, the Victoria Lake region appearing even
more attractive than at first. But there is something about it all that I
cannot fathom.
_May 6th._--Halt at Nsabe.
Another storm broke out to-day, commencing at 8 A.M., blowing from the
north-east. The previous gales were south-easters, veering to east.
Looking toward the steep slope of the plateau walls east and west of us,
we saw it shrouded in mist and vapour, and rain-clouds ominous of
tempests. The whole face of the Nyanza was foam, spray, and white
rollers, which, as they approached the shore, we saw were separated by
great troughs, very dangerous to any small craft that might be overtaken
by the storm.
_May 7th._--Halt at Nsabe.
While at dinner with me this evening, the Pasha informed me that Casati
had expressed himself very strongly against the route proposed to be
taken, _via_ Usongora, south, and advised the Pasha to take the Monbuttu
route to the Congo. From which I conclude that the Pasha has been
speaking to Casati about going home. Has he then altered his mind about
the Victoria?
_May 8th._--Halt at Nsabe.
Each day has its storm of wind and rain, loud thunder-claps, preceded by
a play of lightning flashes, most beautiful, but terrible.
Discovered a nest of young crocodiles, thirty-seven in number, having
just issued from their egg-homes. By-the-bye, to those unacquainted with
the fact, a crocodile has five claws on the fore feet, and only four
claws on the hinder. It has been stated that a crocodile raises the upper
jaw to devour, whereas the fact is it depresses the lower jaw like other
animals.
_May 9th, 10th._--Halt at Nsabe.
_May 11th._--Food supply is getting low. Five men have wandered off in
search of something, and have not returned since yesterday. I hope we are
not going to be demoralized again.
Mr. Jephson is suffering from a bilious attack.
Lake Ibrahim, or Gita Nzige according to the Pasha, is only an expansion
of the Victoria Nile, similar to that below Wadelai and Lake Albert, the
Upper Congo, and Stanley Pool. Consequently it has numerous channels,
separated by lines of islets and sand-bars. Both Gordon and Emin Pasha
have travelled by land along its right bank.
At 9 P.M. I received dismal intelligence. Four men, whom I observed
playing on the sandy shore of the lake at 4 o'clock, suddenly took it
into their heads to make a raid on some Balegga villages at the foot of
the plateau N.N.W. from here. They were surrounded by the natives, and
two of them seemed to have been killed, while the other two, who escaped,
show severe wounds.
_May 12th._--Halt at Nsabe.
This morning sent Doctor Parke with forty-five rifles to hunt up the two
missing men. One of them came in at 9 a.m. after a night spent in the
wilderness. He has a deep gash in the back from a spear that had been
hurled at him. Fortunately it did not penetrate the vital parts. He tells
me he was exchanging meat for flour when he heard rifle shots ahead, and
at once there was general alarm. The natives fled one way and he fled
another, but presently found himself pursued, and received a spear wound
in the back. He managed to outrun the pursuer, until in the deep grass of
watercourse he managed to hide while a number of natives were searching
for him. He lay there all night, and when the sun was up, lifted his head
to take a look round, and seeing no one, made his way to the camp.
I am never quite satisfied as to the manner of these accidents, whether
the natives or the Zanzibaris are the aggressors. The latter relate with
exceeding plausibility their version of the matter, but they are such
adepts in the art of lying that I am frequently bewildered. The
extraction of the truth in this instance seems to be so hopeless that I
tell them I judge of the matter thus:
"You Zanzibaris, so long as you receive five or six pounds of flour and
as many pounds of meat daily, become so lazy, you would not go to the
steamer for more to provide rations while she would be absent. She has
been gone now several days, your rations are nearly exhausted, of course,
for who can supply you with as much meat as you can waste, and you left
camp without permission, to steal from the Balegga. There was quite a
party of you, I hear, and most of you, on seeing the village fairly
crowded with natives, were more prudent than others, and traded a little
meat for flour, but your bolder companions passed on, and began to loot
fowls. The natives resented this, shot their arrows at the thieves, who
fired in return, and there was a general flight. One of your number has
been killed. I have lost a rifle, and three more of you have been
wounded, and will be unfit for work for a long time. That is the truth of
the matter, and therefore I shall give you no medicines. Cure your own
wounds if you can, and you three fellows, if you recover, shall pay me
for my rifle.
_May 13th._--Halt at Nsabe.
The doctor returned from his quest of the missing without further
incident than burning two small villages and firing a few shots at
distant parties. He was unable to recover the body of the Zanzibari, or
his Winchester rifle. Where he fell was marked with a good deal of blood,
and it is probable that he wounded some of his foes.
A real tornado blew last night. Inky clouds gathering to the S.E.E. and
N.E. prepared us somewhat for a wet night, but not for the fearful volume
of wind which pressed on us with such solid force as to wreck camp and
lay low the tents. The sound, as it approached, resembled that which we
might expect from the rupture of a dam or the rush from a collapsed
reservoir. The rain, swept by such a powerful force, pierced everywhere.
No precaution that we had been taught by past experience of this Nyanza
weather availed us against the searching, penetrative power of the rain
and its fine spray. From under the huts and tents, and along the ridge
poles, through close shut windows, ventilators, and doors, the tornado
drove the rain in until we were deluged. To contend against such power of
wind and water in a pitchy darkness in the midst of a deafening uproar
was so hopeless a task that our only refuge was to bear it in silence and
with closed lips. Daylight revealed a placid lake, a ragged sky, plateau
tops buried in masses of vapour, a wrecked camp, prostrate tents, and
soaking furniture. So terrible was the roar of the surf that we should
have wished to have viewed the careering rollers and tempestuous face of
the lake by daylight. It is to be hoped that the old _Khedive_ was safely
harboured, otherwise she must have foundered.
_May 14th._--Halt at Nsabe.
The steamer _Khedive_ arrived this afternoon, bringing in a supply of
millet grain and a few milch cows. The Pasha came up smiling with welcome
gifts for each of us. To me he gave a pair of stout walking shoes in
exchange for a smaller pair of boots to be given him on my return with
the rear column. Mr. Jephson was made happy with a shirt, a singlet, and
a pair of drawers; while Dr. Parke. whose grand kit had been stolen by an
absconding Zanzibari, received a blue jersey, a singlet, and a pair of
drawers. Each of us also received a pot of honey, some bananas, oranges,
and water melons, onions, and salt. I also received a pound of "Honey dew
Tobacco" and a bottle of pickles.
These gifts, such as clothes, that our officers have received from Emin
Pasha, reveal that he was not in the extreme distress we had imagined,
and that there was no necessity for the advance to have pressed forward
so hurriedly.[N] We left all our comforts and reserves of clothing
behind at Yambuya, that we might press on to the rescue of one whom we
imagined was distressed not only for want of means of defence from
enemies, but in want of clothing. Besides the double trip we have made to
Lake Albert, I fear I shall have to travel far to go to the rescue of
Major Barttelot and the rear column. God only knows where he is. He may
not have left Yambuya yet, and if so we shall have 1300 miles extra
marching to perform. It is a terribly long march through a forbidding
country, and I fear I shall lose many and many a good soul before it is
ended. However, God's will be done.
He introduced to me to-day Selim Bey and Major Awash Effendi, and other
officers. I had suggested to him two or three days ago that he could
assist me greatly if he constructed a small station on Nyamsassi Island,
where we would be sure to have easy communication with his people, on
which he also could store a reserve of corn ready for the arrival of the
united Expedition, and he readily promised me. But I confess to
experiencing some wonder to-day when he turned to Awash Effendi, the
Major, and said, rather pleadingly I thought, "Now promise me before Mr.
Stanley that you will give me forty men to build this station, which Mr.
Stanley so much desires." There is something about this that I do not
understand. It is certainly not like my ideal Governor, Vice-King, and
leader of men, to talk in that strain to subordinates.
Had another conversation with Emin Pasha to-day, from which I feel
convinced that we shall not only have to march to the Albert Nyanza
again, but that we shall have to wait afterwards at least two months
before he can get his people together. Instead of setting to work during
our absence to collect his people and prepare for the journey, it is
proposed to wait until my return with the rear column, when it is
expected I shall go as far as Duffle to persuade the people to follow me.
He still feels assured his people will not go to Egypt, but may be
induced to march as far as the Victoria Nyanza.
I asked him if the report was true that he had captured 13,000 head of
cattle during an incursion to the western cattle-lands.
"Oh, no; it is an exaggeration. A certain Bakhit Bey succeeded in taking
8000 head during a raid he made in Makraka, during Raouf Pasha's
Governor-Generalship; but he was severely censured for the act, as such
wholesale raiding only tended to depopulate a country. That has been the
greatest number of cattle obtained at one time. I have had occasion to
order forays to be made to obtain food, but 1600 head has been the
greatest number we have ever succeeded in obtaining at one time. Other
forays have resulted in bringing us 500, 800, and 1200 head."
Both yesterday and to-day have been very pleasant. The temperature of air
in shade, according to Fahrenheit, has been as follows:--
9 A.M. Breeze from S.E. 86 deg.
10.30 A.M. 88 deg.30"
1.30 P.M. 88 deg.30"
7 P.M. 76 deg.
Midnight 73 deg.
6 A.M. 73 deg.
Compensated aneroid. Mean 2.350 feet above sea.
_May 16th._--Nsabe Camp.
The steamer _Khedive_ departed this morning for Mswa Station and Tunguru,
and probably for Wadelai, to hurry up a certain number of porters to
replace our men lost by starvation in the wilderness. Captain Casati and
Mons. Vita Hassan, the Tunisian apothecary, have sailed with her.
In order to keep my men occupied, I have begun cutting a straight road
through the plain towards Badzwa Village. When we take our departure
hence we shall find our advantage in the shorter cut than by taking the
roundabout path by Nyamsassi Island and the site of old Kavalli.
Fetteh, our interpreter, wounded in the stomach at the skirmish of Besse,
is now quite recovered, and is fast regaining his old weight.
Mabruki, the son of Kassim, so mangled by the buffalo the other day, is
slowly improving.
The man wounded by a spear in the back during his foray into the villages
of Lando, shows also signs of rapid recovery.
We live in hay-cock huts now, and may consider ourselves householders
(according to Emin Pasha) of the Albert Nyanza Province.
_May 17th._--Nsabe Camp.
Our road is now 2,360 paces long towards Badzwa Village.
_May 18th._-- Nsabe Camp.
Our hunters, when receiving cartridges, insist on their being laid on
the ground. Ill luck would follow if the cartridges were delivered to
them from the hand.
I have been instructing the Pasha in the use of the sextant the last two
days preparatory to taking lessons in navigation. His only surveying
instrument hitherto has been a prismatic compass, and as he has never
been taught to discover its variation, it is probable that his surveys
have been from magnetic bearings.
The son of Kassim, the victim to the fury of an angry buffalo, called me
this morning to his bedside, that I might register his last wishes
respecting the wages due to him. His friend Maruf and adopted brother
Sungoro are to be the legatees. Poor Mabruki desired to remember another
friend, but the legatees _begged him not to fill the Master's book with
names_. He was so dejected that I told him that the doctor had great
faith that he would recover. "You are in no danger. Your wounds are very
bad, but they are not mortal, and as the Pasha will take care of you in
my absence, I shall find you a strong man when I return. Why do you
grieve to-day?"
"Ah, it is because something tells me I shall never see the road again.
See, is not my body a ruin?" Indeed he was a pitiable sight, right eye
almost obscured, two ribs broken, right thigh and fork lacerated in the
most dreadful manner.
The Chief Mbiassi of Kavalli departed homeward two days ago. Mpigwa,
Chief of Nyamsassi, and his retinue left yesterday. Kyya-nkondo or
Katonza, for he has two names, also went his way (which, by the way, is
in the wilderness owing to a late visit of Kabba Rega's brigands), while
Mazamboni's people after entertaining the Pasha and his officers with a
farewell dance last night, took their leave this morning.
Three buffalo and a water buck were shot yesterday by two of our
hunters.
The last four days and nights have given us better thoughts of this
African land and lake shore than we previously entertained. The weather
has been somewhat warm, but the lake breeze blowing light and soft, just
strong enough to swing pendulous foliage, has been cooling and grateful.
The nights have been more refreshing. In a sky of radiant brightness the
moon has stood high above the plateau's crown, turning the lake into a
quivering silver plain, the lake surf so blustering and restless, rolls
in a slow and languid cadence on a gray shore of sand before the light
breath of an eastern wind. As if to celebrate and honour this peaceful
and restful life, the Zanzibaris and natives, who, last December were
such furious foes, rival one another with song and chorus and strenuous
dance to a late hour each night.
[Illustration: THE STEAMERS "KHEDIVE" AND "NYANZA" ON LAKE ALBERT.]
_May 19th._--Nsabe Camp.
Our road towards Badzwa is now three and a third miles long. We have but
to hoe up the grass along a line, and we have a beautiful path, with the
almost imperceptible rise of 1 foot in 200.
_May 20th._--Nsabe Camp.
Captured two small brown snakes of a slight coppery tint in my tent this
morning.
_May 21st._--Nsabe Camp.
The Pasha is now able to read the sextant very well. He has also made an
advance towards finding index error; though he labours under the
infirmity of short sight, he is quick and devoted to his intention of
acquiring the art of observing by the instrument. At noon we took
meridian altitude for practice. He observed altitude was 70 deg. 54' 40" at
one-and-half miles distant, height of eye five feet. Index error to add
3'15".
_May 22nd._--Nsabe Camp.
The steamers _Khedive_ and _Nyanza_, the latter towing a lighter,
appeared to-day about 9 A.M., bringing 80 soldiers, with the Major and
Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, and 130 carriers of the Madi tribe. We
received gifts of raki (ten-gallon demijohn, a kind of Russian vodka,
from the Pasha's distillery, pomegranates, oranges, water-melons, and
more onions, besides six sheep, four goats, and a couple of strong
donkeys, one for myself and one for Doctor Park). The _Nyanza_ steamer is
about 60 feet by 12. I propose leaving the Albert Lake for my journey in
search of the rear column of the Expedition the day after to-morrow.
I leave with the Pasha, Mr. Mounteney Jephson, three Soudanese soldiers,
and Binza, Doctor Junker's boy, besides the unhappy Mabruki. Of the
baggage we carried here, exclusive of thirty-one cases Remingtons already
delivered, I leave two boxes Winchesters, one box of brass rods, lamp,
and sounding iron; also my steel boat, _Advance_, with her equipments.
In accordance with the request of the Pasha, I have drawn up a message,
which Mr. Jephson will read to the troops. It is as follows:--
Soldiers,--After many months of hard travel, I have at last reached
the Nyanza. I have come expressly at the command of the Khedive
Tewfik, to lead you out of here and show you the way home. For you
must know that the River el Abiad is closed, that Khartoum is in
the hands of the followers of Mohamed Achmet, that the Pasha Gordon
and all his people were killed, and that all the steamers and boats
between Berber and the Bahr-Ghazal have been taken, and that the
nearest Egyptian station to you is Wady Halfa, below Dongola. Four
times the Khedive and your friends have made attempts to save you.
First, Gordon Pasha was sent to Khartoum to bring you all home.
After ten months of hard fighting Khartoum was taken, and Gordon
Pasha was killed, he and his soldiers. Next came the English
soldiers under Lord Wolseley to try and help Gordon Pasha out of
his troubles. They were four days too late, for they found Gordon
was dead and Khartoum was lost. Then a Doctor Lenz, a great
traveller, was sent by way of the Congo to find out how you could
be assisted. But Lenz could not find men enough to go with him, and
so he was obliged to go home. Also a Doctor Fischer was sent by
Doctor Junker's brother, but there were too many enemies in the
path, and he also returned home. I tell you these things to prove
to you that you have no right to think that you have been forgotten
in Egypt. No, the Khedive and his Wazir, Nubar Pasha, have all
along kept you in mind. They have heard by way of Uganda how
bravely you have held to your post, and how stanch you have been to
your duties as soldiers. Therefore they sent me to tell you this;
to tell you that you are well remembered, and that your reward is
waiting for you, but that you must follow me to Egypt to get your
pay and your reward. At the same time the Khedive says to you,
through me, that if you think the road too long, and are afraid of
the journey, that you may stay here, but in that case you are no
longer his soldiers; that your pay stops at once; and in any
trouble that may hereafter befall you, you are not to blame him,
but yourselves. Should you decide to go to Egypt, I am to show you
the way to Zanzibar, put you on board a steamer and take you to
Suez, and thence to Cairo, and that you will get your pay until you
arrive there, and that all promotions given you will be secured,
and all rewards promised you here will be paid in full.
I send you one of my officers, Mr. Jephson, and give him my sword,
to read this message to you from me. I go back to collect my people
and goods, and bring them on to the Nyanza, and after a few months
I shall come back here to hear what you have to say. If you say,
Let us go to Egypt, I will then show you a safe road. If you say,
We shall not leave this country, then I will bid you farewell and
return to Egypt with my own people.
May God have you in His keeping.
Your good friend,
(Signed) Stanley.
_May 23rd._--Halt.
The Zanzibaris entertained the Pasha and his officers to-night with a
farewell dance. Though they are quite well aware of the dangers and
fatigue of the journey before them, which will commence to-morrow, there
are no symptoms of misgiving in any of them. But it is certain that some
of them will take their last look of the Pasha to-morrow.
_May 24th._--March to Badzwa village, 10 miles; performed it in 4 hours.
Emin Pasha marched a company along our new road at dawn this morning, and
halted it about two miles from the Lake. Having arranged the Madi
carriers in their place in the column, the advance guard issued out from
camp and took the road towards the west at 6.15 A.M. In half-an-hour we
found the Pasha's Soudanese drawn up in line on one side of the road.
They saluted us as we passed on, and the Pasha fervently thanked us and
bade us good-bye.
At the end of the new road twenty-one of the Madis broke from the line of
the column and disappeared towards the north rapidly. Fourteen men were
sent back to inform the Pasha, while we held on our way to Badzwa. About
a mile from the village there was another stampede, and eighty-nine Madis
deserted in a body, but not without sending a shower of arrows among the
rear guard. The doctor, believing that this was preliminary to an attack
on his small detachment, fired his rifle, and dropped a Madi dead, which
precipitated the flight of the deserters. The remaining nineteen out of
the 130 were secured.
A second message was therefore sent to the Pasha acquainting him with the
events of the march.
When about five miles from Nsabe Camp, while looking to the south-east,
and meditating upon the events of the last month, my eyes were directed
by a boy to a mountain said to be covered with salt, and I saw a peculiar
shaped cloud of a most beautiful silver colour, which assumed the
proportions and appearance of a vast mountain covered with snow.
Following its form downward, I became struck with the deep blue-black
colour of its base, and wondered if it portended another tornado; then as
the sight descended to the gap between the eastern and western plateaus,
I became for the first time conscious that what I gazed upon was not the
image or semblance of a vast mountain, but the solid substance of a real
one, with its summit covered with snow. I ordered a halt and examined it
carefully with a field-glass, then took a compass bearing of the centre
of it, and found it bear 215 deg. magnetic. It now dawned upon me that this
must be the Ruwenzori, which was said to be covered with a white metal or
substance believed to be rock, as reported by Kavalli's two slaves.
This great mountain continued to be in sight most distinctly for two
hours, but as we drew nearer to Badzwa at the foot of the plateau, the
lofty wall of the plateau hid it from view.
This discovery was announced to the Pasha in the second message I sent.
When I come to reflect upon it, it strikes me as singular that neither
Baker, Gessi, Mason, or Emin Pasha discovered it long ago.
Gessi Pasha first circumnavigated the Albert Lake, steaming along the
western shore towards the south, rounding the southern end of the lake
and continuing his voyage along the eastern shore.
Mason Bey, in 1877, is the next visitor, and he follows the track of
Gessi with a view of fixing positions by astronomical observations, which
his predecessor was unable to do.
Emin Pasha, eleven years later, comes steaming south in quest of news of
the white men reported to be at the south end of the Lake.
If a fair view of this snowy mountain can be obtained from the plain of
the Nyanza, a much better view ought to be obtained from the Lake, and
the wonder is that none of these gentlemen saw it. Whereas Baker, casting
his eyes in its direction, on a "beautifully clear day," views only an
illimitable Lake.
Messrs. Jephson and Parke, while carrying the boat from Kavalli's to the
Lake, report that they saw snow on a mountain, and the latter officer,
pointing to the little range of Unya-Kavalli, inquired of me on his
return if it was possible that snow would be found on such hills. As
their highest peak cannot be 5,500 feet above the sea, I replied in the
negative, but the doctor said that he was equally certain that he had
seen snow. I explained to him then that a certain altitude of about
15,000 feet in the Equatorial regions is required before rain can be
congealed into permanent snow; that there might be a hail-storm or a fall
of snow, caused by a cold current, even on low altitudes in a tropic
region, but such cold would only be temporary, and the heat of tropic
waters or tropic soil would in a few moments cause the hail and snow to
disappear. Standing as we were in camp at Bundi, on the crest of the
plateau, in plain view of Unya Kavalli and other hills, there was no
height visible anywhere above 6000 feet of an altitude above the sea.
Considering the above facts, it will be evident that it requires a
peculiar condition of the atmosphere to enable one to see the mountain
from a distance of 70 miles, which I estimate it at. Near objects, or
those 10, 15, or 20 miles, an ordinarily clear atmosphere may enable us
to distinguish; but in such a humid region as this is, on a bright day
such a quantity of vapour is exhaled from the heated earth, that at 30
miles it would be intensified into a haze which no eyesight could
penetrate. But at certain times wind-currents clear the haze, and expose
to the view objects which we wonder we have not seen before. As, for
instance, in December last, returning from Nyanza to Fort Bodo, I took
compass bearings of a lofty twin-peak mountain from a table hill near the
East Ituri River. I noted it down that the twin-peak mass was already
seen, and I pointed it out to Mr. Jephson. Strange to say, I have never
seen it since, though I have been twice over the ground.
Kavalli passed our camp this afternoon with 400 men to assist Emin Pasha
in a demonstration he proposes to make against Kabba Rega. Katonza and
Mpigwa of Nyamsassi will also, perhaps, lend an equal number to his
assistance.
I received the following letters to-day from the Pasha. When he talks of
pride and joy at being in our company, I think we are all unanimous in
believing that he has given us as much pleasure as we have given him.
Nsabe Camp,
_25th May, 1888_, 5 A.M.
Dear Sir,
I should not need to tell you how distressed I have been when I
heard of the misfortune happened by the desertion of our Madi
people. I at once sent out different searching parties, but I am
sorry to state that up to noon their efforts were of no avail,
although Shukri Agha and his party, who went yesterday to Kahanama,
have not returned.
By a mere chance it happened that when Dr. Parke came a boat from
Mswa station had arrived, bringing me intelligence of the arrival
there of 120 porters from Duffle. I therefore started immediately
the _Khedive_ steamer to bring them here, and expect her back this
very night, when, at her arrival, I shall start the whole gang,
accompanied by a detachment of my people.
Allow me to be the first to congratulate you on your most splendid
discovery of a snow-clad mountain. We will take it as a good omen
for further directions on our road to Victoria.[O] I propose to
go out on your track to-day or to-morrow, just to have a look at
this giant.
In expectance of two words of you this morning I venture to offer
you my best wishes for the future. I always shall remember with
pride and joy the few days I was permitted to consort with you.
Believe me, dear Sir,
Yours very sincerely,
(Signed) Dr. M. Emin.
Nsabe Camp,
_26th May, 1888_, 2:30 A.M.
Dear Sir,
Your very welcome and most interesting note of yesterday has
reached me at the hands of your men. The steamer has come in this
very instant, but she brought only eighty-two carriers, the rest
having run away on the road between Tunguru and Mswa. I send,
therefore, these few men, accompanied by twenty-five soldiers and
an officer, hoping they may be of some use to you. Their arms
having been collected I handed them to the officer, from whom you
will kindly receive them. We heard yesterday evening that your
runaways had worked their way to Muganga, telling the people they
were sent by me.
The ten men you kindly sent here accompanying the carriers as well
as Kavalli and his men. Having caught yesterday a spy of
Ravidongo[P] in Katonza's Camp, I told this latter he would
better retire, and he acted on this advice. I have acquainted
Kavalli with my reasons for not interfering just now with
Ravidongo, and have asked him to return to you. He readily
assented; he had some presents, and starts now with the courier. He
entreats me, further, to beg you to send some of your men to take
hold of his brother Kadongo, who stays, says he, with the Wawitu
somewhere near to his residence.
I shall try hard to get a glimpse of the new snow mountain, as well
from here as from some other points I propose to visit. It is
wonderful to think how, wherever you go, you distance your
predecessors by your discoveries.
And now as this, for some time at least, is probably the last word
I will be able to address you, let me another time thank you for
the generous exertions you have made, and you are to make for us.
Let me another time thank you for the kindness and forbearance you
have shown me in our mutual relations. If I cannot find adequate
words to express what moves me in this instant you will forgive me.
I lived too long in Africa for not becoming somewhat negrofied.
God speed you on your course and bless your work!
Yours very faithfully,
(Signed) Dr. Emin.
_May 25th and 26th._--Halt at Badzwa. The Pasha has abandoned his idea of
making a demonstration against Unyoro, and his allies, who have much to
avenge, have been quickly dismissed homeward.
In the afternoon Balegga descended from Bundi Hill Village, and secretly
informed us that Kadongo and Musiri--the latter a warlike and powerful
chief--have banded their forces together and intend to attack us on the
road between Gavira's and Mazamboni's. We have given neither of them any
cause for this quarrel, unless our friendship with their rivals may be
deemed sufficient and legitimate. I have only 111 rifles and ten rounds
of ammunition for each rifle, to reach Fort Bodo, 125 miles distant. If
any determined attack is made on us in the open country, a few moments'
firing will make us helpless. Therefore I shall have to resort to other
measures. It was held by Thomas Carlyle that it was the highest wisdom to
know and believe that the stern thing which necessity ordered to be done
was the wisest, the best, and the only thing wanted there. I will attack
Kadongo first, and then march straight upon Musiri, and we will spend our
last shots well, if necessary. It may be this bold movement will upset
the combination.
The Pasha has acted quickly. Eighty-two fresh carriers arrived at noon,
under a strong guard, and three soldiers specially detailed to accompany
me. On their delivery to us, each Zanzibari received a Madi to guard. At
half-past three in the afternoon we commenced the steep ascent up the
terrible slope of the plateau, with a burning sun in our front, and
reached the crest at Bundi camp at 6.30 P.M., a half-hour after sunset.
After placing strong guards round the camp, I selected a band of forty
rifles of the choicest men under two Zanzibari chiefs, and prepared them
for a surprise party to attack Kadongo's camp by night. A few of our
native allies volunteered to show the hill village he was occupying.
At 1 A.M. the party was despatched.
_May 27th._--At 8 A.M. the party detailed against Kadongo returned,
having effected their mission most successfully, but Kadongo himself
escaped by crying out that he was a friend of "Bula Matari." No cattle
or goats were taken, because the place was only occupied by Kadongo's
band for temporary purposes.
We then lifted our burdens and began our march towards Gavira's. We had
barely started when we discovered a large band of men advancing towards
us, preceded by a man bearing a crimson flag, which at a distance might
be taken for that of Zanzibar or Egypt. We halted, wondering what party
this might be, but in a few moments we recognised Katto, Mazamboni's
brother, who had been sent by his chief to greet us and learn our
movements. We admired the aptness of these people in so soon learning to
follow the direction given to them, for had not the flag held us in
suspense, we might have injured our friends by taking them for the van of
Musiri's war-party.
Retaining a few of them to follow us, I ordered Katto to return quickly
to Mazamboni, his brother, and secretly inform him that as Musiri
intended to attack us on the road, I intended to attack him at dawn the
day after to-morrow, and that I expected from Mazamboni, as my ally, that
he would bring as many men as he could sometime that next day. Katto
declared the thing possible, though it was a short notice for the
distance to be travelled. We were at the time six miles from Gavira's,
thence to Mazamboni's village was thirteen miles, and back again to
Gavira's would be another thirteen miles, and in the meantime some delay
would be necessary to secretly muster a sufficient body of warriors
becoming Mazamboni's rank, and prepare rations for a few days.
We arrived at Gavira's about noon. Here I proposed to Gavira to join me
in the attack, which the chief as readily promised.
_May 28th._--Halt. We have received abundant contributions of food for
our force, which numbers now 111 Zanzibaris, 3 whites, 6 cooks and boys,
101 Madis, and 3 soldiers belonging to the Pasha--total 224, exclusive of
a few dozen natives who voluntarily follow us.
An hour after sunset Mazamboni arrived in person with about 1000
warriors armed with bows and spears. His force was camped in the potato
fields between Gavira's and Musiri's district.
_May 29th._--At three o'clock a.m. we set out for Usiri on a N.W. road, a
bright moon lighting the way. About 100 of the boldest of Mazamboni's
corps preceded our force. The others fell in line behind, and Gavira's
tribe, represented by about 500 men, brought up the rear. A deep silence,
befitting our purpose, prevailed.
At 6 A.M. we reached the outskirts of Usiri, and in a few moments, each
chief having received his instructions, Dr. Parke, in charge of sixty
rifles to keep the centre, Katto, in charge of his brother's warriors to
form the left wing, and Mpinga and Gavira with his men to form the right,
the attacking force moved on swiftly.
The results were ludicrous in the extreme. Mpinga's Wahuma herdsmen had
given notice to Musiri's Wahuma herdsmen, and Mazamboni's Wahuma had been
just as communicative to their fellow-countrymen with the enemy.
Consequently the herdsmen had driven all the herds from Usiri by other
roads; a half of them arrived at Gavira's, and the other half at
Mazamboni's, just at the same morning when the attacking force poured
over the land of Usiri, and Musiri, the chief, after hearing of the
disaster to Kadongo, and of the mighty army to be brought against him,
took tender care that not one soul under his sway should be injured. The
land was quite empty of people, herds, flocks, and fowls, but the
granaries were heaped full of grain, the fields exhibited abundant crops
of potatoes, beans, young Indian corn, vegetables, and tobacco. I am
secretly glad of the bloodless termination of the affair. My object has
been gained. We have saved our extremely scanty supply of ammunition, and
the road is clear from further trouble. Mazamboni and Gavira, I believe,
were also delighted, though they expressed themselves mortified.
In one of the huts was discovered the barrel of a carbine and percussion
lock. The latter bore the brand of "John Clive III., 530." This is a
relic of Kabba Rega's visit, whose men were sadly defeated by Musiri
about a year ago.
In the afternoon Mazamboni's warriors, 1000 strong, joined to celebrate
the bloodless victory over Musiri in a phalanx dance. Dancing in Africa
mainly consists of rude buffoonery, extravagant gestures, leaping and
contortions of the body, while one or many drums keep time. There is
always abundance of noise and loud laughter, and it serves the purpose of
furnishing amusement to the barbarians, as the dervish-like whirling and
pirouetting give to civilised people. Often two men step out of a
semicircle of their fellow villagers, and chant a duet to the sound of a
drum or a horn amid universal clapping of hands, or one performs a solo
while dressed most fantastically in cocks' feathers, strings of rattling
gourds, small globular bells, and heaps of human, monkey, and crocodile
teeth, which are the African jewels; but there must always be a chorus,
the grander the better, and when the men, women, and children lift their
voices high above the drums, and the chatter and murmur of the crowd, I
must confess to having enjoyed it immensely, especially when the
Wanyamwezi are the performers, who are by far the best singers on the
African continent. The Zanzibaris, Zulus, Waiau, Wasegara, Waseguhha, and
Wangindo are in the main very much alike in method and execution, though
they have each minor dances and songs, which vary considerably, but they
are either dreadfully melancholiac or stupidly barbarous. The Wasoga,
Waganda, Wakerewe, Wazongora, around Lake Victoria, are more subdued, a
crude bardic, with something of the whine of the Orient--Mustapha, or
Hussein, or Hassan, moaning below lattices to the obdurate Fatima or
stony-eared Roxana. Except the Wanyamwezi, I have not heard any music or
seen any dance which would have pleased an English audience accustomed to
the plantation dances represented in a certain hall in Piccadilly until
this day, when the Bandussuma, under Katto, the brother of Mazamboni, led
the chief warriors to the phalanx dance. Half a score of drums, large and
small, had been beaten by half a score of accomplished performers,
keeping admirable time, and emitting a perfect volume of sound which must
have been heard far away for miles, and in the meantime Katto, and his
cousin Kalenge, adorned with glorious tufts of white cocks' feathers,
were arranging thirty-three lines of thirty-three men each as nearly as
possible in the form of a perfect and solid and close square. Most of
these men had but one spear each, others possessed two besides their
shields and quivers, which were suspended from the neck down the back.
The phalanx stood still with spears grounded until, at a signal from the
drums, Katto's deep voice was heard breaking out into a wild triumphant
song or chant, and at a particular uplift of note raised his spear, and
at once rose a forest of spears high above their heads, and a mighty
chorus of voices responded, and the phalanx was seen to move forward, and
the earth around my chair, which was at a distance of fifty yards from
the foremost line, shook as though there was an earthquake. I looked at
the feet of the men and discovered that each man was forcefully stamping
the ground, and taking forward steps not more than six inches long, and
it was in this manner that the phalanx moved slowly but irresistibly. The
voices rose and fell in sweeping waves of vocal sound, the forest of
spears rose and subsided, with countless flashes of polished iron blades
as they were tossed aloft and lowered again to the hoarse and exciting
thunder of the drums. There was accuracy of cadence of voice and roar of
drum, there was uniform uplift and subsidence of the constantly twirling
spear blades, there was a simultaneous action of the bodies, and as they
brought the tremendous weight of seventy tons of flesh with one regular
stamp of the feet on the ground, the firm and hard earth echoed the sound
round about tremulously. With all these the thousand heads rose and
drooped together, rising when venting the glorious volume of energy,
drooping with the undertone of wailing murmur of the multitude. As they
shouted with faces turned upward and heads bent back to give the fullest
effect to the ascending tempest of voices, suggestive of quenchless
fury, wrath and exterminating war, it appeared to inflate every soul with
the passion of deadly battle and every eye of the onlookers glowed
luridly, and their right arms with clenched fists were shaken on high as
though their spirits were thrilled with the martial strains; but as the
heads were turned and bowed to the earth we seemed to feel war's agony,
and grief, and woe, to think of tears, and widows' wails, and fatherless
orphans' cries, of ruined hearths and a desolated land. But again as the
mass, still steadily drawing nearer, tossed their heads backward, and the
bristling blades flashed and clashed, and the feathers streamed and gaily
rustled, there was a loud snort of defiance and such an exulting and
energising storm of sound that man saw only the glorious colours of
victory and felt only the proud pulses of triumph.
Right up to my chair the great solid mass of wildly chanting natives
advanced, and the front line lowered their spears in an even line of
bright iron; thrice they dropped their salute and thrice they rose, and
then the lines, one after another, broke into a run, spears clenched in
the act of throwing, staffs quivering, war-whoops ringing shrilly. The
excitement was intensified until the square had been transformed into
wheeling circles three deep, and after three circlings round the open
plaza, Prince Katto took his position, and round him the racing men
coiled themselves until soon they were in a solid circle. When this was
completed the square was formed, it was divided into halves, one half
returning to one end, the other half to the other end. Still continuing
the wild chant, they trotted towards one another and passed through
without confusion, exchanging sides, and then once more in a rapid
circling of the village common with dreadful gestures until the eye was
bewildered with the wheeling forms, and then every man to his hut to
laugh and jest, little heeding what aspects they had conjured by their
evolutions and chants within me, or any one else. It was certainly one of
the best and most exciting exhibitions I had seen in Africa.
[Illustration: A PHALANX DANCE BY MAZAMBONI'S WARRIORS.]
_May 30th._--March to Nzera-Kum Hill in Ndusuma, three hours.
We marched to Mazamboni's country to our old camp at Chongo, which name
the Zanzibaris have given to the hill of Nzera-Kum, and we had abundant
evidence that Mazamboni was deeply implicated in the acts of the Wahuma
herdsmen, for the track was fresh and large of many a fine herd of
cattle. Presently we came in sight of the fine herds, who, all
unconscious of trouble, were browsing on the fine pasture, and the
Zanzibaris clamoured loudly for permission to capture them. For an
instant only there was a deep silence, but Mazamboni, on being asked the
reason for the presence of Musiri's herds on his territory, answered so
straightforwardly that they belonged to the Wahuma who had fled from his
territory last December when he was in trouble with us, and now to avoid
the same trouble in Usiri had returned to their former place, and he had
not the heart to prevent them, that the order was given to move on.
_May 31st._--Halt. Mazamboni gave us a present of three beeves and
supplied our people with two days full rations of flour, besides a large
quantity of potatoes and bananas. A large number of small chiefs from the
surrounding districts paid visits to us, each bringing into camp a
contribution of goats, fowls, and millet flour. Urumangwa, Bwessa, and
Gunda have also made pacts of friendship with us. These villages form the
very prosperous and extensively cultivated district which so astonished
us by its abundance one December morning last year.
Towards evening I received a communication from Musiri, saying that as
all the land had made peace with me, he wished to be reckoned as my
friend, and that the next time I should return to the country he would be
prepared with suitable gifts for us.
As to-morrow I propose to resume the journey towards Fort Bodo and
Yambuya, let me set down what I have gleaned from the Pasha respecting
himself.
-----
[N] Yet, Emin Pasha wrote a letter on the 25th March, 1888,
to the Editor of Petermann's Magazine, fifty days
previously, which he concluded with the words, "If
Stanley does not come soon, we are lost."
[O] It is clear that he was smitten with the Victoria Lake
proposition.
[P] Ravidongo, one of the principal generals of Kabba Rega.
CHAPTER XVII.
PERSONAL TO THE PASHA.
Age and early days of Emin Pasha--Gordon and the pay of Emin
Pasha--Last interview with Gordon Pasha in 1877--Emin's last supply
of ammunition and provisions--Five years' isolation--Mackay's
library in Uganda--Emin's abilities and fitness for his
position--His linguistic and other attainments--Emin's
industry--His neat journals--Story related to me by Shukri Agha
referring to Emin's escape from Kirri to Mswa--Emin confirms the
story--Some natural history facts related to me by Emin--The Pasha
and the Dinka tribe--A lion story--Emin and "bird studies."
It is not my purpose to make a biographical sketch of Emin Pasha, but to
furnish such items of information as he delivered them to me, day by day,
concerning the life he has led in the Soudan, and his acquaintance with
his illustrious chief--the ever-lamented Gordon.
By birth he is a German, but whether Austrian or Prussian I know not, and
I have no curiosity to know the name of the obscure village or town where
that event happened. He declares he is forty-eight years old, and must
therefore have been born in the year 1840. I fancy that he must have been
young when he arrived in Constantinople, that some great man assisted him
in his medical studies, that through the same influence probably he
entered the Turkish service, and became medical attendant on Ismail Hakki
Pasha. If for thirty years he has served under the crescent flag as he
himself reported, he must have begun his service in Turkey in the year
1858. He became attracted to the "Young Turk" party, or to the reform
party, in Stamboul. It had an organ, which, by its bold advocacy of
reform, was three times suppressed by the authorities. On the last
suppression he was expelled from the country.
He admits that he was in Constantinople when the assassination of the
Sultan Abdul Aziz occurred, though he was absent during the trial of
those suspected to be concerned in it. Coming to Egypt in December, 1875,
he entered the Egyptian service, and was despatched to Khartoum.
* * * * *
"Gordon first appointed me as surgeon at L25 a month. He then raised me
to L30, and after my mission to Uganda he surprised me with increasing my
pay to L40, but when I became Governor of this Province my pay like other
Provincial Governors' became L50 monthly. What the pay of a General is I
do not know, but then I am only a 'Miraman,' a kind of civilian Pasha,
who receives pay while employed, but immediately his services are not
required he becomes unpaid. I expected to be made a military Pasha--a
General of Division."
* * * * *
"Now Gordon appointed the German Vice-Consul at Khartoum as my agent, to
receive my pay, without any advice from me about it. For several months I
believe it was paid to him regularly. But finally Gordon appointed the
same Vice-Consul Governor of Darfour, when he shortly after died. When
his effects were collected and his small debts paid, there were found
sufficient funds to present his wife with L500 and send her to Cairo, and
to transfer L50 to my account as his principal creditor. A few months
afterwards Khartoum fell, and what money had been deposited there after
the Vice-Consul's death was lost of course. So that for eight years I
have received no pay at all."
* * * * *
"My last interview with Gordon Pasha was in 1877. There had been an
Expedition sent to Darfour, under Colonel Prout, and another under
Colonel Purdy, for survey work. When Gordon became Governor-General, he
requested Stone Pasha, at Cairo, to despatch to him one of these
officers, for survey work in the Equatorial Province. Gessi Pasha had
already circumnavigated the Albert, but his survey was by compass only.
Both Prout Bey and Mason Bey were capital observers. Prout Bey was the
first to arrive. He travelled from Lado to Fatiko, thence to Mruli, on
the Victoria Nile, and from there he proceeded to Magungo, on the Albert
Nyanza, and by a series of observations he fixed the position of that
point for all time. Illness compelled him to retire to my station at
Lado. Just then Mason Bey arrived in a steamer, to survey the Albert
Lake, and by that steamer I received an order to descend to Khartoum, to
be made Governor of Massowah, on the Red Sea. The French Consul of that
place had a misunderstanding with the civil Governor there, and he had
begged that if another Governor was appointed, he should be some person
who could understand French. I suppose Gordon, knowing me to be familiar
with the language, had elected me. On reaching Khartoum I was very
cordially received by Gordon, and he insisted on my taking my meals with
him, which was a great favour, as he seldom invited anybody to eat with
him. However, I declined living in the palace, and breakfasted at home,
but lunch and dinner Gordon insisted I should take with him. He had
abundance of work for me--letters to the Egyptian Pashas and Beys of the
various provinces; letters to the Catholic Mission of Gondokoro; letters
to the Pope, to the Khedive, &c., in Italian, German, and Arabic. This
went on for some time, when one day he sent me on a mission to Unyoro. A
little later I ascended the river, and I have never seen Gordon since."
* * * * *
"In June, 1882, Abdul Kader Pasha wrote me that in a couple of months he
would despatch a steamer to me with provisions and ammunition. After
waiting nine months I obtained fifteen cases only of ammunition, in
March, 1883. That is really the last supply of anything received from
the outside world until your recent arrival in April, 1888. Five years
exactly!"
* * * * *
"During five years I have remained isolated in this region; not idle, I
hope. I have been kept busy in the affairs of my Province, and have
managed to find pleasure in many things. Still, the isolation from the
civilized world has made life rather burthensome. I could enjoy life here
to the end, could I but obtain regular news, and was certain of
communication with the outer world, receive books, periodicals, every
month, two months, or even three months. I envy those missionaries in
Uganda who receive their monthly packet of letters, newspapers and books.
Mr. Mackay has quite a library in Uganda. That packet of "honey-dew"
tobacco I gave you the other day I obtained from him. I received also a
couple of bottles of liquor, have had clothes, writing paper, and such
news as I know I discovered in the _Spectators_ and _Times_ now and then
sent me by him. But there are certain books upon subjects which I am
interested in that I could never obtain through him without giving him
and his friends far too great a trouble. Therefore I should wish a postal
service of my own, then my life would be relieved of its discontent. Ah,
those eight years of silence! I cannot put my feelings in words. I could
not endure them again."
* * * * *
I have already described his person and age, and certain qualities of his
character may be discerned in the conversation reported above; still, the
man would be scarcely understood in the full compass of his nature if I
stopped here. His abilities, and capacity, and fitness for the singular
position in which he has been placed will be seen in the manner in which
he has managed to clothe many of his troops. Among the gifts he pressed
upon us were pieces of cotton cloth woven by his own men, coarse but
strong, and slippers and shoes from his own bootmakers. The condition of
his steamers and boats after such long service, the manufacture of oil
suitable for the engines (a mixture of sesamum oil and tallow), the
excellent sanitary arrangements and cleanliness and order of the stations
under his charge, the regular and ungrudging payment of corn tribute
twice a year by his negro subjects, all serve to demonstrate a unique
character, and to show that he possesses talents rarely seen in those who
select Africa for their field of labour. In endeavouring to estimate him,
I pass in mental review hundreds of officers who have served on the Nile
and the Congo, and I know of but few who would be equal to him in any one
of his valuable qualities. Besides his linguistic attainments, he is a
naturalist, something of a botanist, and, as a surgeon, I can well
believe that thirty years of an adventurous life such as his has been
would furnish him with rare opportunities to make him wise and skilful in
his profession. The language he has used, as may be seen above, is
something higher than colloquial, and marks his attainments in English.
With his full sonorous voice and measured tones, it sounded very
pleasantly, despite the foreign accent. Upon any policy treated of in
newspapers and reviews I found him exceedingly well informed, no matter
what country was broached. His manner is highly courteous and
considerate, somewhat, perhaps, too ceremonious for Central Africa, but
highly becoming a Governor, and such as one might expect from an official
of that rank, conscious of serious responsibilities.
Industry seems to be a vital necessity of life with him. He is a model of
painstaking patient effort. No sooner has he camped than he begins to
effect arrangements orderly and after method. His table and chair have
their place, his journals on the table, the aneroids on a convenient
stand, dry and wet bulb thermometers duly exposed in the shade, with ample
air-flow about them. The journals are marvels of neatness--blotless, and
the writing microscopically minute, as though he aimed at obtaining a
prize for accuracy, economy, neatness and fidelity. Indeed, most Germans
of my acquaintance are remarkable for the bulk of their observations and
super-fine caligraphy, while English-speaking travellers whom I have
known possess note-books which, useful as they may be to themselves,
would appear ill-kept, blotchy and scrawly in comparison to them, and
furnish infinite trouble to their executors to edit.
* * * * *
The following will illustrate something of his troubles during the five
years he has been cut off from headquarters at Khartoum.
Shukri Agha, Commandant of Mswa station, who paid me a visit on the
evening of the 19th May, relates that about a year ago 190 rifles of the
First Battalion set out from Rejaf Station for Kirri, where the Pasha
resided, with the intent to capture and hold him captive among
themselves. A letter had been received from Dr. Junker from Cairo,
stating that an expedition was to be sent to their relief, had created a
confused impression in the minds of the soldiers of the First Battalion
that their Governor intended to fly in that direction, leaving them to
their fate. Convinced that their safety lay in the presence of their
Civil Governor among them, they conceived the idea of arresting him and
taking him with them to Rejaf, which, with the more northern stations,
was garrisoned by this battalion. "For," said they, "we know only of one
road, and that leads down the Nile by Khartoum."[Q] The Pasha was
suddenly informed of their intention by the officers of the Second
Battalion, and cried out, "Well, if they kill me, I am not afraid of
death; let them come--I will await them." This the officers of the Second
Battalion at Kirri would not permit, and implored him to make his escape
before the malcontents appeared, and argued that "the violent capture and
detention of the Governor would put an end to all government, and be the
total ruin of all discipline." For some time he refused to move, but
finally, yielding to their solicitations, escaped to Mswa. Soon after his
departure the detachment of the First Battalion appeared, and, after
surrounding the station, cried out a peremptory demand that the Governor
should come out and deliver himself to them. They were answered that the
Governor had already departed south to Muggi and Wadelai, upon which the
mutineers advanced to the station, and seized the Commandant and his
subordinate officials, and soundly flogged them with the kurbash, and
afterwards took most of them prisoners and carried them to Rejaf, whither
they returned.
Shukri Agha continued thus:--"You must know that all the First Battalion
guard the northern stations, and every soldier of that battalion is
opposed to making any retreat, and any suggestion of leaving their watch
post at Rejaf, the northernmost station, only makes them indignant. They
have been all along waiting to hear of the arrival of a steamer at Lado,
and are still firm in the belief that some day the Pasha at Khartoum will
send for them. Whatever the Pasha says to the contrary receives utter
disbelief. But now that you have arrived by an opposite road, and some of
us who were with Linant Bey in 1875 saw you in Uganda, and many more of
us have known you by name, it is most likely all of them will be
convinced that the Nile is not the only road to Egypt, and that you,
having found them, can take them out of the country. They will see your
officers, they will see your Soudanese, they will listen respectfully to
your message, and gladly obey. That is my own opinion, though God only
knows what the sentiments of the First Battalion are by this time, as
sufficient time has not elapsed to enable us to hear from them."
* * * * *
On telling Emin Pasha the next day the story of Shukri Agha, he said:--
"Shukri Agha is a very intelligent and brave officer, promoted to his
present rank for distinguished service against Karamalla, one of the
Mahdi's generals, when he came here with some thousands to demand our
surrender to the authority of Mohamed Achmet."
"His story is quite true, except that he has omitted to mention that with
the 190 rifles of the First Battalion there were 900 armed negroes.
Subsequently I learned that it had been their intention to have taken me
to Gondokoro, and detain me there until the garrisons of the southern
stations, Wadelai, Tunguru, and Mswa, were collected, and then to have
marched along the right bank towards Khartoum. On reaching the
neighbourhood of Khartoum, and there learning that the city had really
fallen, they were then to disperse, each to his own house, leaving the
Cairenes and myself to shift as we might for ourselves."[R]
* * * * *
The following are some natural history facts he related to me:--
"The forest of Msongwa (see map) is infested with a large tribe of
chimpanzees. In summer time, at night, they frequently visit the
plantations of Mswa station to steal the fruit. But what is remarkable
about this is the fact that they use torches to light the way! Had I not
witnessed this extraordinary spectacle personally I should never have
credited that any of the Simians understood the art of making fire."
"One time these same chimpanzees stole a native drum from the station,
and went away pounding merrily on it. They evidently delight in that
drum, for I have frequently heard them rattling away at it in the silence
of the night."
He observed that parrots are never seen along the shores of Lake Albert.
Up to lat. 2 deg. N. they are seen in Unyoro, but the Lake people do not seem
to understand what is referred to when parrots are mentioned.
Our people captured a pair of very young mongoose, which were taken to
the Pasha. They were accepted, and ordered to be nursed on milk. He
declared that the mongoose, though he becomes very tame and is
exceedingly droll, is a nuisance. Instruments are broken, ink scattered,
papers and books are smeared and soiled by this inquisitive little beast.
To eggs it is especially destructive. If it finds an egg of more than
ordinary hard shell, it lifts it with its fore-feet and lets it drop
until it is broken.
The Pasha has much to say respecting the Dinkas. Proprietors of cattle
among the Dinka tribe own from 300 to 1500 head. They rarely kill, their
cattle being kept solely for their milk and blood. The latter they mix
with sesamum oil, and then eat as a delicacy. At the death of a
herd-owner his nearest kinsman invites his friends, and one or two beeves
may be slaughtered for the funeral feast; otherwise one scarcely ever
hears of a Dinka killing his cattle for meat. Should one of the herd die
a natural death, the love of meat demands that it be eaten, which is a
proof that conscience does not prohibit satisfying the stomach with meat,
but rather excessive penuriousness, cattle being the Dinka's wealth.
These Dinkas also pay great reverence to pythons and all kinds of snakes.
One of the Soudanese officers killed a snake, and was compelled to pay a
fine of four goats. They even domesticate them, keeping them in their
houses, but they are allowed every liberty, and to crawl out for prey,
after which they return for rest and sleep. They wash the pythons with
milk and anoint them with butter. In almost every hut the smaller snakes
may be heard rustling in the roofs as they crawl, exploring for rats,
mice, etc.
On the east side of the Nile he found a tribe exceedingly partial to
lions; in fact, one of them would prefer to be killed than be guilty of
the death of a lion. These people dug a pit at one time for buffaloes and
such game to fall into, but it unfortunately happened that a lion was the
first victim. The Soudanese who discovered it were about to kill it, when
the chief vetoed the act and implored that the lion should be given to
him. The Soudanese were willing enough, and curiously watched what he
would do with it. The chief cut a long stout pole and laid it slantwise
to the bottom of the pit, up which the lion immediately climbed and
bounded away to the jungle to enjoy his liberty. It should be added that
the noble beast did not attempt to injure any person near the
pit--probably he was too frightened; though as pretty a story might be
made out of it as that of Androcles and the lion, did we not live in such
a veracious and prosaic age.
"Bird studies," the gray-haired lieutenant from Cairo declared, were the
Pasha's delight. Indeed, he seems to find as great pleasure in anything
relating to birds or animals as in his military and civil duties, though
I have not observed any neglect of the last, and the respectful soldierly
bearing of his people in his presence marks a discipline well impressed
on them.
* * * * *
From the above gleanings of such conversation as I have noted it will be
clear to any one that the Pasha has had a varied life, one that would
furnish to quiet home-keeping people much valuable and enchanting reading
matter. It may be hoped he will see fit some day to exhibit to them in
book form some of his startling life incidents in Asia and Africa, and
rehearse in his own pleasing manner some of the most interesting
observations he has made during a long residence amid a new and wild
nature.
-----
[Q] The correspondence these people maintained with Khartoum
compel me to doubt whether this is the correct reason.
Read Omar Sale's letter to the Khalifa at Khartoum,
farther on.
[R] Knowing this, the Pasha seems to me to have been very
imprudent in adventuring into the presence of these
rebels without satisfying himself as to the effect his
presence would have on them.
CHAPTER XVIII.
START FOR THE RELIEF OF THE REAR COLUMN.
Escorted by various tribes to Mukangi--Camp at Ukuba
village--Arrival at Fort Bodo--Our invalids in Ugarrowwa's
care--Lieutenant Stairs' report on his visit to bring up the
invalids to Fort Bodo--Night visits by the malicious dwarfs--A
general muster of the garrison--I decide to conduct the Relief
Force in person--Captain Nelson's ill-health--My little fox-terrier
"Randy"--Description of the fort--The Zanzibaris--Estimated time to
perform the journey to Yambuya and back--Lieutenant Stairs'
suggestion about the steamer _Stanley_--Conversation with
Lieutenant Stairs in reference to Major Barttelot and the Rear
Column--Letter of instructions to Lieutenant Stairs.
On the 1st of June, escorted by a score of Mazamboni's people, we marched
westward from Undussuma. In an hour and a half we reached Urumangwa. This
district furnished an escort of about a hundred, the Mazambonis
withdrawing to their homes. At Unyabongo, after a two hours' march, the
people of Urumangwa likewise withdrew, yielding their honourable duties
to the people of the new district, and these escorted us for an hour and
a half, and saw us safely housed and abundantly fed at Mukangi. For a
short time before the latter place we were drawn up in battle array, and
a fight was imminent, but the courage and good sense of its chief enabled
both parties to avoid a useless rupture.
A good example has its imitators as well as bad examples. The chiefs of
Wombola and Kamette heard how quickly we had embraced the friendly offers
of Mukangi, and when we marched through their districts the next day not
one war-cry was heard or a hostile figure appeared. Those of Kamette
called out to us to keep on our way, it is true, but it was just, as we
had no business in Kamette, and the day was yet young; but on our arrival
at the next village, Ukuba, we were tired, and disposed to rest after a
five hours' march. But Ukuba, of Besse district, had already experienced
our weapons on the 12th April last, and we were permitted to camp
quietly. At sunset we were gratified at seeing several of the natives
walking unarmed to camp, and in the morning they came again with presents
of a milch goat, some fowls, and enough plantains for all.
On the 3rd we pressed on rapidly, and captured the canoes to ferry our
party across the Ituri, which, though there had been but little rain of
late, we found to be as full as in rainy April.
On the next day we captured a woman of Mande after crossing the river,
and released her to tell her people that we were harmless enough if the
road was undisturbed. It may extend the area over which peace between us
and the natives is established.
On the 5th we camped at Baburu, and on the next day at W. Indenduru. On
the 7th a seven hours' march brought us to a stream called Miwale River,
from the great number of raphia palms; and the next day we entered Fort
Bodo, bringing with us six head of cattle, a flock of sheep and goats, a
few loads of native tobacco, four gallons of the Pasha's whisky, and some
other little luxuries, to joy the hearts of the garrison.
Such an utter silence prevails in the forest that we were mutually
ignorant of each other's fate during our sixty-seven days' separation.
Until we approached within 400 yards of Fort Bodo we could not divine
what had become of Lieutenant Stairs, who, it will be remembered, had
been despatched on the 16th February to Ugarrowwa's to conduct such
convalescents as could be found there to us to share in such fortune as
might happen to us in the open country, whose very view had proved so
medicinable to our men. Nor could the garrison guess what luck had
happened to us. But when our rifles woke up the sleeping echoes of the
forest with their volleys, the sounds had scarcely died away before the
rifles of the garrison responded, and as we knew that Fort Bodo still
existed, those immured within the limits of the clearing became aware
that we had returned from the Nyanza.
Lieutenant Stairs was first to show himself and hail us, and close after
him Captain Nelson, both in excellent condition, but of rather pasty
complexion. Their men then came trooping up, exuberant joy sparkling in
their eyes and glowing in their faces, for these children of Nature know
not the art of concealing their moods or disguising their emotions.
But, alas! for my estimates. Since I have entered the forest region they
have always been on the erring side. After computing carefully, as I
thought, every mile of the course to be travelled and every obstacle
likely to be met by him and his lightly-laden escort, I was certain
Lieutenant Stairs would be with us after an absence of thirty-nine days.
We stayed forty-seven days, as we were assured it would please him to be
present at the successful termination or crowning triumph of our efforts.
He arrived after seventy-one days' absence, and by that date we had
already communicated with Emin Pasha.
I had estimated also that out of the fifty-six invalids left in the care
of Ugarrowwa, and boarded at our expense, at least forty convalescents
would be ready, fit for marching, but Mr. Stairs found most of them in
worse condition than when they parted from us. All the Somalis were dead
except one, and the survivor but lived to reach Ipoto. Out of the
fifty-six there were but thirty-four remaining. One of these was Juma,
with foot amputated; three were absent foraging. Out of the thirty sorry
band of living skeletons delivered to him fourteen died on the road, one
was left at Ipoto, the remaining fifteen survived to exhibit their nude
bodies disfigured by the loathliest colours and effects of chronic
disease. The following is the letter describing Mr. Stairs' remarkable
journey, which amply accounts for his detention:--
"Fort Bodo, Ibwiri, Central Africa,
"_June 6th, 1888_.
"Sir,--
"I have the honour to report that in accordance with your orders of
the 15th February, 1888, I left this place on the 16th of that
month with an escort of twenty couriers and other details, to
proceed to Ugarrowwa's station on the Ituri, forward the couriers
on their journey to Major Barttelot's column, relieve the invalids
left in charge of Ugarrowwa, and bring them on to this station.
"Leaving this place, then, on the 16th, we reached Kilimani Hill
village on the 17th. Next day I decided to follow a large native
track, well worn, about two miles west of Kilimani on our through
track to Ipoto; accordingly we started off this up till 11 a.m.
After we had gone this length, the track struck too much to the
north and east; I therefore looked for other tracks, hoping by
following one to at last get on to a large road, and thus work
through to the Ihuru. Finding one, we followed it up some two miles
or so, and then found that it ended abruptly, and no further trace
could be found of it. Returning to our former road we moved on, and
that day made four more endeavours to get north-west or somewhere
in that direction; late at night we camped, just before dark,
having found a blazed track. On the next day, 19th, we followed
this track north-west at a fast rate, and about 10 a.m. came on to
an old village. The blazes here ended; no further signs of a track
could we find leading out of the village, though we hunted
thoroughly in every direction. Returning again, and following a
large track north-east, we made still another try, but here again
the track ended.
"After some consideration I returned to our camp of yesterday, and
decided on following a road leading towards Mabungu, and then take
a side road, said by the natives to lead to the Ihuru, but on
following this we found it lead merely up to some Wambutti huts,
and here ran out.
"After taking my head men's opinion, I then decided on returning
and following our old road to Ipoto, there to procure two guides
and follow on the track to Uledi's village, and there cross the
Ihuru and follow down on north side, &c. My reasons for doing these
were: If I should go on like this, looking for tracks, I should
lose probably four or five days, and this with my limited time
would not be admissible; and, secondly, that to attempt to split
our way on a bearing through the bush to the river would take
perhaps five days, which would quite counterbalance any advantage a
north road might possess. Reaching Kilonga Longa's on the 22nd, we
arranged for a party to take us by a road south of Ituri, and on
the 24th left. On the 1st of March crossed the Lenda, courses now
N.W. and N.N.W. On the 9th reached Farishi, the upper station of
Ugarrowwa. On the 14th we reached Ugarrowwa's, on the Ituri, early
in the morning. For many days we had been having rains, and owing
to these I suffered very much from fevers, and on getting to
Ugarrowwa's had to remain in bed for two days.
"At U.'s some eight or ten were away foraging, and to get these
required three and a half days.
"Fifty-six (56) men were left with Ugarrowwa, viz., five Somalis,
five Nubians, and forty-six Zanzibaris, on the 18th of September,
1887. Of this total twenty-six had died, including all the Somalis
except Dualla. There were still two men out when I left. Baraka W.
Moussa I detailed as a courier in place of another (who had been
left at Ipoto with bad ulcer), and Juma B. Zaid remained with
Ugarrowwa.
"The majority of the men were in a weak state when I arrived, and
on leaving I refused to take seven of these. Ugarrowwa, however,
point blank refused to keep them, so thus I was obliged to bring on
men with the certainty of their dying on the march.
"Early on the 16th, Abdullah and his couriers were despatched down
river. On the 17th took our forty-four rifles from Ugarrowwa, and
out of these made him a present of two and forty-two rounds
Remington ammunition.
"On the 18th closed with U. for $870, being $30 for twenty-nine
men; also handed him his bills of exchange and your letter.
"On same day left for Ibwiri with following.
"From the 19th to 23rd, when I reached Farishi, the rain was
constant, making the track heavy and the creeks difficult in
crossing. From here on to Ipoto I had bad fevers day after day, and
having no one to carry me, had to make marches of five to seven
miles per day. The constant wettings and bad roads had made all the
men very low-spirited, some doubting even that there was help
ahead. Reached Ipoto April 11th, left 13th; and after more trouble
from fever reached here on 26th April. All glad to see the Fort.
Dualla, the Somali, I was obliged to leave at Ipoto. Tam, a former
donkey-boy, deserted on the road. Of the draft of invalids
(twenty-six) ten had died. Kibwana also died from chest disease in
camp near Mambungu. Out of fifty-six invalids brought fourteen
alive to the Fort.
"On reaching Fort Bodo I found you had been so long gone that I
could not follow up with safety with the few rifles I could
command, and so remained at this station and reported myself to
Captain Nelson, who was left in charge of the Fort by you.
"Floods, rains, fevers, and other illnesses had been the cause of
our long delay, and those of us who were in fit condition at all,
felt bitterly the disappointment at not being able to reach you.
"I have the honour to be, &c.,
"W. G. Stairs, Lieut. R.E.
"To M. H. Stanley, Esq."
Of the condition of the garrison at Fort Bodo there was but little to
complain; the ulcerous persons, though nothing improved, were not worse;
the anaemic victims of the tortures of Manyuema at Ipoto had gained
possibly a few ounces in weight; the chronically indolent and malingerers
still existed to remind us by their aspects of misery that they were not
suitable for the long and desperate journey yet before us. We expected
all this. The long journey to Yambuya and back, 1,070 miles, could never
be performed by unwilling men. It would be volunteers, fired by interest,
stimulated by the knowledge that, this one task ended, forest miseries,
famine, damp, rain, mud, gloom, vegetable diet, poisoned arrows, would be
things and griefs of the past; and then the joys of the grass land,
divine light, brightness and warmth of full day, careering of grass
before the refreshing gales, the consolation of knowing that heaven is
above, and the earth, yet full of glad life, glowing with beneficence and
blandness, ever before them. Oh, gracious God! hasten the day. But can
black men, the "brutes," "niggers," "black devils," feel so? We shall
see.
One crop of Indian corn had been harvested, and was stored snugly in
granaries, the fields were being prepared anew for replanting, the banana
plantations still furnished unlimited supplies of food, the sweet
potatoes grew wild in various places, and there was a fair stock of
beans.
The malicious dwarfs (the Wambutti) had paid nocturnal visits, and
ravaged somewhat the corn fields, and Lieut. Stairs, with a few choice
spirits of the garrison, had given chase to the marauders and had routed
them, losing one man in the action, but scaring the undersized thieves
effectually.
The Fort now contained 119 Zanzibaris of the Advance, four of Emin
Pasha's soldiers, ninety-eight Madi carriers, and three whites from the
Albert Nyanza, besides fifty-seven Zanzibaris and Soudanese, and two
officers who formed the garrison--total, 283 souls. It was out of this
number we were to form a column of Zanzibari volunteers and Madi carriers
to hasten to the relief of Major Barttelot and the Rear Column.
After a two days' rest a general muster was made. The necessities of our
condition were explained aloud to them; our white brothers were labouring
under God alone knew what difficulties--difficulties that appeared
greater to them than they did to us, inasmuch as we had gone through them
and survived, and could afford to make light of them. For knowledge would
teach us to be more prudent of our rations, where to refresh our jaded
bodies, and when to hasten through the intervening wildernesses,
husbanding our resources. Our meeting would rejoice our poor friends,
distressed by our long absence, and our good news would reanimate the
most feeble and encourage the despairing. They all knew what treasures of
cloth and beads were in charge of the Rear Column. We could not carry
all, as indeed there was no need for so much. How could it better be
bestowed than on the tireless faithful fellows who had taken their master
twice to the Nyanza and back to his long-lost friends! "I pray you, then,
come to my side ye that are willing, and ye that prefer to stay in the
Fort remain in the ranks."
Exulting in their lusty strength, perfect health, and in their
acknowledged worth, 107 men cried aloud, "To the Major!" "To the Major!"
and sprang to my side, leaving only six, who were really indisposed by
illness and growing ulcers, in their places.
Those who understand men will recognize some human merits exhibited on
this occasion, though others may be as blind in perceiving the finer
traits in human nature, as there are many utterly unable to perceive in a
picture the touches which betray the masterful hand of a great painter,
or in a poem the grace and smoothness, combined with vigour and truth, of
the true poet.
After selecting out a few of the garrison to replace those unable to
undertake the long march before us, there remained only to distribute
twenty-five days' rations of Indian corn to each member of the Relief
Force, and to advise that in addition each man and boy should prepare as
much plantain flour as he could carry.
Until the evening of the 15th of June all hands were engaged in reducing
the hard corn with pestle and mortar and sieve into flour, or corn rice,
called "grits," in peeling the plantains, slicing, drying them on wood
grating over a slow fire, and pounding them into fine flour. I, on my
part, besides arranging the most needful necessaries required for general
uses, had many personal details to attend to, such as repairs of
pantaloons, shoes, chair, umbrella, rain-coat, etc.
My intention was to conduct the Relief Force in person, unattended by any
officers, for many reasons, but mainly because every European implied
increase of baggage, which was now required to be of the very smallest
limit consistent with the general safety. Besides, Lieut. Stairs, in my
opinion, deserved rest after his trip to Ipoto to bring the steel boat to
Fort Bodo, and his journey to Ugarrowwa's was to conduct the
convalescents. Captain Nelson, ever since the latter part of September,
1887, had been subject to ever-varying complaints--first ulcers, then a
general debility which almost threatened his life, then skin eruptions,
lumbago, tender feet, and fits of obstinate ague. To a person in such a
vitiated condition of blood a journey of the kind about to be undertaken
would doubtless prove fatal. Dr. Parke, the only other officer availing,
was needed for the sick at the Fort, as in truth the entire garrison
consisted mainly of people requiring medical attendance and treatment.
With great difficulty we were able to select fourteen men of the garrison
to accompany Captain Nelson as far as Ipoto, to convey the dozen loads of
baggage still remaining there; but as we were about to start, the Captain
was prostrated with another attack of intermittent fever, and a strange
swelling of the hand, which made it necessary for Dr. Parke to replace
him for this short journey.
The faithful little fox-terrier "Randy," which had borne the fatigues of
the double march to the Albert Nyanza so well, and had been such a good
friend to us in an hour of great need, and had become the pet of every
one, though "Randy" would not permit a Zanzibari to approach me
unannounced, was committed to the care of Lieutenant Stairs, in the hope
of saving him the thousand-mile journey now before us. But the poor dog
misjudged my purpose, and resolutely refused his food from the moment I
left him, and on the third day after my departure he died of a broken
heart.
Upon carefully considering the state of the Fort, and the condition of
its garrison, and the capacity of its Commandant, Lieut. Stairs, who
would be assisted by Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke, I felt the utmost
assurance that, with sixty rifles and abundant stores of ammunition, they
were invulnerable from any attack of forest natives, however strong their
forces might be. A wide and deep ditch ran round two-thirds of it. At
each of its angles a commanding platform, closely fenced, had been
erected, with approaches and flanks duly under rifle range, and each
angle was connected by a continuous stockade, well banked with earth
without and supported within by a firm banquette. The main roads leading
to the Fort were also fenced, to serve as obstructions. The village
inhabited by the garrison lay on the side unprotected by the ditch, and
was arranged in V shape, to mask the entrance into the Fort. During
daylight no hostile party could approach within 150 yards of the Fort
unperceived. At night ten sentries would be sufficient precaution against
surprise and fire.
This protection was not so much designed against natives alone as against
a possible--and by no means unlikely--combination of Manyuema with
natives. As much might be urged for the likelihood of such a combination
as against it; but it is a totally wrong policy to be idle before an
uncertain issue, and of the hundreds of camps or stations established by
me in Africa, not one has been selected without considering every near or
remote contingency.
I was about to leave Fort Bodo without the least anxiety respecting the
natives and Manyuema, as also without fear of incompatibility between the
officers and Zanzibaris. The officers were now acquainted with the
language of their people, as well as with their various habits, tempers,
and moods, and the men could equally distinguish those of their officers.
Both parties also believed that their stay at Fort Bodo was not likely to
be protracted, as the Pasha had promised to visit them within two months,
and from a visit of one of his considerate and thoughtful character they
might surely infer they would derive pleasure as well as profit. On his
return to the Nyanza they could accompany him, abandoning the Fort to its
fate.
Of the fidelity of the Zanzibaris there was also no room for doubt.
However tyrannical or unjust the officers might be--an extreme
conjecture--the Zanzibaris could only choose between them on the one
hand, and the cannibalism of the Wambutti and the incarnate cruelty of
the Manyuema on the other.
Would that I could have felt the same confidence and contentment of mind
regarding the Rear Column. With the lapse of months had been the increase
of my anxiety. As week after week had flown by, my faith in its safety
had become weakened and my mind fatigued--with the continual conflict of
its hopes and doubts, with the creation of ingenious and fine theories,
and their no less subtle demolition, was, perforce, constrained for its
own repose and health to forbear thought and take refuge in the firm
belief that the Major was still at Yambuya, but abandoned. Our duty was,
therefore, to proceed to Yambuya, select the most necessary material
equal to our carrying force, and march back to the Nyanza again with what
speed we might.
On this supposition I framed an estimate of the time to be occupied by
the journey, and handed it, with a letter of instructions, to the
Commandant of the Fort for his use:--
"Whereas the distance between Fort Bodo to the Nyanza is 125 miles,
and has been performed in 288 hours' marching, or 74 days, inclusive of
halts.
"Whereas we travelled the distance from Yambuya to Ugarrowwa's
in 289 hours = 74 days.
"Whereas Lieutenant Stairs marched from Ugarrowwa's
to Fort Bodo in 26 "
---
100 "
"Therefore our journey to Yambuya will probably occupy 100 days, and the
same period back. From June 16th, 1888, to January 2nd, 1889, is 200
days. We may reasonably be expected on January 2nd at Fort Bodo, and on
the 22nd of the same month at Lake Albert.
"Or thus: Starting June 16th, 1888:--
"Fort Bodo to Ugarrowwa's July 5th
Thence to Avisibba " 25th
" " Mupe Aug. 14th
" " Yambuya Sept. 3rd
Halt 10 days -- " 13th
Return to Mupe Oct. 3rd
" " Panga Falls " 23rd
" " Fort Bodo Dec. 22nd
Halt 5 days -- " 27th
Thence to Albert Nyanza Jan. 16th, 1889."
* * * * *
The last evening of my stay at Fort Bodo, while reciting over the several
charges, general and personal, entrusted to him, Lieut. Stairs suggested
that perhaps the non-arrival of the steamer _Stanley_ at Yambuya
accounted for the utter silence respecting the Rear Column. I then
replied in the following terms:--
"That is rather a cruel suggestion, my dear sir; that is the least I
fear, for as well as I was able I provided against that accident. You
must know that when the _Stanley_ departed from the Yambuya on the 28th
of June, I delivered several letters to the captain of the steamer. One
was to my good friend Lieut. Liebrichts, Governor of Stanley Pool
district, charging him, for old friendship's sake, to despatch the
steamer back as soon as possible with our goods and reserve ammunition.
"Another was to Mr. Swinburne, my former secretary, who was the soul of
fidelity, to the effect that in case the _Stanley_ met with such an
accident as to prevent her return to Yambuya, he would be pleased to
substitute the steamer _Florida_ for her, as the owners were business
men, and full compensation in cash, which I guaranteed, would find as
ready an acceptance with them as profits from the ivory trade.
"A third letter was to Mr. Antoine Greshoff, the agent at Stanley Pool
for the Dutch house at Banana, to the effect that, failing both steamers
_Stanley_ and _Florida_, he would find a large ready money profit if he
would undertake the transport of the stores of the Expedition from
Stanley Pool, and 128 men from Bolobo, to Yambuya. Whatever reasonable
freight and fare he would charge, immediate payment was guaranteed by
me.
"A fourth letter was to our officer in charge at Stanley Pool, Mr. John
Rose Troup, to the effect that, failing the steamers _Stanley_,
_Florida_, and Mr. Greshoff's, he was to use his utmost powers and means
to collect boats and canoes, at whatever cost, ready at hand, and
communicate with Messrs. Ward and Bonny at Bolobo. Mr. Ward at Bolobo was
also enjoined to do the like in Uyanzi, and man these vessels with the
Zanzibaris and natives, and transport by stages the various stores to the
intrenched camp at Yambuya. This last would scarcely be needed, as it is
extremely improbable that from June 28th, 1887, to June 16th,
1888--nearly twelve months--neither the _Stanley_, the _Florida_, nor
Mr. Greshoff's steamer would be available for our service.
"Besides, you must remember that both captain and engineer of the
_Stanley_ were each promised a reward of L50 sterling if they would
arrive within reasonable time. Such amounts to poor men are not trifles,
and I feel assured that if they have not been prevented by their
superiors from fulfilling their promise, all goods and men arrived safely
at Yambuya."
"You still think, then, that in some way Major Barttelot is the cause of
this delay?"
"Yes, he and Tippu-Tib. The latter of course has broken his contract.
There is no doubt of that. For if he had joined his 600 carriers, or half
that number, with our Zanzibaris, we should have heard of them long ago,
either at Ipoto, when you returned there for the boat, or later, when you
reached Ugarrowwa's, March 16th this year. The letter of September 18th,
1887, when only eighty-one days absent from Yambuya, and which the Arab
promised without delay, would certainly have produced an answer by this
if the Major had departed from Yambuya. Those carriers, all choice men,
well armed, acquainted with the road, despatched with you to Ugarrowwa's
on February 16th, and seen by you safely across the river opposite his
station on the 16th of the following month, would surely by this have
returned if the Rear Column was only a few weeks' march from Yambuya;
therefore I am positive in my mind that Major Barttelot is in some way or
other the cause of the delay."
"Well, I am sure, however you may think the Major is disloyal, I----."
"Disloyal! Why, whoever put you in mind of that word? Such a word has no
connection with any man on this Expedition, I hope. Disloyal! Why should
any one be disloyal? And disloyal to whom?"
"Well, not disloyal, but negligent, or backward in pressing on; I feel
sure he has done his best."
"No doubt he has done his level best, but as I wrote to him on September
18th, in my letter to be given to him by Ugarrowwa's carriers, it is his
'rashness and inexperience I dread,' not his disloyalty or negligence. I
fear the effect of indiscriminate punishments on his people has been such
that the vicinity of Stanley Falls and the Arabs has proved an
irresistible temptation to desert. If our letters miscarry in any way,
our long absence--twelve months nearly to this day, and by the time we
reach Yambuya fourteen months at least!--will be a theme for all kinds of
reports. When the Zanzibaris from Bolobo reached him he ought to have had
over 200 carriers. In twelve months--assuming that the goods and men
arrived in due date, and that, finding Tippu-Tib had broken faith, he
began the move as he promised--he would be at Panga Falls; but if the
severe work has demoralized him, and he has demoralized his carriers,
well, then, he is stranded far below Panga Falls--probably at Wasp
Rapids, probably at Mupe or at Banalya, or at Gwengwere Rapids--with but
100 despairing carriers and his Soudanese, and he is perforce compelled
by the magnitude of his task to halt and wait. I have tried every
possible solution, and this is the one on which my opinion becomes
fixed."
"Do you allow only 100 left? Surely that is very low."
"Why? I estimate his loss at what we have lost--about 50 per cent. We
have lost slightly less; for from our original force of 389 souls there
are 203 still alive:--4 at Nyanza, 60 in the Fort, 119 going with me, and
20 couriers."
"Yes; but the Rear Column has not endured a famine such as we have had."
"Nor have they enjoyed the abundance that we have fed upon for the last
seven months, therefore we are perhaps equal. But it is useless to
speculate further upon these points."
"The success which was expected from my plans has eluded me. The Pasha
never visited the south end of the Lake, as I suggested to him in my
letter from Zanzibar. This has cost us four months, and of Barttelot
there is not a word. Our men have fallen by scores, and wherever I turn
there is no comfort to be derived from the prospect. Evil hangs over this
forest as a pall over the dead; it is like a region accursed for crimes;
whoever enters within its circle becomes subject to Divine wrath. All we
can say to extenuate any error that we have fallen into is, that our
motives are pure, and that our purposes are neither mercenary nor
selfish. Our atonement shall be a sweet offering, the performance of our
duties. Let us bear all that may be put upon us like men bound to the
sacrifice, without one thought of the results. Each day has its weight of
troubles. Why should we think of the distresses of to-morrow? Let me
depart from you with the conviction that in my absence you will not
swerve from your duty here, and I need not be anxious for you. If the
Pasha and Jephson arrive with carriers, it is better for you, for them,
and for me that you go; if they do not come, stay here until my return.
Give me a reasonable time, over and above the date--the 22nd of December;
then if I return not, consult with your friends, and afterwards with your
men, and do what is best and wisest. As for us, we shall march back to
the place where Barttelot may be found, even as far as Yambuya, but to no
place beyond, though he may have taken everything away with him down the
Congo. If he has left Yambuya and wandered far away south-east instead of
east, I will follow him up and overtake him, and will cut through the
forest in the _most_ direct way to Fort Bodo. You must imagine all this
to have taken place if I do not arrive in December, and consider that
many other things may have occurred to detain us before you yield to the
belief that we have parted for ever."
The following is the letter of instructions to Lieut. Stairs:--
"Fort Bodo, Central Africa,
"_June 13th, 1888_.
"Sir,--
"During my absence with the advance party of the Expedition, now
about to return to the assistance of Major Barttelot and Rear
Column, I appoint you Commandant of Fort Bodo. I leave with you a
garrison, inclusive of sick, numbering nearly sixty rifles. The men
mainly are not of the calibre requisite for a garrison in a
dangerous country. Still they can all shoot off their rifles, are
in good condition, and you have abundance of ammunition. My
principal reliance is on the Commandant himself. If the chief is
active and wary, our fort is safe, and no combination of natives
can oust the garrison from its shelter. I need not tell you that I
leave you with confidence.
"Respecting the improvements to be made in the Fort, which I have
verbally explained to you, I would suggest that as the Fort when
completed will be more extensive than at present, you elect about
twenty or thirty of the more decent and cleanly of the men to
occupy the buildings in the Fort, until such time as they are
wanted for other persons, because--
"1st. You are in no danger, then, of being cut off by a daring foe
from your garrison.
"2nd. One-third of your men will be then within the gates ready at
your most sudden call.
"3rd. The buildings within the Fort will be kept dry and in a
habitable condition by being occupied.
"_Corn._ Begin planting corn about July 15th. 1st July you should
begin hoeing up, clearing the ground.
"_Bananas._ I am exceedingly anxious about the bananas. Twice a
week there should be sent a strong patrol round the plantations to
scare the natives, and also elephants. For the latter half-a-dozen
fires at as many points might suffice.
"An officer should be sent out with the patrol, to have a reliable
report of what transpires; should he report the bananas as getting
scanty, then you should begin rationing your people, always
obtaining your supplies by detachments from the most distant points
of the plantations. Let the bananas nearest the Fort reach
maturity, just as you would your corn. Along the main roads it
would also be well to leave plantations alone until they mature.
"I leave Captain Nelson as second in command, to take charge when
you are incapacitated by illness or accident.
"Dr. T. H. Parke, A.M.D., remains here as surgeon to take charge of
the sick.
"It is, of course, impossible to say when we shall return, as we
have not the least idea whereabouts the Rear Column is, but we
shall do our best. If the Major is still at Yambuya, you may expect
us in December sometime.
"I expect Emin Pasha and Mr. Jephson in here about two months
hence--say about the middle of August.
"Should Mr. Jephson appear with a sufficient force of carriers,
then I should recommend the evacuation of the Fort and take the
garrison, and accompany Mr. Jephson to the Nyanza, and put yourself
and force at the disposition of Emin Pasha until my return. As I
come eastward I propose following a northerly and easterly track
from the Nepoko and make for the Ituri ferry.
"In order that on reaching the Ituri ferry I may know whether you
have evacuated the Fort or not, please remember that on the right
bank of the river, near the ferry, there are a number of very tall
trees, on which you could carve a number of broad arrows, which
would indicate that you had passed. You could also carve date of
crossing the Ituri on a conspicuous place near the ferry. This
would save me a great deal of time and anxiety respecting you.
"As our twenty couriers left here 16th February, it will be four
months, June 16th, since they left. If Jephson appears in about
two months, say, the time will then be about six months since the
couriers left Fort Bodo--quite sufficient time to dispel all doubt
about them.
"I wish you and your associates good health and safe arrival at the
Nyanza. On our part we will do our work with what celerity
circumstances will permit.
"Yours faithfully,
"(Signed) Henry M. Stanley,
"Commanding E. P. R. Expedition.
"To Lieut. W. G Stairs,
"Commandant Fort Bodo."
CHAPTER XIX.
ARRIVAL AT BANALYA: BARTTELOT DEAD.
The Relief Force--The difficulties of marching--We reach
Ipoto--Kilongo Longa apologises for the behaviour of his
Manyuema--The chief returns us some of our rifles--Dr. Parke and
fourteen men return to Fort Bodo--Ferrying across the Ituri
river--Indications of some of our old camps--We unearth our buried
stores--The Manyuema escort--Bridging the Lenda river--The famished
Madi--Accidents and deaths among the Zanzibaris and Madi--My little
fox-terrier "Randy"--The vast clearing of Ujangwa--Native women
guides--We reach Ugarrowwa's abandoned station--Welcome food at
Amiri Falls--Navabi Falls--Halt at Avamburi landing-place--Death of
a Madi chief--Our buried stores near Basopo unearthed and
stolen--Juma and Nassib wander away from the column--The evils of
forest marching--Conversation between my tent-boy, Sali, and a
Zanzibari--Numerous bats at Mabengu village--We reach Avisibba, and
find a young Zanzibari girl--Nejambi Rapids and Panga Falls--The
natives of Panga--At Mugwye's we disturb an intended feast--We
overtake Ugarrowwa at Wasp Rapids and find our couriers and some
deserters in his camp--The head courier relates his tragic
story--Amusing letter from Dr. Parke to Major Barttelot--Progress
of our canoe flotilla down the river--The Batundu natives--Our
progress since leaving the Nyanza--Thoughts about the Rear
Column--Desolation along the banks of the river--We reach
Banalya--Meeting with Bonny--The Major is dead--Banalya Camp.
On the 16th of June, in the early morning we set out from Fort Bodo
towards Yambuya in excellent spirits, loudly cheered by the garrison and
with the best wishes of the officers. We numbered 113 Zanzibaris,
ninety-five Madi carriers, four of Emin Pasha's soldiers, two whites
besides Dr. Parke and his little band of fourteen men, whose company we
were to have as far as Ipoto. Indekaru was reached on the evening of the
17th, amid a heavy storm of rain. The next day was a halt to collect more
plantains. On the 19th we camped at Ndugu-bisha, the day following at
Nzalli's. We had by this time been introduced to the difficulties of
forest marching. The cries of the column leaders recalled most painfully
what an absence of seven months had caused us almost to forget.
"Red ants afoot! Look out for a stump, ho! Skewers! A pitfall to right! a
burrow to left! Thorns, thorns, 'ware thorns! Those ants; lo! a tripping
creeper, Nettles, 'ware nettles! A hole! Slippery beneath, beneath! look
out for mud! A root! Red ants! red ants amarch! Look sharp for ants! A
log! Skewers below!" And so on from camp to camp.
Most of the villages along this route still stood, but all awry and
decaying; reeling from rotten uprights, the eave corners on the ground,
green mould covering the floors within, hollows filled with slime, and
fungi flourishing along the sides, and nitrous excrescences abounding;
roofs covered with creepers, nettles, and prolific gourd vines--veritable
nests of ague, into which, however, necessity compelled us and our men to
seek shelter by reason of excessive fatigue, or imminence of a
rainstorm.
Mambungu's was reached on the 21st, and on the edge of the Busindi
clearing we camped on the following day. After forty-seven hours marching
from Fort Bodo we entered the Arab settlement of Ipoto, where it will be
remembered our people, maddened by distress of hunger, caused me such
serious losses of arms and ammunition. But the change in their condition
was so great, and their eyes flashed such lively glances of scorn at
their tormentors, that in the afternoon Kilonga-Longa, with his headmen,
dreading reprisal, began with many apologies for the behaviour of his
Manyuema during his absence to extenuate the heinousness of their crimes,
and to offer to atone for them as well as he was able. Nineteen
Remingtons were laid before me, out of thirty I knew to be in their
possession. Six of these had been left as pledges of payment by myself,
two were given by Mr. Stairs acting in my name, one was sold by Captain
Nelson, and ten were sold by Zanzibaris, besides eleven not yet
recovered; but out of 3000 cartridges and two entire cases these
receivers of stolen goods purchased from the starving Zanzibaris, only
fifty were returned. Whatever fears the Manyuema may have felt, the fit
time for reprisal and retaliation had not arrived, though fifty rifles
could have captured the settlement easily, the majority of
Kilonga-Longa's people being absent raiding eastward. We had far more
important business afoot than the destruction of Ipoto, nor must it be
forgotten that our little garrison at Fort Bodo was not so secure but
that a few hundreds of men made desperate by their losses might not
avenge themselves fully by a siege or midnight assault.
We therefore, bending under the necessities of the occasion, accepted the
rifles and gifts of goat and rice, and the Zanzibaris were permitted to
sell such ivory as they had packed up for 100 pecks of rice, which to
them was most welcome provender.
The next day the chief returned two more rifles, but all my men being
sufficiently armed, he was requested to retain them as pledges, in
addition to the six remaining in his hands, for payment of ninety doti of
cloth promised to him and his people for the grudging and scant
sustenance given to Captain Nelson and Dr. Parke while they were
compulsory guests of this ill-natured community.
In the afternoon Dr. Parke and his little band of fourteen men commenced
their return journey to Fort Bodo, conveying thirteen loads, and bearing
the very last instructions I could give.
On the 25th June we set out from Ipoto accompanied by a guide and our
escort of fifteen Manyuema, who were ostentatiously detailed for this
duty as far as the next Arab settlement, one of Ugarrowwa's outlying
stations. We arrived at the Ituri River, and a canoe capable of carrying
nine men was delivered over to us at 3 P.M. to serve as the means of
ferriage. As one trip to the left bank and back occupied on an average
twenty-three minutes, night fell before a half of our force was across.
The work of ferrying was resumed early next morning, and continued until
two o'clock, when every soul had crossed excepting the Manyuema escort
whose fears that sudden vengeance would be inflicted on them, caused them
to decline the venture they had been ordered to undertake.
We were now fairly in the wide uninhabited wilderness through which last
October the Expedition struggled, gaunt victims of a merciless famine. No
consideration would have tempted us to a revisit of these dreadful
shades, but that we fostered a lively hope that we should soon meet our
returning couriers, who we expected would gratify us with news from the
Major's column. Imbued with the fond belief that as they had not arrived
at Ipoto we should meet them on this road--none other being known to
them--we marched briskly from the landing-place, and in two and
three-quarter hours reached the camp whence we had crossed over to the
north bank on the 14th of October last. Indications of our stay here were
yet fresh--the charcoal broad arrows drawn on the barked tree stems, the
lead pencil writing to Khamis Parry still plainly legible.
At 1.15 P.M. of the 28th we arrived at Nelson's camp, opposite the
confluence of the Ihuru with the Ituri, a place which last October
witnessed such death and agony, where poor Nelson sat so many hours, so
many wretched days with ulcered feet, waiting anxiously the arrival of
news from us, and where he was found by his friend Mounteney Jephson,
haggard, and reduced by his feelings of forlornness and despair into a
state of abject helplessness, in the midst of his dying and dead
companions. We had performed the march in twenty hours, or in four days
inclusive of our detention while ferrying with one small craft. Last
October, despite our strenuous endeavours, the same distance had occupied
us thirty-nine hours' marching, or thirteen days inclusive of the halt!
The condition of the stomach made all this great difference.
We found our _cache_ untouched, though we had strong doubts, and
unearthed our buried stores which Jephson's relief party was unable to
carry away. The ammunition, made by Kynoch of Birmingham, after eight
months' burial in the sand, subject to tropic damp and an eternal rain,
was not so much injured as we expected, a full eighty per cent of it
being still sound, and the well-waxed brass cases and copper caps yet
exhibited their native brightness and gloss. Distributing 1,000 rounds to
the men for the refilling of their pouches, selecting such other articles
as were useful, we made up eight loads, and after burying the rest as
superfluous, we hurried away from the hateful spot, camping far inland.
Arriving at camp, we discovered four Madi carriers to have deserted with
the kits of their Zanzibari mates. Had they known, what we could never
forget, of the evil repute of this wilderness, they probably would have
chosen the brawling river for their graves than the slow torture of
famine in the ruthless forest.
At sunset we were surprised to see the Manyuema escort reach our camp.
They had fled to Kilonga Longa's, and that gentleman had sternly ordered
them to follow us again, and not to return without a note reporting they
had performed the duty on which they had been sent.
On the 29th we left the river route and steered a south-westerly course
through the pathless forest, in order to strike the road taken by Mr.
Stairs' party on their return from Ugarrowwa's. As the headman Rashid bin
Omar was of our party, we presumed--as he asserted his faith in
himself--that he would recognize the path if it were shown to him, after
which of course there would be no difficulty. The whole of the 29th and
30th were occupied in this south-westerly course undeviating. We
meanwhile crossed several native paths, but as Rashid failed to recognize
any of them, we continued on our way. On the 1st July, early in the
morning's march, we entered the basin of the Lenda River, and then, as
Rashid expressed himself of the opinion that we must have passed the
path, we took a direct westerly course, steering straight on through the
forest by compass. At noon of the 2nd we struck the Lenda River which
generally flowed, as we observed during the afternoon march of the 2nd
and until noon of the 3rd, N.N.W. Discovering a narrow chasm thirty yards
wide through which the Lenda rushed furiously, we conceived it would be
to our advantage to throw a bridge across this river, and trust to
fortune showing us the path to Ugarrowwa's station on the other bank,
rather than continue along the Lenda River on the right bank, lest we
might be forced to wander for days without finding the means of crossing.
Accordingly we selected three of the tallest trees, 115, 110, and 108
feet respectively, which we managed to launch across the chasm, and these
resting on stout forked uprights, with railings to steady the laden men,
made a commodious and safe bridge. Early on the morning of the 5th the
bridge was completed, and by ten o'clock every man was safe across.
The Madi carriers having purposely scattered their corn provision along
the road to lighten their loads, began now to pay the penalty of their
wastefulness. Though the camp-crier cried out daily the number of days
yet remaining for which the provisions must last, the ignorant savages
were, however, too dense-headed to profit by the warning; consequently we
had a dozen feeble wretches already faltering in their gait. We were
already short of seven--four of whom had deserted.
We continued on the left bank our westerly course, and meantime crossed
several native paths inclining S.E. and N.W., but we found none that can
be made available for our necessity.
On the 6th we stumbled across a clearing garnished with a small but
thriving plantation of plantains. The famished Madis rushed on this
supply like hungry wolves on their prey, and soon devoured the whole, but
three of them trod on cunningly-hidden sharp-pointed skewers set in the
ground.
Through a pelting rain we travelled on the 7th, and, wet and miserable,
camped in the bosom of untraversed woods. One hour's march next day
brought us to the small village of Balia, and five hours later halted
for the night at Bandeya.
This day had been replete with miseries and singular accidents. A shower
of cold rain fell on us after leaving Balia, and three of the naked Madis
fell dead within a few paces of each other. At the first indications of
this shower I had ordered a halt, and spread out about 150 square feet of
tenting, inviting everyone to huddle under it. The shower over, we rolled
up the canvas and resumed the march, but we were still subject to the
heavy cold dripping of the foliage. The Zanzibaris, more accustomed to it
and in better condition of body, were not much inconvenienced; but three
Madis, depressed in mind, depleted in body, fell dead as suddenly as
though shot. A Lado soldier of Emin Pasha's and a Zanzibari were skewered
in the feet, and so crippled by these painful wounds that we were obliged
to carry them. Near Bandeya another Madi native succumbed to illness
caused by insufficient food, and a Zanzibari was shot by a bold and
crafty dwarf with an arrow which penetrated between the ribs, but not to
a fatal depth. Arriving at the village, my cook Hassan, in an unfortunate
moment, while drawing his Winchester rifle towards him, caused it to
explode, tearing a large portion of the muscles of the left arm; and near
midnight a youth named Amari, while blowing up to a brighter flame a
watch-fire, was suddenly wounded in the head by a bullet from a Remington
cartridge that some one had carelessly dropped near the embers.
The next day, guided by some women who said they knew the way to
Ugarrowwa's, there was a most tedious march through an immense clearing
lately abandoned by the natives. None that I can remember was so full of
vexations. It was a strained position at every stride we took--now
treading on a slippery trunk which bridged a chasm bristling with dangers
from a number of dead branches, their sharp points erected upwards
threatening impalement to the unfortunate man who fell from such a height
on them; then balancing oneself on a log thrown across a rushing stream;
anon plunged into a brake suffocatingly close from the dense masses of
myriads of creepers growing above and around; soon stumbling through a
deep green slough, its depth hidden by floating vegetable parasites, then
over a fearful array of logs, the relics of the old forest, and every
step the difficulties repeated until near noon we had traversed with
streaming bodies the vast clearing of Ujangwa. On the confines of the
virgin forest we formed camp, despatched the people to gather plantains
and to prepare them as provisions for the few days yet remaining of the
wilderness.
By solar observations I discovered we were in N. lat. 1 deg. 0' 16".
On the 10th I suspected we were taking a course which, if continued,
would lead us not far from our camp of the 8th, but the Zanzibaris were
so wedded to the belief that the natives knew their own country best,
that in a fit of spleen I permitted them to rest in that opinion. About
ten o'clock of the 11th we came upon the clearing and a little village we
had left on the morning of the 8th. Thus we had made a complete circle,
and in revenge for this the people demanded that the women should be
slaughtered. Poor things, they had only acted according to their nature!
It is we who were in error in supposing that the natives would show us a
way leading them further and further from their own country. Were the
faith continued in them they would have persisted in guiding us round
about their clearings until they had dropped dead on their native earth.
The women were therefore sent away home, and with compass in hand we
steered a west by north course to strike the main road. We continued this
course the whole of the 11th, and early next day succeeded in finding the
path, which ran north by east.
At nine o'clock of the 13th July we reached our old camp on the Ituri
River, opposite Ugarrowwa's station, but the place, as we looked across
the river, we found to be abandoned. Therefore no news could be obtained
of our long absent carriers, or of the Major and his people. We resumed
our march, our course being along the Ituri River, every mile, every
creek, every crossing-place and every camp, well known to us.
The next day, rations all exhausted, Madis perishing by twos and threes
daily, we reached Amiri Falls. No sooner was camp pitched than there was
a rush for food. It was not to be obtained in the immediate vicinity, for
Ugarrowwa's multitude of 600 people had preceded us and devoured every
edible, and that the supply had been insufficient for them was evident by
the number of skeletons in his old camp. Distance would not deter our
fellows from the Nyanza; they hastened onward, pursuing a track leading
southward, until finally after some hours they reached a hill the base of
which was one continuous thriving plantation of plantains. At a late hour
in the night they brought the good news to camp, gratified our famished
eyes with a view of the prodigious fruit, which caused us all to dream
ecstatically on fruity banquets of which the mellow and flavoury plantain
was the most conspicuous.
Of course a halt at such a critical period within reach of such abundance
was imperative, and at an early hour the camp was emptied of nearly every
able hand, excepting sentries, to procure food. In the afternoon the
well-furnished foragers returned, often in couples, with an immense bunch
between them, like to the old engraving of Caleb and Joshua bearing the
grapes of Eshcol. The more provident, however, bore larger quantities of
the fruit, peeled and sliced, ready for drying, thus avoiding the
superfluous stalk and plantain skin. During the absence of the foragers
the weaker of the messes had erected the wooden grates and collected the
fuel for the drying overnight. The fruit when thus dry could be converted
into cakes, or palatable plantain porridge, or a morning's draught of
plantain gruel. Many of the finest specimens were reserved to ripen to
make a sweet pudding, or a sweet brew, or for sauce for the porridge.
On the 16th July we resumed our march along the river, following our old
road as closely as possible, and in seven hours reached the Little
Rapids above Navabi Falls. On the next day passed Navabi Falls, and took
a look at the place where we submerged our canoes, to discover that they
had been taken away. Within four hours we arrived at our old camp at
Avamburi landing-place. The path was now considerably improved, for
nearly a thousand pairs of feet had trodden it since our two score of
bill-hooks had first carved a passage through the bush. Many a skeleton
lay along the road, and our moribund Madis were destined to add a few
more to the number, for day by day they dropped down never to rise again.
Nothing that we could say would prevail to induce them to provide
provision for the morrow. Ten plantains they thought an inexhaustible
stock, but the evening would find them hungering for more. The only other
means left to save their lives was to halt as often as possible, to
enable them to eat their fill. Accordingly we halted two days at Avamburi
landing-place, to rest and comfort the drooping and dying Madis.
On the 20th we marched for seven and a half hours, and camped a few miles
above Bafaido Cataract, losing one Zanzibari and four Madis _en route_.
One of the latter was a chief among them, who suffered from a skewer
wound in the foot. As we were starting he stated his intention to die on
the spot, called his countrymen together, distributed his bracelets,
anklets, shiny iron collars and ear-rings among them, and then lay down
with a placid countenance, wherein not the slightest emotion was
discernible. All this was very admirable, but it would have been still
more admirable to have bravely struggled, than to have so doggedly died.
Three hours later we discovered a canoe into which we were enabled to
place a few weaklings. Before reaching camp we had found three canoes,
into which we embarked nearly all the ailing ones. It would have been
cruel to have halted and sent back people for the Madi chief; besides
there were many chances against our finding him alive, for as soon as the
rear-guard left the camp it was generally visited by hosts of natives,
who would feel no remorse for ending the feeble life of the sick man
lagging behind the column.
The next day was a short march of two hours. Ugarrowwa had also halted at
Bafaido Cataract, and for several days, judging from the elaborate
arrangements of his large camp, which from a distance appeared like a
large town, occupying the extremity of the river-head terminated by the
cataract. Before arriving at Hippo Broads we were in possession of four
canoes. On the next day, lunching at the cataract camp, where we buried
our shovels and some articles which our weakening force could not carry,
we examined the cache, and discovered that the deserters had unearthed
the ten tusks of ivory, and the natives had possessed themselves of all
the remaining articles. Late in the afternoon we camped at Basopo
Cataract. Between the two cataracts the Zanzibaris discovered several
canoes hidden away in the creeks emptying into the Ituri, and joyfully,
but most recklessly, embarked in them, and notwithstanding their
knowledge of the dangerous channels of the Basopo Cataract, continued on
their course down the furious stream, which caused us the loss of a
Zanzibari and a boy belonging to the soldiers of Emin Pasha. In the
capsized canoe were also two of the Pasha's soldiers, both of whom lost
their rifles and their kit, and barely escaped with their lives.
Two Zanzibaris, called Juma and Nassib, wandered away from the column and
were missing this day, and we were therefore obliged to halt on the 24th
to send out a party to hunt for them. In the afternoon the party returned
unsuccessful, but an hour later we were startled to hear a bullet hissing
over our heads. A search was made, and the culprit was found to be
Nassib, who, accompanied by his friend Juma, was returning to camp, and
who informed us that he had seen one of our people in the bush just
outside the camp, and had fired at him, supposing him to be a prowling
native. He still more astonished us when he related that the cause of his
parting from the column was that he and Juma had seen some fine plantains
in a plantation, and had sat down to peel and dry a supply for the road.
This had consumed some eighteen hours at least, and they say that when
they sought the road they could not find the track of 200 men. It is
difficult to decide which compelled most admiration, the folly of these
two third-rate men sitting calmly down in the midst of a plantation
belonging to ferocious cannibals, who generally closed the rear of the
columns to avenge themselves on the stragglers, or the alarm which in
this solitary instance possessed the natives.
On the 25th we camped above the Little Rapids of Bavikai, and on the next
day entered the populous district of Ave-jeli, opposite the mouth of the
Nepoko affluent, taking our quarters in the village where Dr. Parke so
successfully amputated the foot of an unfortunate Zanzibari thirteen
months before.
I was never so sensible of the evils of forest marching as on this day.
My own condition of body was so reduced, owing to the mean and miserable
diet of vegetables on which I was forced to subsist, that I was more than
usually sympathetic. At this time there were about thirty naked Madis in
the last stages of life; their former ebon black was changed to an ashy
grey hue, and all their bones stood out so fearfully prominent as to
create a feeling of wonder how such skeletons were animated with the
power of locomotion. Almost every individual among them was the victim of
some hideous disease, and tumours, scorched backs, foetid ulcers, were
common; while others were afflicted with chronic dysentery and a wretched
debility caused by insufficient food. A mere glance at them, with the
mal-odour generated by ailments, caused me to gasp from a spasm of
stomach sickness. With all this, the ground was rank with vegetable
corruption, the atmosphere heated, stifling, dark and pregnant with the
seeds of decay of myriads of insects, leaves, plants, twigs and branches.
At every pace my head, neck, arms or clothes was caught by a tough
creeper, calamus thorn, coarse briar, or a giant thistle-like plant,
scratching and rending whatever portion they hooked on. Insects also of
numberless species lent their aid to increase my misery, especially the
polished black ant, which affects the trumpet tree. As we marched under
the leaves these ants contrived to drop on the person, and their bite was
more vexatious than a wasp's or red ant's; the part bitten soon swelled
largely, and became white and blistery. I need not name the other
species, black, yellow and red, which crossed the path in armies or clung
to almost every plant and fed on every tree. These offensive sights and
odours we met day after day, and each step taken was fraught with its own
particular evil and annoyance, but with my present fading strength and
drooping spirits, they had become almost unbearable. My mind suffered
under a constant strain of anxiety respecting the fate of my twenty
choice men which were despatched as couriers to the rear column under
Major Barttelot, as well as of the rear column itself. I had had no meat
of any kind, of bird or beast, for nearly a month, subsisting entirely on
bananas or plantains, which, however varied in their treatment by the
cook, failed to satisfy the jaded stomach. My muscles had become thin and
flabby, and were mere cords and sinews, every limb was in a tremor while
travelling, and the vitals seemed to groan in anguish for a small morsel
of meat.
At camp I overheard a conversation carried on between my tent-boy Sali
and another Zanzibari. The boy was saying that he believed the "Master"
would not last long, how he had observed that his powers were declining
fast. "Please God," said the other, "we shall find goats or fowls in a
few days. It is meat he needs, and he shall get it if Ugarrowwa has not
cleared out the country."
"Ah," said Sali, "if the Zanzibaris were men instead of being brutes,
they would surely share with the master what meat they get while
foraging. Do they not use his guns and cartridges, and are they not paid
wages for using them. I can't understand why they should not share what
they obtain with the master's own rifles."
"There are few here so wicked as not to do it--if they get anything worth
sharing," replied the other.
"But I know better," said Sali. "Some of the Zanzibaris find a fowl or a
goat almost every day, but I do not see any of them bringing anything to
the master."
At this juncture I called out to Sali, and enjoined him to tell me all he
knew. By dint of questioning, the fact was elicited that there was some
truth in what he had stated. Two of the Zanzibari chiefs, Murabo, of
Bumbire fame, and Wadi Mabruki, had discovered a goat and three fowls on
the 25th, and had secretly eaten them. This was one of the first
instances of signal ingratitude discovered in these two men. From this
day the effect of the disclosure resulted in obtaining a share in the
spoils. Three fowls were delivered to me before evening, and a few days
later I had regained normal strength. This happy result in my own case
proved what the needs of the poor naked Madis were.
A heavy stock of provisions of dried plantains was prepared at Ave-jeli,
and our increasing flotilla of canoes enabled us to embark all our Madis,
baggage, and half of the Zanzibari force.
We formed our next day's camp near Avugadu Rapids, and on the 27th passed
the canoes over the rapids, and halted for the night a few miles below.
We lunched at our old camp, where I remained so many days while waiting
and searching for the lost Expedition in August, '87, on the 30th July,
and took up our night's quarters at Mabengu village.
At this village we observed about sunset an immense number of large bats,
called "popo" in Swahili, sailing over our heads to their night roosts
across the river. A thin riband of sky was alone visible above where I
stood, and I counted 680 of the number that flew within view. As the army
of bats must have spread over several miles of the forest, a rough
approximation of the many thousands that were flying may be made.
On the last day of July we reached Avisibba, famous for its resistance to
our advance column last year, and for the fatal effects of the poisoned
arrows employed in the conflict. In one of the huts we found the top of
one of our tent-poles, wrapped carefully in leaves, with a small piece
of cartridge paper, a bit of green velvet from our surgical instrument
case, and the brass case of a Remington cartridge. The curious package
was hung up to one of the rafters, and probably consecrated to some
fetish.
In another hut we discovered a collar of iron rings, and ten unfired
cartridge cases. These last must have belonged to one of our unfortunate
deserters, whose flesh must have simmered in a pot over a fire and formed
a family repast. An old jacket was also picked up later, which deepened
the probability.
Shortly after landing at the village a little naked girl about eight
years old walked composedly into view and surprised us all by addressing
us in the Zanzibari language.
She cried out, "It is true, then? I heard a gunshot, and I said to myself
while in my hiding-place, these must be my own people, and I will go and
see them, for the Pagans have no guns."
She gave her name as "Hatuna-mgini" (we have no other), and related that
she and five full-grown women were abandoned by Ugarrowwa at that place
because they were very sick, and that soon after Ugarrowwa had departed
with his large flotilla of canoes the natives rushed in and killed the
five women, but that she had run away and hidden herself, where she had
remained ever since, living on raw wild fruit, but in the night she had
succeeded in gathering bananas, which, when ripe, she could eat uncooked,
since no fire was possible. Ugarrowwa had had a skirmish with the
Avisibbas, in which he had killed a great number. He had stayed here five
days preparing food, and had departed many days--"more than ten days."
A march of four and a half hours to Engwedde, and another of seven and a
half hours, took us to a camp opposite an island occupied by the Bapaiya
fishermen, a few miles above the Nejambi Rapids. Rifles, accoutrements,
were disembarked, and the canoemen were ordered to pass their canoes down
the left branch. While the land party was engaged in the portage, the
majority of the canoemen preferred to take the right branch, in which
act of disobediance the Zanzibari chief and five Madis lost their lives,
one canoe was lost, and two others capsized, but afterwards recovered. A
Zanzibari named Salim was so bruised and battered by the flood sweeping
him against the rocks that he was unable to walk for nearly a month
afterwards.
About 3 P.M. we resumed our journey, and arrived about 5 P.M. at Panga
Falls. Leaving a detachment of them to guard the canoes, we formed camp
below the Falls. The land party succeeded in finding a small supply of
Indian corn, which, converted into meal, made me a porridge supper.
A downpour of rain, commencing at midnight and continuing until 1 P.M. of
the 5th of August, much impeded our work, but by night we had our
flotilla of nineteen canoes safe below the Falls, in front of our camp.
The natives of Panga had betaken themselves into an island near the right
bank, with all their goats, fowls, and other property, but they had left
several nets and wires within reach in the various branches on our side,
whence we obtained some fine large fish. The natives were practically
safe, inasmuch as no body of men with other business in view would incur
the trouble of molesting them. They, however, manifested most plausibly a
desire to make terms of amity with us by pouring water on their heads and
sprinkling their bodies with it, and some of our men good-naturedly
approached their island and responded reciprocally. The daring natives
pushed across the cataract, and one of them contrived to draw himself
unperceived near one of our men, and stabbed him in the back.
A halt was ordered the next day, and a band of forty men proceeded inland
to forage, returning towards night, each with a load of eatables; but one
of their number, a Madi, received a severe wound in the back with an
arrow.
Our old camp opposite the confluence of the Ngula River and the Ituri was
reached on the 7th in two and a half hours by the canoes, but the land
party occupied eight hours in marching the distance, which I estimated at
eleven miles.
At Mambanga's on the north bank, which we reached the next day, we found
a good supply of food, but a Zanzibari named Jaliffi was seriously
wounded with a wooden arrow in the chest. A portion an inch and a half
long was embedded in the wounded part, which incapacitated him from duty
for over two months. On the point of the arrow being ejected, the wound
soon closed.
At Mugwye's--or My-yui--the next place, a great change had occurred. All
the villages were obliterated by fire, and the fine plantain plantations
cut down, and at Mugwye's own village there stood an immense camp.
Believing that Ugarrowwa was present, we fired a signal shot, but no
answer being returned, we proceeded to our old camp on the left bank,
where on one of the trees Lieutenant Stairs had carved the date "July
31st" (1887) for the benefit of the Major.
Arriving at our old camp, we were surprised to see the body of a woman
belonging to Ugarrowwa's, freshly killed and washed, laid out on the bank
close to the river, and near by three bunches of plantains, two
cooking-pots, and a canoe capable of carrying five people. It was
evident to us that a party of natives hearing the signal shot, had
decamped, and had been obliged to abandon their intended feast.
A party of men was sent across the river to reconnoitre, and in a short
time they came back reporting that Ugarrowwa must have departed that same
morning down the river. This was very regrettable to me, as I burned to
ascertain what he had heard of the news from down river, and I also
wished to beg of him not to ravage the country for the benefit of
succeeding caravans, which would suffer serious loss from the wholesale
havoc and devastation attending his journey.
On the 10th of August I delivered over to the care of the senior Zanzibar
chief, Rashid, thirty-five of the ablest of our men, with a charge to
pursue our old track along the river as I intended to descend the river
with our canoe flotilla without a halt as far as Wasp Rapids, where no
doubt we should overtake Ugarrowwa, and where we should stay together
until he should reach us.
At 6.40 A.M. we set out, and, paddling vigorously, were in the
neighbourhood of Wasp Rapids at 11 A.M. Long before we heard the roar of
the rushing river over the rocky reefs which obstruct its course there,
we descried an immense camp on the right bank, and in a short time the
forms of men in white dresses moving about the bush. When we had
approached within rifle range we fired some signal shots and hoisted our
flag, which was no sooner seen than the deep boom of heavily-loaded
muskets announced that we were recognized. Soon several large canoes
pushed from the right bank towards us, as we were descending along the
left bank, and hailed us in the Swahili language. After the usual
exchange of compliments we then asked the news, and to our great joy, not
unmixed with grief, we learned that our couriers, who had now been absent
from us nearly six months, were in Ugarrowwa's camp. The couriers had
left Lieutenant Stairs at Ugarrowwa's station on the 16th of March, and
had reached Wasp Rapids in seventeen days, or on the 1st of April, where
they had been driven back with a loss of four of their number. Perceiving
that they were unable to pierce through the hostile crowds, they had
travelled back to Ugarrowwa's station, which they reached on the 26th of
April, and where they placed themselves in Ugarrowwa's hands. A month
later, Ugarrowwa, having collected his people from the outlying stations,
commenced his descent of the Ituri River, our couriers accompanying him,
reaching Wasp Rapids on the 9th of August, having been seventy-six days
_en route_. That same period we had occupied in travelling from the
Albert Nyanza, the 10th of August being the twenty-ninth day since we had
left Ugarrowwa's old station.
After forming our camp on the left bank in the deserted village of
Bandeyah, opposite the camp of Ugarrowwa's, in the deserted village of
Bandekiya, the surviving couriers, accompanied by Ugarrowwa and his head
men, visited us. Amid a deep silence the head man related his tragic
story:
"Master, when you called for volunteers to bear your letter to the Major,
there was not a man of us but intended to do his very best, knowing that
we were all to receive a high reward and great honour if we succeeded. We
have done our best, and we have failed. We have, therefore, lost both
reward and honour. It is the men who have gone with you to the Nyanza and
found the Pasha, and can boast of having seen him face to face, who
deserve best at your hands. But if we have not succeeded in finding the
Major and gladdening his heart with the good news we had to tell, God he
knows it has not been through any fault of our own, but rather because it
is His will that we should not do so. We have lost four of our number,
and I am the only one who cannot show a wound received during the
journey. We have two, who though alive, seem to be incurable from the
poison in their blood. Some of our men have as many as five arrow wounds
to show you. As far as Avisibba we came down the river smoothly enough,
but then the sharp work soon commenced. At Engwedde two were wounded. At
Panga Falls three men were most seriously hurt by arrows. Between Panga
Falls and here was a continued fight day after day, night after night;
the natives seemed to know long before we reached them our full strength,
and set on us either in full daylight or in the darkness, as though
resolved to exterminate us. Why they should show so much courage with us
when they had shown themselves so cowardly when we went up with you, I
cannot say, unless our deserters, coming down river by half-dozens, have
enabled the Pagans to taste the flavour of Zanzibari blood, and they
having succeeded so well with them, imagined they could succeed with us.
However, when we reached this village wherein you are now encamped, there
were only eleven of us fit for anything; all the rest were sore from
their wounds and one was helpless; and soon after our coming the fight
began in real earnest. Those surviving couriers, accompanied by
Ugarrowwa and his from that great village opposite us joined with the
natives of Bandeya; the river seemed to swarm with canoes, and the bush
around this village was alive with natives. After an hour's trial, during
which time many of them must have been killed, for they were so crowded,
especially on the river, we were left in peace. We availed ourselves in
fortifying, as well as we could, the few huts we had selected for our
quarters during the night.
"When night fell we placed sentries as usual, as you and Lieut. Stairs
and Ugarrowwa, all of you, enjoined on us; but, wearied with work and
harassed by care, our sentries must have slept, for the first thing we
knew was that the natives had pulled down our zeriba and entered into the
camp, and a wild cry from a man who received a fatal thrust with a spear
woke us up to find them amongst us. We each grasped our rifles and fired
at the nearest man, and six of them fell dead at our feet. This for a
moment paralysed them; but we heard a chief's voice say, 'These men have
run away from Bula Matari. Not one of them must live.' Then from the
river and the bush they came on in dense crowds, which the flashes of our
rifles' fire lit up, and their great numbers seemed for a short time to
frighten the best of us. Lakkin, however, who is never so funny as when
in trouble, shouted out, 'These fellows have come for meat--give it them,
but let it be of their own people,' and wounded men and all took their
rifles and took aim as though at a target. How many of them fell I cannot
say; but when our cartridges were beginning to run low they ran away, and
we were left to count the dead around us. Two of our men never answered
to their names, a third called Jumah, the son of Nassib, called out to
me, and when I went to him I found him bleeding to death. He had just
strength enough to charge me to give the journey up. 'Go back,' said he.
'I give you my last words. Go back. You cannot reach the Major; therefore
whatever you do, go back to Ugarrowwa's.' Having said this, he gave up
his last breath, and rolled over, dead.
"In the morning we buried our own people, and around our zeriba there
were nine natives dead, while within there were six. We beheaded the
bodies, and after collecting their heads in a heap, held council together
as to the best course to follow. There were seventeen of us alive, but
there were now only four of us untouched by a wound. Jumah's last words
rung in our ears like a warning also, and we decided to return to
Ugarrowwa's. It was easier said than done. I will not weary you with
details--we met trouble after trouble. Those who were wounded before were
again wounded with arrows; those who were unwounded did not escape--not
one excepting myself, who am by God's mercy still whole. A canoe was
capsized and we lost five rifles. Ismailia was shot dead at Panga Falls.
But why need we say over again what I have already said? We reached
Ugarrowwa's after an absence of forty-three days. There were only sixteen
of us alive, and fifteen of us were wounded. Let the scars of those
wounds tell the rest of the story. We are all in God's hands and in
yours. Do with us as you see fit. I have ended my words."
Among those who heard this dreadful story of trials for the first time
there was scarcely a dry eye. Down many faces the tears ran copiously,
and deep sighs and ejaculations of pity gushed from the sympathetic
hearts. When the speaker had finished, before my verdict was given, there
was a rush towards him, and hands stretched out to grasp his own, while
they cried out with weeping eyes, "Thank God! thank God! You have done
bravely; yes, you have shown real worth, and the mettle of men."
It was thus we welcomed our long-lost couriers, whose fate had been ever
in our minds since our departure from Fort Bodo. They had been singularly
unsuccessful in the object of their mission, but somehow they could not
have been more honoured by us had they returned with letters from the
Major. The story of their efforts and their sufferings was well told, and
was rendered more effective and thrilling by the sight of the many wounds
each member of the gallant band had received. Through the kindness of
Ugarrowwa, whose sympathies had been won by the same sad but brave story,
their wounds had soon healed, with the exception of two, who though now
only greatly scarred were constantly ailing and weak. I may state here
that one finally recovered in the course of two months his usual
strength, the other in the same time faded away and died.
In Ugarrowwa's camp were also discovered three famous deserters, and two
of our convalescents who were absent foraging during Lieut. Stairs'
visit. One of these deserters had marched away with a box of ammunition,
another had stolen a box containing some of Emin Pasha's boots and a few
pairs of my own. They had ventured into a small canoe which naturally was
capsized, and they had experienced some remarkable hair-breadth escapes
before they arrived at Ugarrowwa's. They had been delivered as prisoners
to Lieut. Stairs, but a few days later, they again escaped to
Ugarrowwa's, who was again induced to deliver them up to me. These two
afterwards behaved exceedingly well, but the third, while a victim to
small-pox, some few weeks later, escaped from the care of his friends and
leaped into the Nejambi Rapids, where he was drowned.
Ugarrowwa, being out of powder, was more than usually kind. A notable
present of four goats, four sacks of rice, and three large canoes was
made to me. The goats and rice, as may be imagined, were very welcome to
us, nor were the canoes a despicable gift, as I could now treble the rate
of our descent down the river; for in addition to our own canoes the
entire Expedition of 130 fighting men, boys, followers, and Madi,
carriers, besides the baggage could be embarked.
No news had been obtained of our Rear Column by either the couriers or
Ugarrowwa. The letter to the Major, which I had delivered to Ugarrowwa
for despatch by his couriers last September, was now returned to me with
the letters from my own couriers. He had sent forty-five men down the
river, but at Manginni, about half-way between Wasp Rapids and My-yui,
they had been obliged to return. Thus both efforts to communicate with
Major Barttelot had been unsuccessful, and could not but deepen the
impression that something exceedingly awry had occurred with the Rear
Column. Among the letters delivered to me by Ugarrowwa was one open. It
is descriptive and amusing, and characteristic of our Doctor:--
"Fort Bodo,
"_15th February, 1888_.
"My dear old Barttelot,
"I hope you are 'going strong' and Jameson 'pulling double.' None
of us here have any idea where you are. Some of us officers and men
say you are on the way up river, others say you are still at
Yambuya, unable to move with a large number of loads, and amongst
the men there is an idea that your Zanzibaris may have gone over to
Tippu-Tib. Stanley reached the Lake 14th December, 1887, but could
not communicate with Emin Pasha. As he had not got his boat, he
then came back from the Lake into the bush, and made this fort to
store his baggage, while he again goes on to the Lake with Jephson
and boat. Stairs goes to Ugarrowwa's to-morrow with twenty men, who
are to go on to you and who bring this letter. Stairs returns here
with about forty or fifty men who were left at Ugarrowwa's, and
then goes on after Stanley, as the place is only 80 or 100 miles
from the Lake. I am to stay at this fort with forty or fifty men.
Nelson, who has been ailing for months, therefore also remains
here. We had an awful time coming here. I often said I was starved
at school, but it was stuffing compared with what we have gone
through. I am glad to say all the white men are very fit, but the
mortality amongst the men was enormous, something like 50 per cent.
Up to Ugarrowwa's there is plenty of food, but little or none along
the river this side of Ugarrowwa's. Stanley, I know, is writing you
all about the starvation and the road. To-day, Stanley fell in all
the men, and asked them all if they wanted to go to the Lake or go
back for you. Most of the men at first wanted to go back, but
afterwards the majority were for the Lake; both Stairs, Jephson,
and myself were for the Lake, so as to decide if Emin Pasha was
alive or not, so as not to bring your column up all this way and
then go back to Muta Nzige. All the men are as fat as butter, some
of them, however, who stayed with me at an Arab camp for three
months, where I was left to look after Nelson, and sick men, and
boxes, etc., are reduced to skin and bone. Out of thirty-eight,
eleven died of starvation. Stairs was the only officer wounded, but
many of the men died from their wounds.
"We are all in a bad way for boots; none of us have a good pair. I
have made two pairs, but they did not last long, and all my clothes
have been stolen by 'Rehani,' a Zanzibari. Stanley has had me
working hard all day, and I have only time to write these few lines
as the sun is going down. Our party have lost and sold a great
quantity of ammunition.
"Give my best wishes to old Jameson, also the other fellows whom I
know; and hoping to see you up here before long,
"Believe me, yours very sincerely,
"J. H. P.
"We are all awfully sick of this 'bush'; it continues to within a
few miles of the Lake."
The next day was a halt. The senior Chief Rashid and his land party did
not arrive before 2 P.M. of the 11th. The current had carried our
flotilla in five hours, a journey which occupied him fifteen hours'
march. But on the 12th of August, having safely passed the canoes below
the rapids, we embarked at noon and proceeded down river. Opposite
Elephant-playground camp we met one of Ugarrowwa's scouting canoes
ascending, the men of which related wonderful stories of the strength,
fierceness, and boldness of the Batundu natives. Two hours later the
Batundu drums announced our advent on the river; but when their canoes
advanced to reckon the number of our vessels, they quietly retired, and
we occupied their chief village in peace, and slept undisturbed during
the night.
At S. Mupe we arrived on the 13th, and halted one day to prepare food for
our further journey down river, but on the next day, the 15th, we passed
the flotilla safely down the various rapids, and camped below the lowest
Mariri Rapids.
Resuming the journey on the 16th, we floated and paddled past three of
our land march camps, and on a large island possessing huts sufficient to
accommodate 2,000 people we halted for the night. Both banks of the river
were unpeopled and abandoned, but no one could impart any reason for this
wholesale devastation. Our first thought was that our visit had perhaps
caused their abandonment, but as the natives had occupied their
respective villages in view of the rear guard, we concluded that probably
some internecine war was the cause.
This day was the eighty-third since we had departed from the shores of
the Albert Nyanza, and the sixtieth since we had left Fort Bodo. Our
progress had been singularly successful. Of the naked Madi carriers we
had lost a great many, nearly half of the number that we had departed
from the Nyanza with; but of the hardened and acclimatised Zanzibaris we
had lost but three, two of whom were by drowning, and one was missing
through a fit of spleen. Five hundred and sixty miles of the journey had
been accomplished, there were only ninety miles remaining between
Bungangeta Island and Yambuya, yet not a rumour of any kind had been
heard respecting the fate of our friends and followers of the rear
column. This constant and unsatisfied longing, pressing on my mind with a
weight as of lead, with the miserable unnourishing diet of dry plantains,
was fast reducing me into an aged and decrepit state of mind and body.
That old buoyant confident feeling which had upheld me so long had nearly
deserted me quite. I sat near sunset by the waterside alone, watching the
sun subside lower and lower before the horizon of black foliage that
bounded Makubana, the limits of my view. I watched the ashen grey clouds
preceding the dark calm of night, and I thought it represented but too
faithfully the melancholy which I could not shake off. This day was
nearly twelve months from the date the rear column should have set out
from Yambuya--365 days. Within this period 100 carriers only might have
been able to have advanced as far as Bungangeta, even if they had to make
seven round trips backwards and forwards? What could possibly have
happened except wholesale desertion caused by some misunderstanding
between the officers and men? In the darkness I turned into my tent, but
in my nervous and highly-strung state could find no comfort there; and at
last I yielded and implored the all-seeing and gracious Providence to
restore to me my followers and companions, and allay the heartache that
was killing me.
At the usual hour on the 17th, we embarked in our canoes and resumed our
journey down the river, paddling languidly as we floated. It was a sombre
morning; a heavy greyness of sky painted the eternal forest tops of a
sombrous mourning colour. As we glided past Bungangeta district we
observed that the desolation had not been confined to it, but that
Makubana also had shared the same fate; and soon after coming in view of
the mighty curve of Banalya, which south or left bank had been so
populous, we observed that the district of the Banalya had also been
included. But about half-past nine we saw one village, a great way down
through the light mist of the morning, still standing, which we supposed
was the limit of the devastation. But as we drew near we discovered that
it had a stockade. In July 1887, when we passed up, Banalya was deemed
too powerful to need a stockade. Presently white dresses were seen, and
quickly taking up my field glass, I discovered a red flag hoisted. A
suspicion of the truth crept into my mind. A light puff of wind unrolled
the flag for an instant, and the white crescent and star was revealed. I
sprang to my feet and cried out, "The Major, boys! Pull away bravely." A
vociferous shouting and hurrahing followed, and every canoe shot forward
at racing speed.
[Illustration: VIEW OF BANALYA CURVE.]
About 200 yards from the village we stopped paddling, and as I saw a
great number of strangers on the shore, I asked, "Whose men are you?" "We
are Stanley's men," was the answer delivered in mainland Swahili. But
assured by this, and still more so as we recognised a European near the
gate, we paddled ashore. The European on a nearer view turned out to be
Mr. William Bonny, who had been engaged as doctor's assistant to the
Expedition.
Pressing his hand, I said,
"Well, Bonny, how are you? Where is the Major? Sick, I suppose?"
"The Major is dead, sir."
"Dead? Good God! How dead? Fever?"
"No, sir, he was shot."
"By whom?"
"By the Manyuema--Tippu-Tib's people."
"Good heavens! Well, where is Jameson?"
"At Stanley Falls."
"What is he doing there, in the name of goodness?"
"He went to obtain more carriers."
"Well then, where is Mr. Ward, or Mr. Troup?"
"Mr. Ward is at Bangala."
"Bangala! Bangala! what can he be doing there?"
"Yes, sir, he is at Bangala, and Mr. Troup has been invalided home some
months ago."
These queries, rapidly put and answered as we stood by the gate at the
water side, prepared me to hear as deplorable a story as could be
rendered of one of the most remarkable series of derangements that an
organized body of men could possibly be plunged into.
Despite Mr. Bonny's well written report of the events which had occurred,
it was many days before I could find time to study and understand the
details. The strangers I had observed belonged to Tippu-Tib, and they now
pressed congratulations upon our arrival, and our people hurrying in
through the narrow gate with the baggage from the canoes, bawling out
recognition of their friends, leaping with joy, or howling with grief,
made Banalya Camp indescribably tumultuous.
Let us imagine the baggage stored orderly, the canoes lashed to stakes
firmly driven in the bank, the congratulations of the strangers over, the
Zanzibaris of the advance column departed from our immediate vicinity to
seek their long-lost friends and to hear the news, the Soudanese and
Zanzibari survivors of the rear column having uttered their fervid thanks
that we had at last--at last, thank God--come, and such letters as had
arrived hastily read, despatches hastily written, sent by couriers to
Stanley Falls, one for Tippu-Tib himself, and one for the Committee of
the Relief Fund, and we shall be at liberty to proceed with the story of
the rear column, as gathered from Mr. Bonny's reports oral and written,
and from the surviving Soudanese soldiers and Zanzibaris, and we shall
then see how the facts differed or agreed with our anticipations.
[Illustration: MEETING WITH THE REAR COLUMN AT BANALYA.]
CHAPTER XX.
THE SAD STORY OF THE REAR COLUMN.
Tippu-Tib--Major E. M. Barttelot--Mr. J. S. Jameson--Mr. Herbert
Ward--Messrs. Troup and Bonny--Major Barttelot's Report on the
doings of the rear column--Conversation with Mr. Bonny--Major
Barttelot's letter to Mr. Bonny--Facts gleaned from the written
narrative of Mr. Wm. Bonny--Mr. Ward detained at Bangala--Repeated
visits of the Major to Stanley Falls--Murder of Major
Barttelot--Bonny's account of the murder--The assassin Sanga is
punished--Jameson dies of fever at Bangala Station--Meeting of the
advance and rear columns--Dreadful state of the camp--Tippu-Tib and
Major Barttelot--Mr. Jameson--Mr. Herbert Ward's report.
The principal characters of the following narrative are:--
First. Tippu-Tib, _alias_ Sheikh Hamed bin Mohammed, a man who is a
native of the East Coast of Africa, of Arab descent. He has thousands of
men under his command. He is a renowned slave trader, with a passion for
extending his conquests and traffic in ivory and slaves, who, while
meditating war against an infant State lately created in Africa, is
persuaded to agree to a peace pact, to confine his destructive raids
within certain limits, and, finally, to lend the services of 600 carriers
to our Expedition, which is destined for the rescue of a worthy Governor
beleaguered by many enemies at the north end of the Albert Nyanza.
While exhibiting the utmost goodwill, ungrudging hospitality, and
exercising numerous small kindnesses to the officers of the Expedition,
he contrives to delay performing the terms of his solemn contract, and
months are wasted before he moves to take the necessary steps for
accomplishing his duties. Finally, as the officers provoke him by
constant and persistent entreaties, he makes a journey of over 700
miles, collects the carriers, and after eleven months' systematic delay,
surrenders them to his white friends. But a few weeks later a catastrophe
occurs: one of the headmen of these carriers, named Sanga, points his
musket at the principal European officer in charge, and shoots him dead.
[Illustration: MAJOR BARTTELOT.]
Second, is Major Edmund Musgrave Barttelot, a generous, frank, and
chivalrous young English officer, distinguished in Afghanistan and on the
Soudanese Nile for pluck and performance of duty. His rank and past
experience in the command of men entitle him to the appointment of
commander of the rear column. He is instructed to remain at Yambuya
until the arrival of a certain contingent of carriers from Bolobo, in the
charge of three subordinate officers, Messrs. Ward, Troup, and Bonny. If
Tippu-Tib has arrived previous to or by that date, he is to lose no time
in following the track of the advance column, which has preceded him by
about seven weeks. If Tippu-Tib has not arrived by the time the Bolobo
contingent has reached Yambuya, he is to make a forward move by slow
stages with his own force of about 210 carriers, making repeated trips
backwards and forwards until all the essentials are removed from camp to
camp; he is allowed discretion what to dispense with in order to be
enabled to march; the articles are mentioned which may be thrown away. He
declares the instructions to be clear and intelligible. He vows that he
will not wait longer at Yambuya than the arrival of the Bolobo people,
and satisfies us all that in him we have a man of energy, resolution, and
action, and that there is no need of anxiety respecting the conduct of
the rear column. In every letter and report he appears animated by the
utmost loyalty and willing spirit.
Third, is a young civilian named James Sligo Jameson, a gentleman of
wealth, with a passion for natural history studies, who, professing a
fraternal attachment for his friend the Major, is appointed second in
command of the rear column. It is reported of him, that "his alacrity,
capacity, and willingness to work are unbounded"; whatsoever his friend
the Major proposes receives the ready sanction of Mr. Jameson; and he has
a claim to having much experience and judgment for former adventurous
travels in Mashona Land and Matabele. Barely four weeks after the
assassination of his friend he dies, utterly worn out by fever and
trouble.
Three young Englishmen come last, who are attached to the Major's staff,
two of whom, Mr. Herbert Ward and Mr. Troup, are to be associated with
the commander and his second in the discussion of every vital step, and
no important decision can be taken unless a council of the four has been
convened to consider it as to its bearing upon the enterprise for which
they have assembled on the verge of the unknown region of woods. They are
therefore implicated in the consequences of any resolution and every
sequent act. They are not boys new from school, and fresh from the
parental care. They are mature and travelled men. Mr. Herbert Ward has
seen service in Borneo, New Zealand, and Congo land; is bright,
intelligent and capable. Mr. John Rose Troup has also served under my
command in the Congo State, and has been mentioned in my record of the
founding of that State as an industrious and zealous officer. Mr. William
Bonny has seen service in the Zulu and Nile campaigns, has lived years
in South America, and appears to be a staid and observing man.
[Illustration: MR. JAMESON.]
Now here is the inexplicable mystery. We have parted from them while
warmly and even affectionately attached to each other. We have plighted
our words one to the other. "Fear not," say they; "we shall be doing and
striving, cheerfully and loyally." We believe them, and hand in hand we
pledge ourselves.
We return from our quest of Emin Pasha, and according to Major
Barttelot's own Report (see Appendix) we learn the following striking
facts:--
1st. "Rumour is always rife, and is seldom correct, concerning Mr.
Stanley. He is not dead to the best of my belief. I have been obliged to
open Mr. Stanley's boxes, as I cannot carry all his stuff."
He sends to Bangala all my clothing, maps, and charts, reserved medicines
for the Expedition, photo chemicals and reserve negatives, extra springs
for Winchesters, Remingtons, essentials for tents, and my entire canteen.
He reduces me to absolute nakedness. I am so poor as to be compelled to
beg a pair of pants from Mr. Bonny, cut another pair from an old white
blanket in the possession of a deserter, and another from a curtain in my
tent. But Messrs. Jameson, Troup, and Bonny are present, concurring and
assisting, and the two last-named receive salaries, and both present
their accounts and are paid, not a penny deducted, and a liberal
_largesse_ besides in first-class passages home is granted to them.
2nd. "There are four other Soudanese and twenty-nine Zanzibaris who are
unable to proceed with us."
"Two cases of Madeira were also sent him (Mr. Stanley). One case I am
sending back"--that is, down the Congo. He also collects a choice
assortment of jams, sardines, herrings, wheaten flour, sago, tapioca,
arrowroot, &c., and ships them on board the steamer which takes Mr. Troup
homeward. And there are thirty-three dying men in camp. We may presume
that the other gentlemen concurred in this deed also.
3rd. "I shall go on to Wadelai, and ascertain from Emin Pasha, if he be
there still, if he has any news of Mr. Stanley; also of his own
intentions as regards staying or leaving. I need not tell you that all
our endeavours will be most strenuous to make the quest in which we are
going a success. It may be he only needs ammunition to get away by
himself, in which case I would in all probability be able to supply
him."
On the 14th of August Mr. John Rose Troup has delivered over to Major
Barttelot 129 cases Remington rifle cartridges, in addition to the
twenty-nine left by me at Yambuya. These 158 cases contain 80,000 rounds.
By June 9th (see Barttelot's Report) this supply has dwindled down to
35,580 rounds. There has been no marching, no fighting. They have
decreased during a camp life of eleven months in the most unaccountable
manner. There are left with the rear column only sufficient to give fifty
rounds to each rifle in the possession of Emin Pasha's troops. Half of
the gunpowder, and more than two-thirds of the bales of cloth, have
disappeared. Though Yambuya originally contained a store of 300,000
percussion-caps, it has been found necessary to purchase L48 worth from
Tippu-Tib.
4th. "The loads we do not take are to be sent to Bangala. They will be
loaded (on the steamers) on June 8th (1888), a receipt being given for
them by Mr. Van Kerkhoven, which is forwarded to you; also a letter of
instructions to him and to Mr. Ward. Perhaps you would kindly give the
requisite order concerning the loads and two canoes purchased for Mr.
Ward's transport, as it is nearly certain I shall not return that way,
and shall have, therefore, no further need of them _or him_." (See
Appendix--Barttelot's Report).
Mr. Ward has been despatched down river to telegraph to the Committee for
instructions; he was supposed to bring those instructions back from the
sea with him. Here we are told the Major has no further need of him. He
has also written to Captain Van Kerkhoven, of Bangala, not to allow him
to ascend above Bangala. In the last paragraph of Mr. Jameson's letter to
Mr. Bonny I note a reference to this change.
5th. The rear column consisted of 271 souls rank and file when we parted
from Yambuya, June 28th, 1887.
In October, 1887, this force, according to a letter from the Major, had
decreased to 246 men.
On June 4th, 1888, while the rear column lies still in the same camp (see
the Major's Report) it has diminished to 135 men rank and file.
On August 17th, 1888, I demand from Mr. William Bonny, who is in sole
charge at that date, an official report as to the number of men left of
the rear column, and he presents me with the following:--
"List of Zanzibaris left by Mr. Stanley at Bolobo and Yambuya, inclusive
of eleven men, deserters, picked up from advance column:--
78 dead.
26 deserted.
10 with Mr. Jameson (Bangala).
29 left sick at Yambuya.
5 left sick on road.
75 present at Banalya, August 17th, 1888.
----
223
Return of Soudanese and Somalis and Syrians left at Yambuya:--
21 died.
1 killed by natives.
1 executed by order of Major Barttelot.
3 sent down Congo to Egypt.
4 left sick at Yambuya.
1 sick handed over to care of Congo State.
22 present at Banalya, August 17th, 1888.
----
53
223
----
276
Return of British officers left by Mr. Stanley at Bolobo and Yambuya:--
1 John Rose Troup, invalided home.
1 Herbert Ward, sent down river by Major Barttelot.
1 James S. Jameson, proceeded down Congo.
1 Edmund M. Barttelot, Major (murdered).
1 William Bonny, present at Banalya, August 17th, 1888.
----
5
276
----
281
11 deserters from advance column.
----
270
1 error.
----
271
----
Dead and lost.
78 Zanzibaris dead.
29 left sick at Yambuya.
4 left sick at Yambuya.
5 left sick on road.
21 Soudanese dead.
1 killed by natives.
1 executed.
----
139
----
6th. The steamer _Stanley_ arrived at Yambuya on the 14th of August,
within a few days of the date mentioned in the Letter of Instructions. On
the 17th she departs to her port at Leopoldville, and has severed all
connection with the Expedition. The officers of the Congo State have
behaved loyally according to their Sovereign's promise. It only remains
now for the rear column to pack up and depart slowly but steadily along
our track, because Tippu-Tib has not arrived, and according to the issue
anticipated will not come.
I turn to Mr. Bonny, and ask, "Were you not all anxious to be at work?"
"Yes, sir."
"Were you not burning to be off from Yambuya?"
"Yes, sir."
"Were you all equally desirous to be on the road?"
"I believe so. Yes, sir."
"Well, Mr. Bonny, tell me--if it be true that you were all burning,
eager, and anxious to be off--why you did not devise some plan better
than travelling backwards and forwards between Yambuya and Stanley
Falls?"
"I am sure I don't know, sir. I was not the chief, and if you will
observe, in the Letter of Instructions you did not even mention my
name."
"That is very true; I ask your pardon; but you surely did not remain
silent because I omitted to mention your name, did you--you a salaried
official of the Expedition?"
"No, sir. I did speak often."
"Did the others?"
"I don't know, sir."
I have never obtained further light from Mr. Bonny, though at every
leisure hour it was a constant theme.
A year after this we were at Usambiro, south of the Victoria Nyanza, and
I received a clipping of a newspaper wherein there was a copy of Major
Barttelot's letter of October, 1887. There was a portion which said, "We
shall be obliged to stay here until November." I know that they thought
they were obliged to remain until June 11, 1888. I turn to Major
Barttelot's letter of June 4th, 1888 (see Appendix), wherein he says, "I
feel it my bounden duty to proceed on this business, in which I am fully
upheld by both Mr. Jameson and Mr. Bonny; to wait longer would be both
useless and culpable, as Tippu-Tib has not the remotest intention of
helping us any more, and to withdraw would be pusillanimous, and, I am
certain, entirely contrary to your wishes and those of the Committee."
I turned to my Letter of Instructions, and I find in Paragraph 10:
"It may happen that though Tippu-Tib has sent some men, he has not sent
enough to carry the goods with your own force. In that case you will of
course use your discretion as to what goods you can dispense with, to
enable you to march."
Paragraph 11. "If you still cannot march, then it would be better to make
marches of six miles twice over, if you prefer marching to staying for
our arrival, than throw too many things away." (See Letter of
Instructions in a preceding chapter.)
At Usambiro also I received the answer which the Committee sent in reply
to Mr. Ward's cablegram from St. Paul de Loanda, asking them to "wire
advice and opinion."
_To Major Barttelot, Care Ward, Congo._
"_Committee refer you to Stanley's orders of the 24th June. If you
still cannot march in accordance with these orders, then stay where
you are, awaiting his arrival, or until you receive fresh
instructions from Stanley."_
A committee 6000 miles away penetrate into the spirit of the instructions
instantly, but a committee of five officers at Yambuya do not appear to
understand them, though they have been drawn up on the clear
understanding that each officer would prefer active movement and
occupation to an inactive life and idle waiting at Yambuya.
7th. Mr. William Bonny, whose capacity to undertake serious
responsibilities is unknown to me, is not mentioned in the Letter of
Instructions.
On my return to Banalya, Mr. Bonny hands me the following order written
by Major Barttelot.
"Yambuya Camp,
"_April 22nd, 1888_.
"Sir,--In event of my death, detention of Arabs, absence from any
cause from Yambuya camp, you will assume charge of the Soudanese
company, the Zanzibar company, and take charge of the stores,
sleeping in the house where they are placed. All orders to
Zanzibaris, Somalis, and Soudanese will be issued by you and to
them only. All issues of cloth, matako (brass rods), etc., will be
at your discretion, but expenditure of all kinds must as much as
possible be kept under. Relief to Mr. Stanley, care of the loads
and men, good understanding between yourself and the Arabs must be
your earnest care; anything or anybody attempting to interfere
between you and these matters must be instantly removed.
"I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.,
"Edmund M. Barttelot,
"_Major_."
What remains for the faithful Jameson, "whose alacrity, capacity, and
willingness to work are unbounded," to do? Where is the promising,
intelligent, and capable Ward? What position remains for the methodical,
business-like, and zealous Mr. John Rose Troup? Mr. Bonny has been
suddenly elevated to the command of the rear column in the event of any
unhappy accident to Major Barttelot.
My first fear was that I had become insane. When I alone of all men
attempt to reconcile these inexplicable contrarinesses with what I know
animated each and every officer of the rear column, I find that all the
wise editors of London differ from me. In the wonderful log-book entries
I read noble zeal, indefatigable labour, marches and counter-marches, and
a limitless patience. In the Major's official report, in Mr. Jameson's
last sad letter (see Appendix), I discern a singleness of purpose,
inflexible resolve and the true fibre of loyalty, tireless energy, and
faith, and a devotion which disdains all calculation of cost. When I came
to compare these things one with another, my conclusion was that the
officers at Yambuya had manifestly been indifferent to the letter of
instructions, and had forgotten their promises. When Mr. Bonny told me
that one of them had risen at a mess meeting to propose that my
instructions should be cancelled, and that the ideas of Major Barttelot
should be carried out in future--it did appear to me that the most
charitable construction that could be placed upon such conduct was that
they were indifferent to any suggestions which had been drawn out
purposely to satisfy their own oft-repeated desire of "moving on."
But how I wish that I had been there for just one hour only on that
August 17th, 1887, when the five officers were assembled--adrift and
away, finally from all touch with civilization--to discuss what they
should do, to tell them that
"Joy's soul lies in the doing,
And the rapture of pursuing
Is the prize."
To remind them that
"The path of duty is the way to glory."
What! count your hundreds of loads! What are they? Look, it is simply
this: 200 carriers are here to-day. There are 500 loads. Hence to the
next village is ten miles. In six days your 200 men have carried the 500
loads ten miles. In four months you are inland about 150 miles. In eight
months you are 300 miles nearer to the Nyanza, and long before that time
you have lightened your labours by conveying most of your burdens in
canoes; you will have heard all about that advance column as early as
October, the second month of work; for powder and guns, you may get
Ugarrowwa's flotilla to help you, and by the time the advance column
starts from Fort Bodo to hunt you up, you will be safe in Ugarrowwa's
settlement, and long before that you will have met the couriers with
charts of the route with exact information of what lies before you, where
food is to be obtained, and every one of you will be healthier and
happier, and you will have the satisfaction of having performed even a
greater task than the advance column, and obtained the "kudos" which you
desired. The bigger the work the greater the joy in doing it. That
whole-hearted striving and wrestling with Difficulty; the laying hold
with firm grip and level head and calm resolution of the monster, and
tugging, and toiling, and wrestling at it, to-day, to-morrow, and the
next until it is done; it is the soldier's creed of forward, ever
forward--it is the man's faith that for this task was he born. Don't
think of the morrow's task, but what you have to do to-day, and go at it.
When it is over, rest tranquilly, and sleep well.
But I was unable to be present; I could only rely on their promise that
they would limit their faith in Tippu-Tib until the concentration of all
officers and men attached to the rear column, and insist that the blazing
on the trees, the broad arrow-heads pointing the way, should be well made
for their clear guidance through the almost endless woods, from one side
of the forest to its farthest edge. Yet curiously hungering to know why
Barttelot, who was "spoiling for work," and Jameson, who was so earnest,
and had paid a thousand pounds for the privilege of being with us, and
Ward, who I thought was to be the future Clive of Africa, and Troup, so
noted for his industry, and Bonny, so steady and so obedient, so
unconsciously acted as to utterly prevent them from doing what I believe
from my soul they wished to do as much as I or any other of us did, a
conviction flashes upon my mind that there has been a supernatural
malignant influence or agency at work to thwart every honest intention.
A few instances will tend to strengthen this conviction. I freely and
heartily admit that the five officers burned to leave Yambuya, and to
assist in prosecuting unto successful issue the unique enterprise they
had sacrificed so much comfort to join. But they are utterly unable to
move, try how they may. They believe I am alive, and they vow to make a
strenuous quest for me, but they reduce me to nakedness. They are
determined to start in quest and relief of Emin Pasha, because "to
withdraw would be pusillanimous, and to stay longer would be culpable,"
and yet they part with the necessary ammunition that they wish to carry
to him. They confess that there are thirty-three sick men unable to move
at Yambuya, and yet the very stores, medicaments, and wine that might
have saved them they box up and send to Bangala, after first obtaining a
receipt for them. They have all signed agreements wherein each officer
shall have a fair share of all European preserved provisions, perfect
delicacies, and yet they decline to eat them, or allow the sick men to
eat them, but despatch them out of the hungry woods to the station of
Bangala. Mr. Bonny, as I understand, expressed no regret or audible
dissent at their departure. From pure habit of discipline he refrained
from demanding his fair share, and like a good Englishman, but mighty
poor democrat, he parted with his inalienable right without a murmur.
They searched for Manyuema slaves, cannibals of the Bakusu and Basongora
tribes to replace their dead Zanzibaris and Soudanese, Somalis and
Syrians, and it came to pass a few weeks after they had obtained these
cannibals that one of their head men assassinates the English commander.
Also on a fatal date, fatal because that resolution to wait sealed their
fate, an officer of the advance column was straying through an
impenetrable bush with 300 despairing men behind him, and on this fatal
date the next year, Mr. Bonny, the sole survivor of the English band,
pours into my ears a terrible tale of death and disaster, while at the
same hour poor Jameson breathes his last, tired and worn out with his
futile struggles to "move on" at Bangala, 500 miles west of me; and 600
miles east of me, the next day, Emin Pasha and Mr. Jephson walk into the
arms of the rebel soldiery of Equatoria.
This is all very uncanny if you think of it. There is a supernatural
_diablerie_ operating which surpasses the conception and attainment of a
mortal man.
In addition to all these mischiefs a vast crop of lying is germinated in
these darksome shades in the vicinity of Stanley Falls, or along the
course of the Upper Congo, showing a measureless cunning, and an
insatiable love of horror. My own murder appears to be a favourite theme,
quantities of human bones are said to be discovered by some
reconnoitering party, human limbs are said to be found in cooking-pots,
sketches by an amateur artist are reported to have been made of whole
families indulging in cannibal repasts; it is more than hinted that
Englishmen are implicated in raids, murder, and cannibalism, that they
have been making targets of native fugitives while swimming in the
Aruwimi, all for the mere sake of infusing terror, alarm, and grief among
quiet English people, and to plague our friends at home.
The instruments this dark power elects for the dissemination of these
calumnious fables are as various in their professions as in their
nationality. It is a deserter one day, and the next it is an engineer of
a steamer; it is now a slave-trader, or a slave; it is a guileless
missionary in search of work, or a dismissed Syrian; it is a young artist
with morbid tastes, or it is an officer of the Congo Free State. Each in
his turn becomes possessed with an insane desire to say or write
something which overwhelms common sense, and exceeds ordinary belief.
From the official written narrative of Mr. William Bonny I glean the
following, and array the facts in clear order.
The _Stanley_ steamer has departed from Yambuya early in the morning of
August 17th, 1887. The goods she has brought up are stored within the
magazine, and as near as I can gather there are 266 men within the
entrenched camp. As they are said to have met to deliberate upon their
future steps we may assume that the letter of instructions was read, and
that they did not understand them. They think the wisest plan would be to
await Tippu-Tib, who, it will be remembered, had promised to Major
Barttelot that he would be after him within nine days.
On this day the officers heard firing across the river almost opposite to
Yambuya. Through their binoculars they see the aborigines chased into the
river by men dressed in white clothes, who are shooting at them from the
north or right bank. Conceiving that the marauders must be some of
Tippu-Tib's men, they resolve upon electing an officer and a few men to
interview them, and to cease from molesting the natives who have long ago
become friendly and are under their protection. The officer goes across,
finds their camp, and invites Abdallah, their chief, to visit the English
commander of Yambuya. The Major thus learns that these marauders really
belong to Tippu-Tib, and that Stanley Falls is but six days' march
overland from Yambuya. Probably believing that, after all, Tippu-Tib may
be persuaded to assist the Expedition, he inquires for and obtains guides
to conduct some of his party to Stanley Falls, to speak and treat in his
behalf with that chieftain whom we have conveyed from Zanzibar to Stanley
Falls, with free rations in consideration of the help he had solemnly
contracted to furnish.
On August 29, Mr. Ward returns from the Falls with a reply from
Tippu-Tib, wherein he promises that he will collect the carriers needed
and send them within ten days. The first promise in June was "in nine
days"; the promise is in August "in ten days." A few days later Mr.
Jameson returns from Stanley Falls in company of Salim bin Mohammed, a
nephew of Tippu-Tib, and a large party of Manyuema. This party is
reported to be the vanguard of the carrier contingent, which Tippu-Tib
will shortly bring in person.
In the interval of waiting for him, however, trouble breaks out on the
Lumami, and Tippu-Tib is obliged to hurry to the scene to settle it. The
Yambuya garrison, however, are daily expecting his presence.
Unable to bear the suspense, the second visit to Stanley Falls is
undertaken, this time by Major Barttelot in person. It is the 1st of
October. Salim bin Mohammed accompanied him, and also Mr. Troup. On the
way thither they met Tippu-Tib advancing towards Yambuya, having six
deserters from the advance column, each bearing a weighty tusk. The Major
graciously remits the six ivory tusks to the Arab chief, and, as they
must have a palaver, they go together to Stanley Falls.
After one month the Major returns to his camp, on the Aruwimi, and states
that Tippu-Tib, unable to muster 600 carriers in the Stanley Falls
region, is obliged to proceed to Kasongo, about 350 miles above Stanley
Falls, and that this journey of about 700 miles (to Kasongo and back)
will occupy forty-two days.
Meantime, twenty of the Major's own people have been buried outside the
camp.
The English commander learns that during his absence, Majato, a head man
of the Manyuema, has been behaving "badly," that he has been, in fact,
intimidating the natives who marketed with the garrison, with the view of
starving the soldiers and Zanzibaris, or reaping some gain by acting as
the middleman or factor in the exchange of goods for produce. Hearing
these things, the Major naturally becomes indignant, and forthwith
despatches Mr. Ward, who makes the third visit to the Falls to complain
of the arbitrary conduct of Majato. The complaint is effective, and,
Majato is immediately withdrawn.
In the beginning of 1888, Salim bin Mohammed arrives at Yambuya for the
second time, and presently becomes so active in enforcing certain
measures against the natives that the food supply of the camp is wholly
cut off and never renewed. He also commences the construction of a
permanent camp of substantial mud-built huts, at half a bow-shot's
distance from the palisades of Yambuya, and completely invests the fort
on the land side, as though he were preparing for a siege of the place.
After a futile effort to bribe Salim with the offer of a thousand pounds
to lead a Manyuema contingent to follow the track of the advance column,
Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson, about the middle of February, undertake
the fourth visit to Stanley Falls. Salim, fearing unfavourable accounts
of his behaviour, accompanies them _en route_; the party meet 250
Manyuema, but as they have no written instructions with them, they are
permitted to scatter over the country in search of ivory.
In March Salim returns to Yambuya, and intimates to the officers that no
doubt the carriers would be ultimately forthcoming, not however for the
purpose of following Mr. Stanley's track, but to proceed _via_ Ujiji and
Unyoro; a mere haziness of geography!
On the 25th of March, Major Barttlelot returns to the camp with
information that Mr. Jameson, the indefatigable Jameson, has proceeded up
river in the track of Tippu-Tib with the intention of reaching Kasongo.
He also announces his intention of forming a flying column, and leaving
the larger part of his goods at Stanley Falls in charge of an officer! He
also prepares a telegram to the committee in London which is as
follows:--
"St. Paul de Loanda,
"_1st May, 1888_.
"No news of Stanley since writing last October. Tippu-Tib went to
Kasongo, Nov. 16th, but up to March has only got us 250 men. More
are coming, but uncertain in number, and as precaution, presuming
Stanley in trouble (it would) be absurd in me to start with less
number than he did, while carrying more loads--minus Maxim gun.
Therefore I have sent Jameson to Kasongo to hasten Tippu-Tib in
regard to originally proposed number of 600 men, and to obtain as
many fighting men as possible up to 400, also to make as
advantageous terms as he can regarding service, and payment of
men, he and I guaranteeing money in name of Expedition. Jameson
will return about the 14th, but earliest day to start will be June
1st, when I propose leaving an officer with all loads not
absolutely wanted at Stanley Falls. Ward carries this message;
please obtain wire from the King of the Belgians to the
Administrator of the Free State to place carriers at his disposal,
and have steamers in readiness to convey him to Yambuya. If men
come before his arrival I shall start without him. He should return
about July 1st. Wire advice and opinion. Officers all well. Ward
awaits reply.
"Barttelot."
Mr. Ward proceeded down the Congo, and in an unprecedentedly short time
reached the sea-board, cabled his despatch, received the following reply,
and started up the Congo again for the Yambuya camp.
"Major Barttelot, care Ward, Congo.
"Committee refer you to Stanley's orders of the 24th June, 1887. If
you still cannot march in accordance with these orders, then stay
where you are, awaiting his arrival or until you receive fresh
instructions from Stanley. Committee do not authorise the
engagement of fighting men. News has been received from Emin Pasha
_via_ Zanzibar, dated Wadelai, November 2nd. Stanley was not then
heard of: Emin Pasha is well and in no immediate want of supplies,
and goes to south-west of lake to watch for Stanley. Letters have
been posted regularly _via_ East Coast.
"Chairman of Committee."
Mr. Ward on arriving at Bangala is detained there by order.
The Committee have made a slight mistake in calling my letter of
instructions "orders." The instructions are not exactly "orders." They
are suggestions or advices tendered by the Commander of the Expedition to
the Commanding Officer of the rear column, which he may follow or reject
at his own discretion. Major Barttelot has expressed an impatient desire
to be of active service to the Expedition. He declares that it is his
dearest wish to leave Yambuya to follow on our track. The Commander of
the Expedition, strongly sympathising with the impetuous young officer,
writes out a series of suggestions by which his desire may be realized,
and gives him further a pencilled estimate (see Appendix) by what manner
the forward advance after us may be done. The Major earnestly promises to
conform to these suggestions, and the parting between him and myself is
on this understanding. But they are not positive "orders," as a man's
epitaph can best be written after his death, so the measure of "kudos" to
be given a man is best known after the value of his services has been
ascertained.
At the end of March the Major is on bad terms with Salim bin Mohammed,
which compels him to make a fifth visit to Stanley Falls to obtain his
removal.
About the middle of April Major Barttelot returns to his camp, and Salim
has orders to quit Yambuya. Instead, however, of proceeding to Stanley
Falls, he proposes a raid upon a large village below Yambuya, but in a
few days he reappears, stating that he has heard a rumour that the
advance column is descending the upper waters of the Aruwimi.
On the 9th of May, 1888, the Major proceeds to make a sixth visit to
Stanley Falls, and on the 22nd of the month makes his reappearance with
the indefatigable Jameson and a large party of Manyuema. Three days later
the procrastinating Tippu-Tib, who, on the 18th of June, 1887, said that
he would be at Yambuya within nine days, and in August within ten days,
arrives by steamer _A. I. A._ The _Stanley_ also steams up to deliver
letters for the expedition.
As Tippu-Tib suggested that the loads 60lbs. weight were too heavy for
his people, the officers were obliged to reduce them to 40, 30, and 20lb.
weights, to suit his views. This was no light task, but it had to be
performed. As an advance payment, Mr. Bonny relates that forty-seven
bales of cloth, a vast store of powder and fixed ammunition are
delivered, and L128 worth of stores are given to Muini Sumai, the head
man of the Manyuema battalion. The European provisions are then
overhauled, and such articles as Madeira wine, jams, sago, tapioca,
arrowroot, sardines, herrings, and wheat flour are boxed up, and with
eight boxes of my baggage are shipped on board the steamer for Bangala as
unnecessary and superfluous, in the same vessel on which Mr. Troup is an
invalid passenger bound home.
Finally, on the 11th of June, 1888, after weeding out twenty-nine
Zanzibaris and four Soudanese who are too feeble to work, Messrs.
Barttelot, Jameson, and Bonny leave the camp they should have left not
later than the 25th of August, 1887, with a following of Zanzibaris,
Soudanese, Somalis, and Manyuema, aggregating nearly 900 men, women, and
children, with the intention of making that "strenuous quest" for the
lost Commander and to relieve Emin Pasha.
These six visits to Stanley Falls which the Major and his friends have
made amount in the aggeregate to 1200 English miles of marching. The
untiring Major has personally travelled 800 miles, while Jameson has
performed 1200 miles. If only these 1200 miles had been travelled between
Yambuya and the Albert, the rear column would have reached Panga Falls.
Even by travelling sixty miles, to gain a direct advance of ten miles,
they would have been cheered and encouraged by our letters and charts to
press on to Avejeli to recuperate among the abundant plantains of that
rich and populous settlement.
But while the Major and his officers were endeavouring to stimulate an
unwilling man to perform his contract with forty-five guinea rifles,
Remington rifles, ivory-handled revolvers and ammunition, with many a
fair bale of cloth, their own faithful men were dying at a frightful
rate. Out of the original roll of 271, there are only 132 left of rank
and file, and out of these 132 by the time they have arrived at Banalya
there are only 101 remaining, and nearly a half of these are so wasted by
famine and disease that there is no hope of life in them.
Thirteen days after the departure of the horde of Manyuema and the anaemic
Zanzibaris from the fatal camp of Yambuya, the Major undertakes a seventh
visit to Stanley Falls, and leaves the column to struggle on its way to
Banalya without him. On the forty-third day of the march of ninety miles
the van of the rear column enters the palisaded village of Banalya, which
has become in my absence a station of Tippu-Tib's in charge of an Arab
called Abdallah Karoni, and on the same day the restless and enterprising
Major enters it on his return from Stanley Falls. On the next day some
misunderstanding takes place between him and the chief Abdallah Karoni.
The Major storms at him, and threatens to start to Stanley Falls for the
eighth visit on the 20th of July to complain of his conduct to Tippu-Tib;
but at dawn on the 19th of July the unfortunate commander is shot through
the heart by the assassin Sanga.
I will permit Mr. William Bonny's official report to detail what occurred
in a revised form.
"_18th July, 1888._--The Major continued to threaten Abdalla that
if he did not get the carriers promised by Tippu-Tib he would
return to Stanley Falls on the 20th, and he ordered the Arab to
accompany him. The Major informed me he would be back on the 9th of
August, but before concluding his remarks, he asked me, 'Don't you
think I am doing the correct thing by going to Stanley Falls?' I
answered, 'No, I don't see why you want sixty more men; you have
men enough and to spare! You had better issue the rifles and
ammunition to the men, and that will reduce the number of our
burdens by fifteen, and trust the men. Mr. Stanley is obliged to
trust the men. If they run away from you, they run away from him,
but if you leave them in my hands I don't think they will run.' The
Major said, 'I intend that you shall have command of the Zanzibaris
and Soudanese from here, and you shall precede the Manyuema a day's
march. Mr. Jameson and I will march with the Manyuema and get them
into some order, and see they do not mix up with your people. I
don't want to go to the Falls, but I want you to try to get some
few men. If you only get me twenty I shall be satisfied. I asked
Abdallah if he could let me have a few carriers. I obtained
seven.'
"_19th July._--Early this morning a Manyuema woman commenced
beating a drum and singing. It is their daily custom. The Major
sent his boy Soudi, who was only about thirteen years old, to stop
them, but at once loud and angry voices were heard, followed by two
shots by way of defiance. The Major ordered some Soudanese to go
and find the men who were firing, at the same time getting up from
bed himself and taking his revolvers from the case. He said, 'I
will shoot the first man I catch firing.' I told him not to
interfere with the people's daily custom, to remain inside, and not
go out, inasmuch as they would soon be quiet. He went out revolver
in hand to where the Soudanese were. They told him that they could
not find the men who were firing. The Major then pushed aside some
Manyuema and passed through them towards the woman who was beating
the drum and singing, and ordered her to desist. Just then a shot
was fired through a loophole, in an opposite hut from within, by
Sanga, the woman's husband. The charge penetrated just below the
region of the heart and passed out behind, lodging finally in a
part of the verandah under which the Major fell dead.
"The Soudanese ran away, and refused to follow me to get the
Major's body; but I went, and was followed by one Somali, and one
Soudanese, who with myself carried the body to my house. From the
screaming I thought a general massacre had commenced, for I had not
seen a single Zanzibari. They were either hiding within their
houses or joining in the general stampede that followed. I now
turned and saw one of the headmen of the Manyuema, who with rifle
and revolver in hand was leading a body of sixty of his people to
attack me. I had no arms. I walked up to him and asked him if he
was leading his men to fight me. He replied 'No.' I said, 'Then
take your men quietly to their houses and bring all the headmen to
me, for I wish to speak to them.' Some headmen shortly afterwards
made their appearance, and I said to them, 'The trouble is not
mine, but Tippu-Tib's. I want you to bring me all the loads, and
tell all your fellows to do the same. Tippu-Tib knows what each of
you has in charge and is responsible for them. This is Tippu-Tib's
trouble. Tippu-Tib will have to pay up if the goods are lost, and
will punish the headman who causes him a loss. I shall write to
him, and he will come here, and he shall know the name of him who
refuses to do what I now wish.' This resulted in my getting back to
the storeroom about 150 loads. I now sent my men to collect what
goods they could, and before long I recovered 299 porter loads.
They had been scattered all over the place, some in the forest, in
the rice field, and in the village huts hidden away within and
without, in fact everywhere. Some of the bead sacks and ammunition
boxes had already been ripped or broken open, and the whole of
their contents, or in part, gone. After counting up I found I was
forty-eight loads short. The inhabitants of the village numbered
about 200 or 300 people. I had arrived with about 100 men; Muni
Sumai, the chief headman of the Manyuema, with 430 carriers and
about 200 followers, making a total of about 1000 people, of whom
900 were cannibals, all confined within an area 160 yards by 25
yards. You can therefore better judge than I can describe the scene
when the general stampede commenced, the screaming, firing,
shouting, looting our stores, &c., &c. I regret to say that the
Soudanese and Zanzibaris without exception joined in the looting,
but in my turn I raided their houses and haunts and captured a
quantity of cloth, beads, rice, &c. I had to punish severely before
I succeeded in stopping it. I now wrote to Mr. Jameson, who was
about four days off bringing up the remaining loads. I also wrote
to Mons. Baert, a Congo State officer, and secretary to Tippu-Tib
at Stanley Falls, explaining what had taken place, how I was
situated, and asking him to use all his tact with Tippu-Tib to get
him to come here or send some chief to replace Muini Sumai, who had
been one of the first to abscond. I told Mons. Baert to tell
Tippu-Tib that all Europe would blame him if he did not assist us.
I then buried the Major, after sewing the body up in a blanket. I
dug a grave just within the forest, placing leaves as a cushion at
the bottom of the grave, and covered the body with the same. I then
read the church service from our Prayer-Book over the body, and
this brought the terrible day to a close.
"The Major wrote and handed me the official order appointing me in
command of the Zanzibari and Soudanese when the camp at Yambuya was
in great danger,and his own life especially. I therefore take
command of this Second Column of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition
until I see Mr. Stanley or return to the coast.
"It shall be my constant care under God's help to make it more
successful than heretofore. Mr. Jameson will occupy the same
position as shown in Mr. Stanley's instructions to Major Barttelot
on his going to Stanley Falls to settle with Tippu-Tib for another
headman of the Manyuema. He has free hands, believing himself to be
in command. I did not undeceive him. On his return here I will show
him the document, a copy of which I have given above.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"&c., &c.,
"William Bonny.
"To H. M. Stanley, Esq.,
"Commander E.P.R.E."
Three days after the tragedy Mr. Jameson appears at Banalya with the rear
guard of the rear column, and assumes command; but on the 25th of July,
after leaving words of encouragement to Mr. Bonny, he undertakes the
eighth visit to Stanley Falls in the hope that by making liberal offers
of gold to satisfy the avaricious Tippu-Tib he may induce him either to
head the Rear Column himself, or send one of his fiery nephews in his
place--Salim bin Mohammed, or Rashid, who assaulted and captured Stanley
Falls from Captain Deane.
On August 12th he writes his last letter (see Appendix) to Mr. Bonny, and
begins it, "The Expedition is at a very low ebb at present, as I think
you will acknowledge." This is a sad fact very patent to everybody.
After seeing the act of justice performed on the wretched assassin Sanga,
and witnessing the shooting of him and the body tossed into the Congo, he
departs from Stanley Falls for Bangala. For Mr. Jameson and Major
Barttelot were both concerned in the detention of Ward for some reason at
Bangala, and therefore the answer of the Committee to their cablegram of
the 1st of May was in his possession. Mr. Jameson is anxious to know what
its tenor is before a final movement, and he departs in a canoe with ten
Zanzibaris. Night and day they float, and when opposite the Lumami he is
attacked with fever. His constitution is open to its virulence, filled as
his mind is with despondency, for the fortunes of the Expedition
are--despite every strenuous endeavour on his part, his whole-hearted
devotion, his marches and counter-marches, his tramp of 1400 miles (1200
miles before leaving Yambuya, thence to Banalya, and then to Stanley
Falls), his sacrifice of money, physical comforts, and the pouring out of
his soul to effect what he thinks ought to be done--but alas! "at their
lowest ebb." And the fever mounts to his brain. By day and night the
canoemen press on to the goal of Bangala Station, and arrive in time to
put him in the arms of Mr. Ward, where he breathes his last, as the
advance column, returning after its rushing and swinging pace through
forest and by river from the Albert Nyanza, enter Banalya to demand
"Where is Jameson?"
Twenty-eight days after the tragic death of Major Barttelot, and
twenty-three days after the departure of Jameson, the advance column
returning from the Albert Nyanza, much reduced in numbers, and so
tattered in their clothing that they were taken for pagans picked up by
the way and their old comrades failed to recognise them, appeared at
Banalya to learn for the first time the distressful story of the rear
column.
The life of misery which was related was increased by the misery which
we saw. Pen cannot picture nor tongue relate the full horrors witnessed
within that dreadful pest-hold. The nameless scourge of barbarians was
visible in the faces and bodies of many a hideous-looking human being,
who, disfigured, bloated, marred and scarred, came, impelled by
curiosity, to hear and see us who had come from the forest land east, and
who were reckless of the terror they inspired by the death embodied in
them. There were six dead bodies lying unburied, and the smitten living
with their festers lounged in front of us by the dozen. Others worn to
thin skin and staring bone from dysentery and fell anaemia, and ulcers as
large as saucers, crawled about and hollowly sounded their dismal
welcome--a welcome to this charnel yard! Weak, wearied, and jaded in
body and mind, I scarcely know how I endured the first few hours, the
ceaseless story of calamity vexed my ears, a deadly stench of disease
hung in the air, and the most repellent sights moved and surged before
my dazed eyes. I heard of murder and death, of sickness and sorrow,
anguish and grief, and wherever I looked the hollow eyes of dying men met
my own with such trusting, pleading regard, such far-away yearning
looks, that it seemed to me if but one sob was uttered my heart would
break. I sat stupefied under a suffocating sense of despondency, yet the
harrowing story moved on in a dismal cadence that had nought else in it
but death and disaster, disaster and death. A hundred graves at
Yambuya--thirty-three men perishing abandoned in the camp, ten dead
on the road, about forty in the village about to yield their feeble hold
of life, desertions over twenty, rescued a passable sixty! And of the
gallant band of Englishmen? "Barttelot's grave is but a few yards off,
Troup went home a skeleton, Ward is somewhere a wanderer, Jameson has
gone to the Falls, I don't know why." "And you--you are the only one
left?" "The only one, sir."
If I were to record all that I saw at Banalya in its deep intensity of
unqualified misery, it would be like stripping the bandages off a vast
sloughing ulcer, striated with bleeding arteries, to the public gaze,
with no earthly purpose than to shock and disgust.
Implicitly believing as we did in the _elan_ of Barttelot, in the
fidelity of Jameson, in the vigorous youth and manly promise of Ward, in
the prudence and trustworthiness of Troup, and the self-command and
steadiness of Bonny, all these revelations came to me with a severe
shock. The column was so complete with every requisite for prolonged and
useful work, but the "flood-tide of opportunity" flowed before them
unseen and unnoted, therefore their marches became mere "marking time."
What, Barttelot! that tireless man with the ever-rushing pace, that
cheery young soldier, with his dauntless bearing, whose soul was ever
yearning for glory. A man so lavishly equipped with Nature's advantages
to bow the knee thus to the grey craftiness at Stanley Falls! It was all
an unsolved riddle to me. I would have wagered he would have seized that
flowing grey beard of Tippu-Tib and pounded the face to pulp, even in the
midst of his power, rather than allow himself to be thus cajoled time and
time again. The fervid vehemence of his promise not to wait a day after
the fixed date yet rings in my ears; I feel the strong grip, and see the
resolute face, and I remember my glowing confidence in him.
It is said that "Still waters run deep." Now Jameson was such a still,
and patient, and withal determined man that we all conceded a certain
greatness to him. He had paid L1000 sterling, and had promised diligence
and zealous service, for the privilege of being enrolled as a member of
the Expedition. He had a passion for natural history to gratify, with a
marked partiality for ornithology and entomology. According to Barttelot,
"his alacrity, capacity, and willingness to work were unbounded," which I
unqualifiedly endorse. What else he was may be best learned in his letter
of August 12, and his entries in the log book. Zeal and activity grow
into promise and relief as we read, he seals his devotion by offering out
of his purse L10,000, and by that unhappy canoe voyage by day and by
night, until he was lifted to his bed to die at Bangala.
Granted that Tippu-Tib was kind to these young gentlemen during their
frequent visits to Stanley Falls, and welcomed and feasted them on the
best, and that he sent them back to Yambuya with loads of rice and flocks
of goats, which is admitted. But his natural love of power, his ignorance
of geography, his barbarous conceit, his growing indolence, and his
quickened avarice proved insuperable obstacles to the realizing of
Barttelot and Jameson's wishes, and were as fatally opposite to their
interests and dearest desires as open war would have been. The wonder to
me is that the officers never seem to be conscious that their visits and
rich gifts to him are utterly profitless, and that the object they have
at heart, their inherited qualities, their education, habits, and natures
forbid any further repetition of them. For some mysterious reason they
pin their faith with the utmost tenacity to Tippu-Tib, and to his
promises of "nine days," then "ten days," then "forty-two days," &c.,
&c., all of which are made only to be broken.
But the most icy heart may well be melted with compassion for these
young men so prematurely cut off--and so near rescue after all. They
bravely attempt to free their clouded minds and to judge clearly in which
course lies their duty. At their mess-table they sit discussing what
ought to be done. Mind gravitates to mind, and ignites a spark of the
right sort; it is uttered, but some one or something quenches the spark
as soon as it flashes, and the goodly purpose goes astray. They
propose a number of schemes wide apart from the simple suggestions that I
have furnished them with, and each project as soon as it is born is
frustrated by some untoward event soon after. Though they all are
undoubtedly animated by the purest motives, and remain to the end
unquestionably loyal--throughout every act they are doing themselves
irreparable injury, and unconsciously weighing their friends of the
advance column down to the verge of despair with anxieties.
The following is Mr. Herbert Ward's report, which in justice I feel bound
to publish:--
"Windsor Hotel,
"New York City,
"_Feb. 13th, 1890_.
"On August 14th, 1887, Troup, Bonny, and myself, with the men and
loads, arrived at Yambuya from Bolobo. We found that since your
departure on June 28th, 1887, nothing had been heard of Tippu-Tib,
and that the Major and Jameson had occupied their time in obtaining
firewood for the steamer. On the following afternoon after our
arrival, a band of Manyuema attacked the temporary village that the
Chief Ngunga had built on the opposite side of the river, just
below the rapids. Bonny and I crossed in a canoe to discover who
they were, but apparently as soon as they saw the steamer lying
alongside our camp, they cleared off into the forest, and returned
to their own camp, which the natives told us was but a few hours'
journey up the river. The next day the head man of the Manyuemas,
named Abdallah, came to us with a few followers, and gave an
account of how Tippu-Tib, true to his word, had sent about 500 men
to us in canoes under Salim bin Mohammed, but that they had
encountered much hostility from the natives, and after paddling
against the stream for several days, and finding no indication of
our camp they disbanded, and Salim sent small bands of Manyuemas in
different directions to try and discover our whereabouts, and
Abdallah represented himself as being the headman of one of the
parties sent in search of our camp. Another version of the story to
account for the 500 men disbanding when on their way up the
Aruwimi, was that their ammunition had given out, and the natives
proved too strong for them. Abdallah stated that Tippu-Tib was
quite willing to supply the men, and that as Stanley Falls was only
a few days' journey, we could easily go ourselves and see
Tippu-Tib, and that he himself would be ready the next day to
accompany us and act as guide.
"The Major instructed Jameson and myself to proceed to the Falls.
We were there told the same story again, of how Tippu-Tib had sent
a large number of men to us, but that they had disbanded on the
Aruwimi River on account of their being unable to pass some
populous village, where the natives had attacked and driven them
back, as they were short of gunpowder. Tippu-Tib professed his
willingness to supply the men, but said that it would require some
time to collect them together again.
"As there were upwards of 600 valuable loads stored in Yambuya
Camp, and only a sufficient number of able-bodied men to carry 175,
we all considered it better to guard the loads in the camp where
there was abundance of food for the men, until the arrival of
Tippu-Tib's promised aid than to discard a portion of the loads and
to make triple marches; for we were all convinced from evidence we
had of men even deserting from the camp, that after the first few
days' marching most of our men would desert and join the Arab band
of Waswahili and Manyuema raiders, who, we found, were traversing
the country in all directions, and whose free, unrestrained manner
of living rendered our men dissatisfied with their lot, and tempted
them to desert us and accompany their compatriots. The Major, our
chief, personally disliked the Zanzibaris, and lacked the proper
influence over them.
"Tippu-Tib continued to procrastinate, and in the meantime a large
number of our Zanzibaris, many of whom, however, from the first
were organically diseased and poorly, sickened and died. They were
always employed, and the cause of their death cannot be attributed
to inaction. Being fatalists, they resigned themselves without an
effort, for the _Bwana Makubwa_, with their comrades, had gone into
the dark forests, and they all verily believed had perished. They
themselves, when they found that upon no consideration would there
ever be a chance of returning to their own country except by the
deadly forest route, looked upon the situation as hopeless, gave
way, and died.
"We expected you to return to Yambuya about the end of November;
but time passed away and we received no news from you. We were
unable to make triple marches owing to the sad condition of our
people. Every means was tried to urge Tippu-Tib to produce the men,
but without avail.
"In February, 1888, the Major and Jameson went again to the Falls,
and on the 24th March the Major returned to Yambuya. He stated that
he had guaranteed the payment of a large sum of money to Tippu-Tib
if he would produce the men, that Jameson had gone to Kasongo to
hurry them up, and that he considered that the Committee should be
informed of the state of affairs; firstly, that no news whatever
had been received from you since your departure, nine months
before; secondly, that Tippu-Tib's aid was not forthcoming, that we
were still in Yambuya unable to march. No steamers had visited the
camp since the arrival of the last contingent.
"It appeared to us that evidently circumstances had prevented you
from communicating with us after your departure, and that news
about your movements might have reached the east coast.
"As it appeared possible to reach Loanda and communicate by cable
with the Committee and return to Yambuya by the time Jameson was
expected from Kasongo, the Major instructed me to convey and
despatch a cablegram which he himself worded and signed. I
accomplished the journey in thirty days, and immediately upon
receiving their reply (the clause "we refer you to Mr. Stanley's
instructions of June 24th," was precisely what both Troup and I
expected before my departure), I hastened back as far as Bangala,
where I was instructed to remain by the Major until I received
further news from the Committee, to whom he had written, that he
had no further use for my services or the loads he had sent down in
_Le Stanley_.
"Five weeks after my arrival at Bangala, news came down by the _En
Avant_ that the Major had been assassinated. Jameson, who was at
the Falls seeing to the punishment of the murderer and
reorganisation of the Manyuema contingent, wrote and urged me to
stay at Bangala. Having descended from the Falls in canoes, he was
in the last stage of bilious fever. Despite every care and
attention, he died the following day. He came down to Bangala to
learn the Committee's reply to the Major's cable, and to take back
the Bangala loads and myself in the steamer that the State officer
at the Falls had assured him would be at Bangala on its way up to
the Falls just about the time he would arrive. This information
about the steamer was false, and on the first day of his journey
down in the canoes he caught a fatal chill, which resulted in his
death from bilious fever. There being no possible chance of my
joining Bonny, as no steamer was to again visit the Falls for some
months, I went to the coast to acquaint the Committee with the fact
of Jameson's death, and the position of affairs as I learnt them
from Jameson before his death. They cabled an order for me to
return to the Falls, and hand over the remaining stores to the
State Station there, and to bring down Bonny and the men for
shipment. Upon reaching Stanley Pool I found that news had just
been received of your arrival at Banalya and return to Emin Pasha.
I continued my journey, however, to the Falls, and took up with me
all the loads that the Major had sent down to Bangala. I remained
one month at the Falls anxiously hoping for further news of you.
"After collecting all that remained of the sick men whom the Major
handed over to Tippu-Tib, I descended the Congo again in canoes and
returned to Europe according to the cabled instructions of the
Committee.
"The above is a simple and truthful statement of facts relating to
the failure of the rear guard.
"No one can feel more bitterly disappointed at the unfortunate
condition of affairs than myself. I regret most sincerely that my
services were so profitless.
"I remain,
"Always yours faithfully,
(Signed) "Herbert Ward.
"Henry M. Stanley, Esq."
Mr. Ward informed me that he had discovered my eight boxes of reserve
clothing and Expedition necessaries at Bangala; that he took them with
him to Stanley Falls--500 miles above Bangala--and then brought them down
to Banana Point on the sea-coast, where he left them. No person
knows--though diligent enquiry has been made--what has become of them.
APPENDIX.
Major Barttelot's Last Report of events at Yambuya:--
Yambuya Camp, _June 4, 1888_.
Sir,--I have the honour to report to yon that we are about to make
a move, though with far less numbers than I originally intended.
Tippu-Tib has at last, but with great reluctance, given us 400 men.
I have also obtained from another Arab called Muini Somai thirty
more carriers; we shall move not earlier than the 9th of June, and
our forces will be as follows:--Soudanese 22, rifles 22; Zanzibaris
110, rifles 110, loads 90; Manyuema 430, muskets 300, loads 380.
The officers who are going are Major Barttelot, in command; Mr. J.
S. Jameson, second in command; Mr. W. Bonny; Sheik Muiui Somai in
command of Manyuema force.
Sheik Muini Somai is an Arab of Kibonge, who volunteered to
accompany the Expedition as commander under me of the native
contingent.
On May 8, the Belgian steamer _A. I. A._, with M. van Kerkhoven,
the chief of Bangala, arrived here, having on board Mr. Ward's
escort of thirty Zanzibaris and four Soudanese, one Soudanese dying
at Bangala.
_May 11th._-- They left us to go to Stanley Falls.
_May 14th._--I left for Stanley Falls, going overland and catching
the steamer at Yallasula, on the Congo. I proceeded with the
Belgians to the Falls on May 22.
Mr. Jameson and Tippu-Tib, with 400 men, returned from Kasongo.
Mr. Jameson wrote to you while at Kasongo of his proceedings there.
He told me on arrival that Tippu-Tib had promised him 800 men, but
would make no written agreement with him.
_May 23rd._--I had my palaver with Tippu-Tib; he then told me he
could only let me have 400 men, 300 of whom were to carry 40-lb.
loads, and 100 20-lb. loads. He said the men were present, and
ready to start as soon as I had my loads ready. I told him of what
he had promised Mr. Jameson at Kasongo, but he said never had any
mention of 800 men been made, only of the 400. That it was quite
impossible he could give us more men, as he was short of men at
Kasongo and Nyangwe, as he was at present engaged in so many wars
that he had completely drained the country. I was forced to
submit, but hoped that he might be able to collect another 100 or
so at and around Yambuya.
Tippu then asked me if I wanted a headman, stating that in the
former agreement Mr. Stanley had said that if a headman was taken
he should be paid. I replied, Certainly I want a headman. He then
presented me to the Arab, Muini Somai. This man agreed to come, and
I send you the terms I settled with him.
I got back to Camp Yambuya May 30.
_June 4th._--The _Stanley_ steamer arrived, and the _A. I. A._, the
former bringing Belgian officers for the Falls Station, the latter
Tippu-Tib himself.
_June 5th._--I had another palaver with Tippu-Tib, asking him where
were the 250 men already sent; he explained to me that they had
been dispersed, and on trying to collect them they refused to come,
owing to the bad reports brought in by the deserters, and that as
they were subjects and not slaves he could not force them. That was
the reason why he had brought 400 entirely fresh men from Kasongo
for us.
However, Tippu said he could let me have thirty more men of Muini
Somai. This, as I was so terribly short of men, I agreed to.
Muini Somai himself appears a willing man, and very anxious to do
his best. He volunteered for the business. I trust you will not
think his payment excessive, but the anxiety it takes away as
regards his men and the safety of the loads is enormous, for he is
responsible for the Manyuema and the loads they carry, and thus
saves the white officers an amount of work and responsibility which
they can now devote to other purposes.
The loads we do not take are to be sent to Bangala. They will be
loaded up in the _A. I. A._, or _Stanley_, on June 8, a receipt
being given for them by Mr. Van Kerkhoven, which is marked B and
forwarded to you, also a letter of instruction to him and to Mr.
Ward. Perhaps you would kindly give the requisite order concerning
the loads and the two canoes purchased in March for Mr. Ward's
transport, also for those stores purchased by Mr. Ward on behalf of
the Expedition, as it is nearly certain I shall not return this
way, and shall therefore have no further need of them or him. Mr.
Troup, who is in a terrible condition of debility and internal
disarrangement, is proceeding home at his own request. Mr. Bonny's
certificate of his unfitness is attached, and his application
marked E, also letters concerning passage, &c., to M. Fontaine,
marked F. I have given him a passage home at the expense of the
Expedition, as I am sure it would be your and their wish.
The interpreter, Assad Farran, I am also sending home. He has been,
and is, utterly useless to me, and is in failing health; and if I
took him with me I would only, after a few marches, have either to
carry or leave him, and I am terribly short of carriers. So I have
ventured to send him home with a steerage passage to Cairo, and
have sent a letter to the Consul-General, Cairo, concerning him;
also copy of agreement made by Assad Farran with me on his
proceeding home; also papers of interpreter, Alexander Hadad, who
died June 24, 1887, both marked G. These two interpreters made no
sort of agreement concerning pay, terms of service, &c., when they
agreed to come on this Expedition in February, 1887, so perhaps you
would kindly inform the proper authorities on that subject. With
British troops in Egypt, as interpreters, they would have received
not more than L6 a month and their rations, for as interpreters
they were both very inferior.
A Soudanese soldier with a diseased leg is also proceeding down
country. Besides these there are four other Soudanese and
twenty-nine Zanzibaris who are unable to proceed with us. Tippu-Tib
has kindly consented to get these to Zanzibar as best he can. A
complete list of them, their payments, &c., will be forwarded to
the Consul at Zanzibar, and I have requested him to forward on the
Soudanese to Egypt.
My intentions on leaving this camp are to make the best of my way
along the same route taken by Mr. Stanley; should I get no tidings
of him along the road, to proceed as far as Kavalli, and then if I
hear nothing there to proceed to Kibero. If I can ascertain either
at Kavalli or Kibero his whereabouts, no matter how far it may be,
I will endeavour to reach him. Should he be in a fix I will do my
utmost to relieve him. If neither at Kavalli nor Kibero I can
obtain tidings of him, I shall go on to Wadelai and ascertain from
Emin Pasha, if he be there still, if he has any news of Mr.
Stanley, also of his own intentions as regards staying or leaving.
I will persuade him, if possible, to come out with me, and, if
necessary, aid me in my search for Mr. Stanley. Should it for
sundry reasons be unnecessary to look further for Mr. Stanley, I
will place myself and force at his disposal to act as his escort,
proceeding by whichever route is most feasible, so long as it is
not through Uganda, as in that event the Manyuemas would leave me,
as I have promised Tippu-Tib they shall not go there, and that I
will bring them back or send a white officer with them back to
their own country by the shortest and quickest route on completion
of my object. This is always supposing Emin Pasha to be there and
willing to come away. It may be he only needs ammunition to get
away by himself, in which case I would in all probability be able
to supply him, and would send three-fourths of my Zanzibar force
and my two officers with him, and would myself, with the other
Zanzibaris, accompany the Manyuemas back to the Tippu-Tib's
country, and so to the coast, by the shortest route--viz., by the
Muta-Nzige, Tanganika and Ujiji. This is also the route I should
take should we be unable to find Stanley, or, from the reasons
either that he is not there or does not wish to come, relieve Emin
Pasha.
I need not tell you that all our endeavours will be most strenuous
to make the quest in which we are going a success, and I hope that
my actions may meet with the approval of the committee, and that
they will suspend all judgment concerning those actions, either in
the present, past, or future, till I or Mr. Jameson return home.
Rumour is always rife, and is seldom correct, concerning Mr.
Stanley. I can hear no news whatever, though my labours in that
direction have been most strenuous. He is not dead, to the best of
my belief, nor of the Arabs here or at Kasongo. I have been obliged
to open Mr. Stanley's boxes, as I cannot carry all his stuff, and I
had no other means of ascertaining what was in them. Two cases of
Madeira were also sent him. One case I am sending back, the other
has been half given to Mr. Troup, the other half we take as medical
comforts. Concerning Tippu-Tib I have nothing to say beyond that he
has broken faith with us, and can only conjecture from surrounding
events and circumstances the cause of his unreasonable delay in
supplying men, and the paucity of that supply.
I deem it my bounden duty to proceed on this business, in which I
am fully upheld by both Mr. Jameson and Mr. Bonny; to wait longer
would be both useless and culpable, as Tippu-Tib has not the
remotest intention of helping us any more, and to withdraw would be
pusillanimous, and, I am certain, entirely contrary to your wishes
and those of the committee.
I calculate it will take me from three to four months to reach the
lakes, and from seven to nine more to reach the coast.
Should you think and the committee agree that the sum is excessive
to give Muini Somai and are not prepared to meet it, or may be, are
prepared to place only a portion of that at my disposal for that
purpose, both Mr. Jameson and I are fully prepared to meet it or
the remaining portion of it, as it is entirely for our benefit he
is coming; though of course it must be remembered that our object
is to reach our destination with as many of our loads as possible,
and that our individual hold over the Manyuema without outside aid
would be _nil._ Should you agree to place the sum at my disposal,
please arrange accordingly; if only a portion, that portion, for he
has received an advance in powder, cloth, beads, and cowries to the
value of L128. In case of not meeting it or only a portion of it,
please inform Sir Walter Barttelot, Carlton Club. I insert this as
it is most necessary the money should be there when wanted, as
Arabs and Orientals are most punctilious on pecuniary
transactions.
I have much pleasure in stating that from all the officers of the
State with whom I have come in contact or from whom I have
solicited aid, I have met with a most willing and ready response,
which is highly gratifying. I would particularly mention Captain
Van Kerkhoven, Chief of Bangala, and Lieutenant Liebrechts, Chief
of Stanley Pool, and I trust that they may meet with the reward and
merit they deserve.
_June 6th._--This morning Tippu-Tib sent for me and asked me if I
thought he would get his money for the men. I told him I could give
no assurance of that. He then said he must have a guarantee, which
I and Mr. Jameson have given; terms of agreement and guarantee are
attached. All receipts, agreements, &c., made between Arabs and
myself and signed by them I have sent to Mr. Holmwood, and the
copies to you.
_June 8th._--This morning I had the loads for Tippu-Tib's and Muini
Somai's men stacked, and Tippu-Tib himself came down to see them
prior to issuing. However, he took exception to the loads, said
they were too heavy (the heaviest was 45 lbs.), and his men could
not carry them. Two days before he had expressed his approbation of
the weight of the very same loads he refused to-day. I pointed out
to him that he as well as I knew the difficulty of getting any load
other than a bale, to scale the exact weight, and that the loads
his men carried were far above the prescribed weight of 60 lbs. We
were to have started to-morrow, so we shall not now start till the
11th or 12th of June, as I am going to make all his loads weigh
exactly 40 lbs. It is partly our fault, as we should have been more
particular to get the exact weight. The average weight over due was
about 2 lbs., some loads being 2 lbs. under. But it is not the
weight of the loads he takes exception to--in reality it is having
to perform the business at all. He has been almost forced to it by
letters received from Mr. Holmwood against his own and more than
against the wish of his fellow Arabs, and, filled with aspirations
and ambitions of a very large nature, the whole business has become
thoroughly distasteful to him, which his professed friendship for
Stanley cannot even overcome. His treatment of us this morning
showed that most thoroughly. But should he not act up to his
contract I hope it will be taken most serious notice of when it
comes to the day of settling up. He has got us tight fixed at
present, but it should not always be so.
On our road lie many Arab settlements to within a month of Lake
Albert Nyanza, though the distance between some of them is bad, and
the inhabitants of that distance warlike. I shall, whenever
opportunity offers, hire carriers, if not for the whole time at any
rate from station to station, for of course death, sickness, and
desertions must be looked for, and I must get my loads in as intact
as possible to my destination.
This is when Muini Somai will be so useful. We seem to have paid a
big price for his services, but then he is a big Arab, and in
proportion to his bigness is his influence over the Manyuema to
keep them together, to stop desertions, thefts, &c. A lesser Arab
would have been cheaper, but his influence would have been less,
and in consequence our loads gradually less, and loads mean health
and life and success, and therefore cannot be estimated at too high
a value. We are carrying light loads, and intend to do at first
very easy marches, and when I get into the open country by Uganda
to push on.
We weighed all our loads before one of Tippu-Tib's headmen, and he
passed loads which had been condemned shortly before in the
morning, which fully shows that for some reason or other he wishes
to delay us here, but for what purpose I cannot say.
_June 9th._--We shall easily be able to start by the 11th, but I am
sorry to say our loss of ammunition by the lightening of the
loads--for it was the ammunition they particularly took notice
of--is something enormous.
Both the _A. I. A._ and the _Stanley_ left this morning for Stanley
Falls, but Tippu-Tib and his Belgian secretary remain behind; also
four ships' carpenters, whom Captain Vangele and M. van Kerkhoven
left with us to help us. The Belgians have behaved with very great
kindness to us, and helped us on our way enormously.
Before I close I would wish to add that the services of Mr. J. S.
Jameson have been, are, and will be invaluable to me. Never during
his period of service with me have I had one word of complaint from
him. His alacrity, capacity, and willingness to work are unbounded,
while his cheeriness and kindly disposition have endeared him to
all. I have given Ward orders about any telegram you may send, and
Tippu-Tib has promised he will send a messenger after me should it
be necessary, provided I have not started more than a month.
Tippu-Tib waits here to see me off.
I am sending a telegram to you to announce our departure, and I
will endeavour through the State to send you news whenever I can;
but it would not surprise me if the Congo route was not blocked
later on.
I have not sent you a copy of Mr. Holmwood's letter, as it was not
official, but of all others I have. I think I told you of
everything of which I can write. There are many things I would wish
to speak of, and no doubt I will do so should I be permitted to
return home.
Our ammunition, Remington, is as follows:--Rifles, 128; reserve
rounds, per rifle, 279; rounds with rifle, 20 = 35,580.
_June 10th._--The loads have been weighed and handed over; powder
and caps issued to the Manyuema force, and we are all ready to
start, which we shall do to-morrow morning. I have told you of all
now I can think of, but I would bring finally to your notice that
Tippu-Tib has broken his faith and contract with us. The man Muini
Somai I think means business, and therefore I trust all will be
well.
I have, &c.,
Edmund M. Barttelot, _Major_.
_To_ Mr. William MacKinnon,
_President of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee_.
COPY OF LOG OF REAR COLUMN.
Note.--This "Log" may not appear to be very lively reading at
first, but it presently deepens in interest, and will repay perusal
to the reader who has shared in our anxieties respecting the fate
of the rear column.
H. M. S.
_June 11th, 1888._--Left Yambuya at 7 A.M. Slight excitement
prevailed at first, firing off guns, &c., but this was soon
checked. The Zanzibar Company went ahead, Mr. Jameson in advance,
Mr. Bonny in the centre, Major Barttelot in rear. The Manyuema
contingent under Muini Somai started later, but soon caught up the
Zanzibar Company; the rear reached camp at the Batuka village
called Sudi at noon. One sick man was left behind on the road, but
he found his way to camp later on. All loads correct.
The rear column left Yambuya with strength as follows:--
Major Edmund M. Barttelot, _Commanding_.
Mr. James S. Jameson, _Second in Command_.
Mr. William Bonny, _Command of Zanzibar Co_.
Zanzibar Company 108 men.
" Boys 7
Soudanese soldiers 22
Somali 1
Manyuema carriers 430
---
Total 568
Distance travelled about five miles.
Road fair, through jungle and plantations, the best roadways being
the streams.
General direction S.E.
(Signed) E. M. B.
_June 23rd._--Halted in camp to await arrival of search party, who
returned at 3 P.M., having done nothing. Major Barttelot went to
explore road, following it for five miles to the N.E. Major
Barttelot's boy Soudi deserted with his revolver, belt and 85
rounds of ammunition, owing to Major Barttelot's thrashing him,
though doubtless he was put up to it. In consequence all rifles
taken from Zanzibaris. Major Barttelot will proceed to-morrow to
Stanley Falls to see Tippu-Tib concerning deserters, and if
possible to obtain fresh men from him to get back loads and rifles.
He will send a note to Mr. Jameson to come here and bring as many
Manyuema as he can to take ammunition and rifles and escort
Zanzibari to Abdulla Karoni's (Banalya), where they will await
Major Barttelot's arrival. Major Barttelot and Mr. Bonny both
thinking this the most feasible plan, as if the desertions last
much longer, there will not be a load left. Kindness has been shown
in every way to the Zanzibaris throughout, and the marches have
been uniformly short.
Weather fine, shower in the evening.
E. M. B.
_June 24th._--Major Barttelot, with fourteen Zanzibaris and three
Soudanese and boys, left here this morning for Stanley Falls.
Kuchu, a Zanzibari, who, when ordered to accompany the Major, ran
away, came in at 8 a.m. He was tied up and kept in the guard-room.
_Copy of orders to Mr. Bonny, June 23rd,1888._
I. Take over charge of the camp, remaining till Mr. Jameson's
arrival.
II. To have special care of all Zanzibari rifles and ammunition.
III. When move is made, to see that all loads, such as ammunition, are
under Soudanese escort.
IV. Any attempt at mutiny to be punished with death.
V. To try to obtain information of whereabouts.
VI. To hand over command to Mr. Jameson when he arrives, and not to
proceed further than Abdulla Kihamira's (Banalya).
Edmund M. Barttelot.
You will retain command of the Zanzibaris as before.
A case of small-pox I ordered to be removed some distance off from
the camp.
Weather fine.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding (_pro tem._).
_Note from Mr. Jameson._
"My dear Bonny,--I have just arrived here. I suppose it is Nassur
bin Saifi, and have met Kuchu and soldiers with slaves. They told
me that the Major is gone to Stanley Falls four days ago. I don't
know how he could have missed us. Have captured sixteen guns and
two men, but only part of two loads. No medicine. I will come to
your camp to-morrow as early as I can.
Yours &c.
"J. S. Jameson."
Wm. Bonny, _Commg_.
_July 2nd._--Got away at 7 A.M., and marched till noon. Camping in
a village named Mkwagodi, tribe Baburu, general direction N.E.,
distance about eight miles. Road bad, running through many swamps
and old plantations. No desertions on road, or in camp last night.
Found some of Tippu-Tib's people here, who say they will carry a
letter to Stanley Falls. They knew a road to the Congo which can be
traversed in four days' march. The Aruwimi R. distant from this
camp about three hours. Tippu-Tib's men state that Abdallah
Kihamira's station (Banalya) is but three days' march from here,
and that the blazing of trees on his road beyond that place is
still visible.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
6 P.M.--Mr. Bonny reports non-arrival of two Zanzibaris. Each
possessed a rifle, and one was loaded with loose ammunition.
_July 3rd._--Returned to Ujeli Camp for extra loads, and arrived at
1 P.M. Muini Sumai reported arrivals of letters, stating that the
whole force was to return to Stanley Falls. Received two letters
from Major Barttelot, dated June 25th, to the effect that we were
to proceed with all despatch to Banalya. Muini Sumai told me he had
received the news in a letter from Sala Sala, conveyed by some
messenger, and that on receipt of it he had sent to stop the men
and loads _en route_ here from Nassur bin Saifi village. I replied
that the Major's orders were still to proceed to Banalya. He sent
messengers at once to tell the people behind to come on. He reports
many cases of small-pox and ether diseases, about sixty men unfit
for work, that seven of his men have deserted. Met the two men
reported missing last night. Both were sick and had slept at a
village close by.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 4th._--Told Muini Sumai that my last orders to him were to
get the whole of his force together at once, and come on to my camp
with all speed. He promised to leave following day. Rain came down
in torrents shortly after leaving, but pushed on and reached Mpungu
about noon, when it cleared up for a fine day. Heavy rain until
noon.
Double loads borne remarkably well.
J. S. J.
_July 5th._--Reached Mkwagodi, Mr. Bonny's camp, about noon. Swamps
very bad after rain. He reports all quiet during my absence. One
Zanzibari had died. My letters to Stanley Falls left about 9 A.M.
of the 3rd. Tippu-Tib's people had brought a few fowls for sale.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 6th._--Sent Mr. Bonny on to next village, which I hear is a
large one, and quite an easy march from here, with orders to send
back Soudanese escort and carriers to carry extra loads to-morrow.
This is a very small village with not sufficient accommodation for
our force, so determined to await his arrival at the next. Men
returned from Mr. Bonny about 2 P.M.
J. S. J.
_July 7th._--Moved up with all extra loads to Sipula, about fifteen
miles. Road a bad one, much fallen timber, and manioc very thick.
Bonny reported Zanzibari bearer of our chop-box as lagging behind
yesterday, and breaking open his box. Was caught red-handed in the
act. One tin of corn-beef and one tin of milk were missing, also a
broached tin of cocoa still in box. Man volunteered to show where
these were. Sent him back with Soudanese, who returned with both
tins opened. Dr. Parke's box, whilst being carried here yesterday,
fell and burst open; damaged beyond repair. The clothing I packed
in Messrs. Stairs' and Nelson's bags, which were underweight; the
shot and cartridge cases were discarded, being short of carriers.
Collected all the cartridges carried by the Zanzibari, and will
have them carried as loads, as I mean to send Mr. Bonny on to
Banalya. The road is a perfectly safe one, and food all the way.
The small-pox is rife amongst the Manyuema, and I wish to prevent
it from spreading among our people. Banalya is four easy marches
from here, and Mr. Bonny will have guides to show the road. Have
sent to Muini Sumai to join me to-morrow here.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 8th._--Mr. Bonny left here for Banalya. Muini Sumai with
nearly all the Manyuema arrived here. Muini Sumai tells me that he
has received a second letter from Sala saying that the whole force
is to return to Stanley Falls. Upon further inquiry I find that the
way Sala got the news was the following. Men of Salim Mohamed's
returning from Stanley Falls after the steamer had arrived at
Yambuya spread this report among the people, who communicated the
same to Sala's people.
J. S. J.
_July 9th._--Last night, as if at a given signal, nearly every man
in the camp began to fire off his gun; several of the shots were
fired beside my tent. I jumped out of bed, sent for Muini Sumai,
got my rifle, and told him before every one that I would shoot the
very next man that fired close to my tent. There were no more
shots.
About noon to-day several of Bonny's men came into camp telling me
he had lost the road. Started out to Bonny's camp. Met messenger
with a note from him on road. He tells me the guides yesterday took
him all wrong and then ran away. He afterwards got too far N.,
sighting the Aruwimi. He is camped at a village about half-an-hour
from here. Went with him along road, and found a well blazed one
going to the eastward which he had missed. Got back to his camp at
dusk.
Weather fair. Mr. Bonny reports a goat missing.
J. S. J.
_July 10th._--Started shortly after daylight and joined Mr. Bonny.
Went ahead on road, general direction S.E. which I found he had
followed the day before. Had just determined to go to where he had
camped when Arabs from Banalya arrived. The head man told me that
he had brought the percussion-caps from Stanley Falls to Banalya,
and also four letters. He handed over to me three deserters from
Mr. Stanley's force, Musa Wadi Kombo, Rehani Wadi Mabruki and Jumah
Wadi Chandi. (Note from Mr. Stanley: these three men deserted from
the advance on or about Aug. 28th., just half way between Yambuya
and Albert Nyanza.) They all declare that they did not desert from
him, but were left sick on the road. They say they belong to
Captain Stairs' Company. I got them to guide us to the right road,
and they took us to the very village where Mr. Bonny and his men
slept the day before yesterday, close to the Aruwimi, and from
which point he had turned back. He camped there again to-day and
goes on to-morrow morning. Abdulla Kihamira handed me the 40,000
percussion-caps for which Tippu-Tib is to be paid L48.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 11th._--Muini Sumai informed me to-day that he could not
leave for Banalya until the day after to-morrow. I warned him that
every day lost on the road would be a day less at Banalya, as Major
Barttelot would expect us to be ready to start on his arrival. He
has not the slightest power over the other headmen.
Heavy and continuous rain in afternoon.
J. S. J.
_July 11th._--Muini Sumai requested percussion-caps to be
distributed among his men. Told him to address himself to Major
Barttelot on the latter's arrival. He made another excuse for not
starting to-morrow, as he did not like leaving the white man
behind. I told him that was my business not theirs, and that every
man and load must leave this place to-morrow.
Weather cloudy, but fine.
J. S. J.
_July 13th._--Muini Sumai and Manyuema left to-day for Banalya. One
sick chief going on slowly with men. Several dying of small-pox left
in village. Stench around village frightful, but all villages near
here are in a similar condition.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 14th._--Sent for Tippu-Tib's men from Mampuya, and told them
we would remain here some days. They have no news of Major
Barttelot's being on the road.
Heavy rain all afternoon.
J. S. J.
_July 15th._--Still at Sipula awaiting return of men from Banalya.
J. S. J.
_July 16th._--Tippu-Tib's people came from Mampuya with plantains
for sale. Purchased some for the sick. Cannot understand the
non-arrival of men from Banalya.
J. S. J.
_July 17th._--Nyombi, Tippu-Tib's head man at Mampuya, came into
camp to-day. Reports return of the men who took letters to Stanley
Falls. Had seen Major Barttelot, who has gone by a short road to
Banalya. Said he would be there to-day. Still no signs of the men
from Banalya to carry the extra loads. They are now a full two days
over date.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 18th_.--Between 3 and 4 P.M. the men from Banalya arrived.
Told them to collect plantains and manioc at once, as we should
march to-morrow. Much grumbling.
The following received from Mr. Bonny:
"Abdullah's Camp (Banalya),
_July 15th, 1888_.
"My dear Jameson,--I arrived here about 10 A.M. this day. The
Zanzibaris did not know the road well, and I had to keep to the
front nearly the whole distance. When you arrive at my first camp
on the river bank you had better get three days' manioc--you will
not find any for three days. The Soudanese in charge of the
Zanzibari prisoner let him escape on my second day's march. You may
see this escaped prisoner. (Here follows list.) Twenty-three men
have deserted. The Manyuema who came with us left us on the wrong
road early on second day; they had blocked the right road in
several places. I did not see any native on the road, although I am
certain they look after people left behind. On my four-days' march
Feraji Wadi Zaid ran away, leaving his load on the road. I hear
Selangi, who was sick, is also absent; loads correct.
"Yours, etc.,
"William Bonny."
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 19th._--Started about 7 A.M. and marched to Mr. Bonny's first
camp. Aruwimi R. distance between five and six miles, general
direction north-east. Passed through five villages and over two
streams. Road generally good, through old manioc plantations broken
up with patches of forest. Halted to let men collect manioc.
Threatening thunder, but fine.
J. S. J.
_July 20th._--Left camp a little before 7 A.M. and reached Mr.
Bonny's camp on the bank of the Aruwimi R. 11 o'clock. Distance
between five and six miles. General direction E. Road a bad one,
lying along the bank of the river and crossing all the deep
cuttings with muddy inlets to them. Latter part of march through
old sites of very large villages. The natives were all living on
opposite bank. Very large plantations of manioc and plantain.
Weather fine.
J. S. J.
_July 21st._--When nearly ready to start this morning a heavy
shower of rain fell, and I kept the tent standing; it cleared,
however, shortly, and we made a start, when it began to pour again
and rained steadily until we reached Mr. Bonny's first camp in
forest, when we halted. When about a mile from the camp we were met
by messengers from Mr. Bonny, who handed me a letter, and whilst
opening it overheard some of the men saying that Major Barttelot
was dead. This was only too true, for my letter contained the sad
news that he was shot dead early on the morning of the 19th at
Banalya, and further that Muini Sumai and all the Manyuema had
left.
Mr. Benny's letter follows:--
"_19th July, 1888._
"My dear Jameson,--Major Barttelot shot dead early this morning;
Manyuema, Muini Sumai and Abdullah Kihamira all gone. I have
written to Tippu-Tib through Mons. Baert.
"Push on.
"Yours,
"Bonny."
J. S. J.
_July 22nd._--After seeing all loads ready to start, got away about
an hour after daybreak and reached Banalya an hour before sunset--a
long march over one of the worst roads in this country. On arrival
found all quiet, and that Mr. Bonny had done all that could be done
under the circumstances. He had recovered about 300 of the loads
carried by the Manyuema, and had succeeded in quieting those who
had remained near camp. Muini Sumai halted on the morning of the
19th instant without a word to any one, and has gone to Stanley
Falls. The other head men under him, with the exception of two or
three who are camped outside this village, are camped in the bush
some distance away. Major Barttelot was buried on the 19th. A full
account of the circumstances of his death is given by Mr. Bonny
later on.
J. S. J.
_July 23rd._--Made an inventory of the effects of Major Barttelot,
and packed all things considered necessary to send home, a full
account of everything being sent to Sir Walter Barttelot. Offered a
reward for the arrest of the man who shot Major Barttelot.
J. S. J.
_July 24th._--Made a complete list of all loads recovered; the
majority of the Manyuema head men came into camp, and from them
gathered the following information:--
There are 193 Manyuema carriers still camped in this vicinity;
Muini Sumai, six head men, and Sanga, the man who shot Major
Barttelot, are all at Stanley Falls. On my march to Stanley Falls I
will meet more of the head men, who will give information about
their loads and men. I then told them I was going to Stanley Falls
to-morrow, to see Tippu-Tib, and try to make such arrangements with
him as would admit of our still continuing the Expedition; would
not remain away long, and when returned would let them know whether
it would be an advance or otherwise. Told them I wished them to
remain quietly in whatever camp they chose in the neighbourhood,
but not in this village, so that there would be no chance of
further trouble until my return. They said they were perfectly
willing to do this. We have recovered 298-1/2 loads, and are now
47-1/2 loads short.
Letters handed by me to Major Barttelot before our departure from
Yambuya. Two loads of the Expedition found missing. Believed them
to have been lost on the way, which one of his men (Hamed bin
Daoud) ran away with on his return from Stanley Falls.
J. S. J.
_Mr. Bonny's Log._
_July 11th._--I struck camp early, and started along the bank of
Aruwimi. I soon found out why I had not taken this road. Every
village has been burnt down, and everything destroyed. Elephants
are very numerous here. New roads have been made, the old ones
destroyed; but after an hour's march I came on Mr. Stanley's road.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding Advance Party_.
_July 12th._--Made a long march, taking three days' manioc to
enable me to pass through the forest. The Arabs who joined with the
Zanzibaris deserted after leading us an hour on the wrong road,
and, blocking up the right ones in several places, ran away. I
found right road, and continued my march until mid-day. Camped in
forest.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding Advance Party_.
_July 15th._--I arrived at Banalya at about 10 A.M., after a march
of four days and four hours from where I last saw Mr. Jameson.
Nothing worth noting occurred on the 13th and 14th instant.
Abdullah, the head man of this village, treating me very kindly,
giving me a large house, rice, fish, and bananas. Camp quiet.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding Advance Party_.
_July 16th._--Some of Muini Sumai's Manyuema came in to-day.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding Advance Party_.
The dates 17th, 18th, and 19th have been already published in
Chapter XX.--"The Sad Story of the Rear Column."
H. M. S.
_July 20th._--Sent out to headmen to try and get more loads. I find
I am short of the following loads, viz., 8 bags beads, 3-3/4 brass
wire, 10 sacks of hkfs., 9 bales Zanzibar cloth, 5 loads of powder,
10 sacks rice, 1 sack cowries; total 47 loads.
I discovered that the man who shot the Major is named Sanga, and is
a headman charged with the care of ten loads. He has fled to
Stanley Falls with Muini Sumai.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_July 22nd._--It has been raining now thirty-six hours. Mr. Jameson
arrived to-day. Camp quiet.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_July 25th._--Mr. Jameson left here for Stanley Falls, taking with
him the late Major's effects.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_July 27th._--The Soudanese paraded to-day, without being asked,
and said they wished to speak to me. They said--"We wish to fight
the Manyuema; we are waiting for orders, and are ready to
fight."... I think they are now ashamed of their conduct on the
19th instant in not following me when called upon.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
Following from Mr. Jameson:--
"Camp in Forest,
"_July 26th, 1888_.
"My dear Bonny,--We have been doing good work, marching eight hours
yesterday, and nine and a half hours to-day....
"Met Muini Sumai. He was on his way back to Banalya, having been
pursuaded to return by other Arabs coming from Stanley Falls.
"Muini Sumai told me that one of Sanga's women was beating the drum
when the Major came up, and the Major went to the house saying 'Who
is that?' Sanga says he thought that the Major was going to beat
the woman as he had beaten the man the day before, and so fired at
him. He is at Stanley Falls.
"Yours,
"J. S. Jameson."
_August 1st._--I raided the Zanzibari houses to-day, which resulted
in my getting ten pieces of cloth.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_August 2nd._--Empty Remington box found in forest. A Zanzibari was
found in possession of forty-eight hkfs., being part of stores lost
on 19th,
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_August 6th._--The natives came last night and stole a canoe from
our gate, and not two yards from a Soudanese sentry. I fined the
three Soudanese sentries each L1 for neglect of duty.
Wm. Bonny, _Commanding Advance Party_.
_August 8th._-- About 10 P.M., hearing an unusual noise, I got up,
and discovered that it proceeded from about 100 to 150 canoes
knocking together. The natives were in force across the river, and
I soon posted my men. The natives observing our movements returned
up river. No shot was fired. I want to make friends with them.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_August 12th._--The Manyuema, through Chief Sadi, brought me a
present of 15 lbs. of wild pig meat. I have had no meat since 25th
July.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_August 14th._--I received a letter from Mr. Jameson, now at
Stanley Falls, in which he states that my letter of the 19th July,
1888, was lost. It was addressed to Mons. Baert, Stanley Falls,
announcing the death of Major Barttelot to Tippu-Tib, and enclosed
one to Sir Walter Barttelot, Bart., M.P. Tippu-Tib has tried Muini
Sumai, and finding him guilty, has torn up his contract. Muini
Sumai has to return all rifles, &c. Mr. Ward is at Bangala with
letters from the committee, which Jameson has ordered to be sent
up. Tippu-Tib has agreed to hand over Sanga, the murderer of the
Major, to Jameson for justice. The state officers claim that power,
and will try him, as Banalya is within their territory.
William Bonny, _Commanding_.
_August 17th._--Mr. Stanley arrived here about 11 A.M. this morning
in good health, but thin. He came by water with about thirty
canoes, accompanied by about 200 followers. Some of whom are
natives belonging to Emin Pasha.
I briefly told Mr. Stanley the news, handed to him eleven letters
addressed to himself, and four addressed to Emin Pasha.
Rain.
W. Bonny.
_August 18th._--A Manyuema admits to Mr. Stanley that, he had two
bales of Zanzibar cloth, and knew a man who had a bag of beads,
taken from me on the 19th July. Mr. Stanley advised the head man
to return the goods to me. Kimanga brought two half bales of
Zanzibar cloth, being part of the stores looted on the 19th July. A
receipt was given to him. I received a letter dated August 12th,
Stanley Falls, from Mr. Jameson. Muini Sumai came in and saw Mr.
Stanley.
William Bonny.
_August 19th._--Muini Sumai has now returned all rifles, revolvers,
and ammunition, besides top of tent.
William Bonny.
_August 20th._--Soudanese and Zanzibaris paraded to-day of their
own accord before Mr. Stanley, and complained to him that they had
been badly treated.
The following is from Mr. Jameson:--
"Stanley Falls,
"_August 12, 1888_.
"My dear Bonny,--The Expedition is at a very low ebb at present, as
I think you will acknowledge. No headman will go in charge of
Manyuema although I have done all in my power to get one. Tippu-Tib
said he would go for L20,000 paid unconditionally, and said further
that if he met with any really superior force, or saw his men
threatened with any serious loss, he would return. It is not likely
that the Committee would agree to this proposal. Secondly, he
proposed for the same sum to take the loads _via_ Nyangwe and
Tanganika to Kibero in Unyoro, guaranteeing first to pay for all
loss of loads. Secondly, to deliver all loads at Kibero in Unyoro
within six months of date of starting. Thirdly, after delivering
loads at Kibero will look for Stanley. But if war between Unyoro
and Uganda, could not guarantee delivery of loads at Kibero. I had
a final interview with him last night. I told him that Mr.
Stanley's very last orders were to follow the same road he had
taken. Major Barttelot's intentions were, at the time of his death,
to continue on that road. Major Barttelot wrote to Mr. Mackinnon to
say he had started on that road. The reply of the Committee could
not have been to go by another, or we would have received it. Emin
Pasha's last statement was to the effect that if he were not soon
relieved he would put himself at the head of his men and try and
get out _via_ the Congo. That Emin Pasha had received the
messages which Mr. Stanley sent from Zanzibar telling him his route
would be by the Congo. That did he start, the Congo would without
doubt be the route he would choose to come out. And that finally,
in the face of all this, I could not go by a new route unless
ordered to do so. Tippu-Tib then said, 'You are right.' I then told
him that as regards our old route, he could not get me a headman
over the Manyuema, no matter what I did to induce them. He said he
would command them himself for L20,000, yet told me that if any
serious loss was threatened to his men he would turn back. I
replied, 'You will accept no less a sum than L20,000, and that
unconditionally.' Many of the Manyuema openly avow their intention
should I go without a headman from you, they will proceed a certain
distance, and when they come to a good village, throw down our
loads and begin ivory hunting. (This Tippu-Tib acknowledged.)
Therefore, if I start from here without a headman it might be fatal
to the whole expedition.
"The only thing left for me to do now was to get a canoe, and go to
Bangala at once. Read the Committee's reply, and if it was to the
effect, go on at all hazards. Then I would take thirty or forty
loads to be carried by the men Tippu-Tib is going to give me to
replace those of Muini Sumai, bring Mr. Ward with me, as in case
the Manyuemas chucked their loads, there would be one of us who
might get back with the news, and bring no headman. I shall have
plenty to do with the Manyuema. Return here at once in the
_Stanley_ Steamer, which will be at Bangala immediately after I
arrive there, and start at night away again. If the reply of the
Committee would justify my stopping, knowing all I do, I would send
Ward with a telegram at once to Banana by same canoes I go down in,
return in the _Stanley_, go up to you, and all men and loads would
be sent to Yarukombe on the Congo. Tippu-Tib guarantees that he
will dismiss his men, and keep them close to the Aruwimi, and
should the reply from the Committee be to still go on, on either
route, he will have them all collected in a few days. There is no
one to go down but me. Were I to wait the answer of the Committee
here, then if we started at once I would have no loads to replace
those lost at Banalya, and Ward could not come with us, and if I
thought right to stop and send a telegram, a very serious delay
would accrue in Ward's starting with it.
"What I wish you to do now is to stop at Banalya until you hear
from me, which ought to be in three weeks or a month.
* * * * *
"If we have to come down to Yarukombe, the thing will be to make
Zanzibaris believe that we are going to Zanzibar, then there will
not be many desertions. Tippu-Tib has found out the refuge of the
deserters. It is at Yatuka, Said bin Habib's place. He has sent men
to catch all who are there. Daoud was captured at Yambuya with the
Major's sack of cloth with him. Pieces of our cloth are being
brought here to Tippu-Tib from villages all over the country.
"Yesterday Sanga (the murderer) was tried before Tippu-Tib and the
Belgian Resident. He was found guilty, and shot immediately
afterwards.
* * * * *
"My hopes sometimes have been raised to the highest pitch, and then
thrown to the ground the next moment. When Tippu-Tib said he would
go for L20,000, I told him I did not think the Committee would give
it, but if he would give me certain guarantees I would pay half the
sum myself as a subscription to the Expedition. But after what he
had said no one would take him.
* * * * *
"You remember that in camp I had serious thought for reasons you
know of not bringing Ward; but if we do start this time without any
headman, it is most necessary that there should be three of us. I
assure you that his coming will not in the least interfere with
your command of the Zanzibaris. And now, old man, good-bye, and God
bless you.
"Very sincerely yours
"James S. Jameson."
* * * * *
Copy of pencilled remarks and calculations made in presence of
Major Barttelot, June 24th, 1887, when he demanded further light
upon his duties, and regarding Tippu-Tib. Fourteen months after it
had been handed to Major Barttelot it was restored to me by Mr.
William Bonny. It was copied, and the document was returned to
him.
"Str. _Stanley_, let us assume, arrives here in August, Mr. Stanley
hopes to be at Nyanza same date. He stops two weeks with Emin
Pasha, say to 1st September. September and October to come back.
"So you have got seventy-four days with 550 loads; you have 155
carriers, besides two garrisons of fifty men each, to occupy ends
of your days' march.
Going 6 miles per day. 155 loads }4 trips to make 6
6 " " 155 " }miles forward, 8 trips
6 " " 155 " }to make 1 day's journey
6 " " 155 " }for a caravan.
"Therefore in seventy-four days you will have made nine marches
forward nearer to us.
"If Tippu-Tib sends 400 men with your 208 carriers you can march
with all goods towards Muta Nzige. Then I shall meet you thirteen
days from Muta Nzige."
List of Stores landed at Yambuya Camp, August 14th, 1887, per s.s.
_Stanley_ from Leopoldville:--
100 cases gunpowder.
129 " Remington rifle cartridges.
10 " percussion caps.
7 " biscuits (ship).
2 " Madeira wine.
2 " Savelist.
114 bales cloth (assorted).
33 sacks beads.
13 " cowries.
20 " rice.
8 " salt.
1 " empty sacks.
26 loads of brass rods.
27 " brass and iron wire.
1 case tinware.
----
493
----
List of Stores left at Yambuya in charge of Major Barttelot June 28th.
1887:--
2 boxes general and private baggage--Mr. Stanley.
29 " Remington rifle cartridges.
38 " Winchester rifle cartridges.
24 " Maxim rifle cartridges.
24 " European provisions.
10 loads officers' baggage.
15 " brass rods.
1 " tobacco.
1 " cowries.
12 " rice.
7 " biscuits.
1 " salt.
3 " tents
----
167
----
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